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Journal articles on the topic 'Zemskiĭ sobor'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 27 July 2025

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1

Ошмарин, А. А. "Сословно-представительные учреждения Московского царства: к вопросу о статусе Земских соборов". СОВРЕМЕННОЕ ПРАВО, № 3 (29 березня 2021): 121–24. https://doi.org/10.25799/ni.2021.67.81.021.

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Рассматриваются генезис и эволюция центральных сословно-представительных органов Московского государства — Земских соборов. Автор выявляет причины их появления, характеризует состав, структуру и организацию деятельности. Отмечаются роль Земских соборов в преодолении негативных последствий Смутного времени и их отличие от сословно-представительных учреждений европейских стран. The genesis and evolution of the central estate-representative bodies of the Moscow state - Zemsky Sobor are considered. The author identifies the reasons for their appearance, characterizes the composition, structure and

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Lukoianov, Igor V. "The Year of 1905 and Zemsky Sobor." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 42 (December 3, 2018): 156–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2018-0-4-156-166.

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The article is devoted to the discussion of the plans for convening the Zemsky Sobor (representative body of the Estates of the Empire) in the first half of 1905 in Russia. Despite the fact that for the beginning of the twentieth century, this form of class representative body was deeply archaic, there were heated debates in the society and among the top leaders about the possibility of returning to the Zemsky Sobor to solve many acute problems, and above all, – whether to pursue the war against Japan. However, after intensive discussions by the summer of 1905 the autocracy rejected the idea o

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3

Oh, Doo-Young. "Zemsky Sobor in the “Times of Troubles” in the early 17th century." Korea Association of World History and Culture 74 (March 31, 2025): 203–33. https://doi.org/10.32961/jwhc.2025.03.74.203.

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The Zemsky Sobor, convened in ‘The time of Troubles’ in the early 17th century, has important historical significance in that, unlike other times when the Zemsky Sobor was convened, it was convened at the request of various national and social forces in the absence of the highest power in the state and completed its goal, creating the conditions for establishing the principle of free popular elections that all the social classes participate in. Additionally, this experience was the most perfect expression of the Moscow state’s tendency toward democratic governance. What is more important is th

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4

Wenxin, Lin. "Revolution, Zemsky Sobor and autonomy: a vision of the road to republicanism in Russian history." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2023, no. 5-2 (2023): 86–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202305statyi52.

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5

Liseitsev, Dmitriy. "Why is the Zemsky Sobor not a parliament?" Rossiiskaia istoriia, no. 4 (2020): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086956870010779-7.

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6

Krom, Mikhail M. "Zemsky Sobors against the background of the representative institutions of Medieval and Early Modern Europe: an essay in comparative typology." Rossijskaâ istoriâ, no. 3 (September 24, 2024): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s2949124x24030018.

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The paper deals with one of the most debatable historiographical issues, that of comparability of the Russian Zemsky Sobors with their counterparts in the West. A review of a wide range of the current scholarly literature reveals some stereotypes in the perception of this problem. It is shown that Zemsky Sobors, in spite of some skeptical voices, do share some key common features with the representative institutions elsewhere in Europe and that they can be regarded as a variant of the monarchical model of the medieval representation. The undertaken comparative typological analysis casts some l

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Zemlyanskiy, V. L. "Priamursky Zemsky Duma: Last Parliament of Antibolshevik Russia." Herald of Omsk University. Series: Historical studies 9, no. 1 (33) (2022): 77–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2312-1300.2022.9(1).77-84.

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The purpose of the article is to study the position and activities of the Priamursky Zemsky Duma. The sources of the article were the files of the State Archives of the Russian Federation, materials from the periodical press of the period under study and the memoirs of the participants in the events. In early August 1922, the highest representative body of power in the Primorsky region, the Priamursky Zemsky Sobor, elected Lieutenant General M.K. Dieterichs. On August 8, the ruler issued decree No. 2, according to which the Priamursky Zemsky Duma was established. On August 15, Dieterichs taske

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8

Chernyakhovsky, Sergey F., and Julia S. Chernyakhovskaya. "The Institution and Practice of Zemsky Sobors: the Experience of Political and Romantic Construction in the Political History of Russi." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 42 (December 3, 2018): 131–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2018-0-4-131-139.

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The article is devoted to the overview and understanding of the phenomenon of Zemsky Sobor in the Russian state, – the representative body of power in the 16-17 centuries, -that became the first Russian parliament and determined the history of Russian parliamentarism for nearly 500 years. The authors assess the scope of their authority form the point of view of the political science, and show their functional significance and role in Russian history in the process of transformation of Russian national state during the reign of Ivan the Third into the multinational Empire of Peter the Great. Th

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Liseitsev, Dmitry. "The Zemsky Sobor of 1613: Elections Without Choice or Choice Without Elections?" Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (April 2019): 137–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.2.12.

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Introduction. There is a significant amount of research devoted to the Zemsky Sobor of 1613, but even nowadays historians cannot agree on this event. There is a dominating concept in historiography whose supporters consider the election to the throne of Mikhail Romanov as the result of the national consensus and unity and also regard this as the end of the Time of Troubles. Meanwhile, a great number of sources indicate the decisive role of Cossacks in the enthronement process of the new dynasty founder. Possessing a numerical superiority over the supporters of the Zemsky Sobor, which did not a

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Аксаньян, К. Э. "ON THE QUESTION OF THE ROLE OF THE COSSACKS IN THE ELECTION OF MIKHAIL FEDOROVICH ROMANOV TO THE KINGDOM." Moscow State University of Technology and Management named after K.G. Razumovsky (First Cossack University). Social Sciences Series, no. 3 (July 16, 2024): 20–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.69540/2949-3846.2024.45.41.001.

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Анализируется ход Земского собора 1613 г. Выдвинуто предположение, что избрание Михаила Федоровича Романова не сулило аристократии заметных перспектив, но несло серьезные риски, что и обусловило ее сопротивление этой кандидатуре на Земском соборе. Делается вывод, что кандидатуры Михаила Федоровича и князя Д.Т. Трубецкого были выдвинуты казаками одновременно, и основной причиной, помешавшей князю Трубецкому воцариться, стал недостаток критической массы его сторонников среди казачества. Подчеркивается, что февральский перерыв в заседаниях Земского собора способствовал переходу части представител

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11

Badalyan, Dmitry A. "The Concept of “Zemsky Sobor” in the Interpretation of State Authority in Russia of the 19th Century: From Karamzin to Stepnyak-Kravchinsky." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 42 (December 3, 2018): 140–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2018-0-4-140-155.

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“Zemsky Sobor” was one of the key concepts in Russian political discourse in the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. It can be traced to the notion well-known already since the 17th century. Still in the course of further evolution it received various mew meaning and connotations in the discourse of different political trends. The author of the article examines various stages of this concept configuring in the works of the Decembrists, especially Slavophiles, and then in the political projects and publications of the socialists, liberals and “aristocratic” opposition.

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12

Novoselskiy, Sergey S. "Government authority and the idea of public representation in 1905." Rossijskaâ istoriâ, no. 3 (September 24, 2024): 82–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s2949124x24030087.

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The article is devoted to the development of projects for popular representation by the Russian bureaucracy and the public in 1905. Particular attention is paid to four concepts - the reform of the State Council, the convening of the Zemsky Sobor, the “bulyginskaya duma” and the parliament. The article shows that the choice that was ultimately made in favor of the State Duma meant the government’s conscious refusal of the models of representation born in the 19th century, and finally determined the transformation of the political system of the Russian Empire.

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13

Ostrowski, Donald. "Who Decided and How Did They Decide It?" Canadian-American Slavic Studies 56, no. 3 (2022): 367–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/22102396-05603003.

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Abstract The system of collateral succession was abandoned by the ruling family of Moscow in the fifteenth century, although it was continued within elite families. This article proposes that after 1432 and before 1797, succession to the throne of Russia was decided by the heads of those ruling elite families to maintain stability and balance of power within the ruling elite. No set process was in place, but various mechanisms for formalizing the choice were tried. Those mechanisms in effect replaced the Tatar khan as the referee of the system. They included designation by the sitting ruler, t

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14

Gruber, Isaiah. "Who Counts as “People” (narod)? A Reconsideration of vox populi in the First Russian Time of Troubles (Smutnoe vremia)." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 48, no. 1-2 (2014): 168–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-04801016.

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This article is intended as a thought experiment on the meaning of the Russian concept narod, generally translated “people,” during the Time of Troubles (Smutnoe vremia) of the early seventeenth century. The topic is significant, since in this period the Muscovite politico-religious elite propounded a notion of vox populi as a legitimizing and even decisive force in determining the right course of action for the entire realm. Two closely related concepts, the so-called zemskii sobor (Assembly of the Land) and the idea of Holy Russia or Rus’, have been much debated in historiography. I argue th

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15

Starikov, I. V. "The last zemsky sobor in the history of Russia(to the 100th anniversary of the convocation)." Bulletin of Chelyabinsk State University. Series: Law 7, no. 3 (2022): 12–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.47475/2618-8236-2022-17302.

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16

Pavlov, Andrej. "Tsar Mikhail Romanov: His Entry into Power." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (April 2019): 147–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.2.13.

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Introduction. As historical literature shows, the election of Tsar Mikhail Romanov at the Zemsky Sobor of 1613 occurred without broad support of boyars and nobles. The Cossacks played a decisive role in his election. This article is devoted to considering the issue of how Tsar Mikhail was able to establish himself in power. Methods and materials. The article is based on the use and comprehensive analysis of the sources, which show the process of approval of Tsar Mikhail Romanov in power. The article uses narrative and documentary sources, including new archival materials. The article contains

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17

Bolshakov, Vladimir I. "Only a Sacred National Idea will Save Russia." Economic Strategies 144, no. 4 (184) (2022): 120–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.33917/es-4.184.2022.120-127.

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In analyzing the essence of the Russian national idea and the way of reviving spiritual and moral values, it is necessary not only to understand the causes and events that destroyed the Soviet state, but also to build a program of overcoming the systemic crisis based on our own historical experience in the historical and philosophical context. The power perceived in Ancient Russia, along with the adoption of Christianity, gained sacredness from Byzantium, which absorbed all the experience of Antiquity, Ancient Judea and the Roman Empire. The article formulates a historiosophical concept, defin

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18

Азарова, С. Н. "Церковь и политика: участие православного духовенства в Приамурском Земском Соборе 1922 г." Вестник Исторического общества Санкт-Петербургской Духовной Академии, № 1(21) (30 травня 2025): 192–200. https://doi.org/10.47132/2587-8425_2025_1_192.

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Статья посвящена полемике о возможности участия православного духовенства в политике. На основании документов Приамурского Земского Собора, проходившего в конце Гражданской вой ны, показано, что в случае, когда речь шла о защите и восстановлении православного государства, каким была Российская империя, духовенство участвовало не только в обсуждении церковных вопросов, но и в решении вопроса о власти, показывая пример действенного участия Церкви в политической жизни. The article is devoted to the controversy about the possibility of participation of the Orthodox clergy in politics. Based on the

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19

Marey, Maria D. "“I Don’t See Any Reason for Changing My Opinion”: F.D. Samarin About Zemsky Sobor and the Concept of Representation." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 54 (May 20, 2019): 399–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2019-0-2-399-411.

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The present article is devoted to the study of political views of one of the representatives of late Slavophilism – F.D. Samarin. The author mainly focuses on Samarin’s attitude to the idea of Zemsky Sobor that was very popular in Russian public circles in the beginning of the 20th century, and on his views on the possibility of the introduction in Russia of a representative body, even if only of deliberative nature. That issue was very important for Samarin as Slavophile, as he’d accumulated great experience of practical work in Zemstva. The author shows the sources of Samarin’s skepticism re

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LASYNOV, R. R. "THE ZEMSKY SOBOR IS THE ORGAN OF THE ESTATE REPRESENTATION OF THE MOSCOW KINGDOM OF THE XVI-XVII CENTURIES." LENINGRAD LEGAL JOURNAL 1, no. 2 (2023): 74–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.35231/18136230_2023_2_74.

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21

Ulyanova, Lyubov V., and Boris V. Mezhuev. "Russian Conservatism and Popular Representation." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 42 (December 3, 2018): 167–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2018-0-4-167-177.

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The article is devoted to the issue of Russian conservatism and popular representation and analyzes the new historiography of social thought in the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries on the basis of a number of monographs and materials of well-known specialists in late Slavophilism published by the “Russian Idea” internet site over the period of several years. The authors differentiate the protective conservatism (in the spirit of K.P. Pobedonostsev and his work “The Great Lie of Our Time”) that denied the positive role of any representation, and the social conservatism that s

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Krasnoselskaya, Yulia I. "“1866” in Leo Tolstoy’s War and Peace: The Depiction of Militia Gathering in the Socio-Political Context of the 1860s." Slovene 10, no. 2 (2021): 193–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2021.10.2.8.

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In the paper, we examine chapters XXI–XXIII of War and Peace Book 3 Part 1, where Tolstoy depicts the preparations of the Russian nation to the war of 1812. He portrays the visit of Alexander I to Moscow and his meeting with people: first in the Kremlin, then in the Sloboda Palace, where nobles and merchants are gathered to define the conditions on which militia should be organized. The political problem stated in these chapters could be formulated as the problem of legitimacy of the supreme power, as well as of its relationship with the citizens. We state that the Kremlin scene in chapter XXI

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Demin, Vadim A. "Yu. F. Samarin’s Views on Popular Representation in the Context of Slavophil and Liberal Political Thought in Russia." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 54 (May 20, 2019): 102–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2019-0-2-102-109.

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In the article the author analyzes the views of Yu. F. Samarin, – one of the leaders of Slavophil trend, on the popular representation, comparing his views with those of other Slavophiles and moderate Westerners on this problem, thus making up for certain deficiency in Russian political science. The article shows the evolution of Slavophiles’ views on the issue of popular representation: from the appeal for organizing local self-administration without forming at that representative power at the national State level, and to the initiatives to organize the representative power that could serve a

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Neutatz, Dietmar. "Das russische Verfassungsexperiment 1906–1918: Zum Verhältnis von Tradition und Modernität." Journal of Modern European History 6, no. 1 (2008): 88–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944_2008_1_88.

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The Russian Constitutional Experiment, 1906–1918: On the Relationship between Tradition and Modernity The revolution of 1905 turned the virtually unlimited autocracy of the Russian Empire into a constitutional monarchy. However, this experiment survived the fall of the Tsar in 1917 by only a few months and was obliged to give way to the Bolshevik dictatorship. This article investigates how far the failure of constitutionalism in Russia was due to the special circumstances surrounding the crisis of 1917, or whether it is better explained by the ill-conceived application of a notion imported fro

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LISÉYTSEV, Dmitry Vladímirovich. "Los «Zemskie Sobory» en la Rusia de finales del siglo XVI y comienzos del XVII: los estereotipos historiográficos reflejados en las fuentes históricas." Studia Historica: Historia Moderna 37 (November 30, 2015): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.14201/shhmo2015377191.

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Shaytanov, I. O. "The quiet voice of a thoughtful Russia." Voprosy literatury, no. 4 (August 6, 2024): 51–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31425/0042-8795-2024-4-51-78.

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The article presents an autobiographical narration by the local historian A. Mertsalov (1847–1906), resident in Vologda region. The manuscript now prepared for publication comes from the Shaytanov family archive. In the article Mertsalov is introduced as a shrewd witness of the crucial events in Russian history in the second half of the 19th century. His school years in the gymnasium can be cross-viewed by other men of letters, Mertsalov’s contemporaries in Vologda, Gilyarovsky, Panteleev, and Kruglov among them. His short experience as a civil servant was followed by a disappointment and a li

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Sokolova, E. S. "Political and Legal Factors of the Legitimization of the Russian Autocracy and the Medieval Model of Legality at the Zemsky Sobor in 1613." Juridical science and practice 20, no. 1 (2024): 15–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/2542-0410-2024-20-1-15-23.

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The article reveals the historical and legal prerequisites for the formation of legality as one of the leading vectors of the legal policy of the first Romanovs. Based on a comparison of sources of knowledge of the law of the Time of Troubles, reflecting the political and legal realities of a number of electoral councils, the author comes to the conclusion about the weakness of the democratic tendency of the “zemstvo principle”, whose representatives initially focused on the traditional idea of the special status of the monarch and the priority of nominal decrees in all areas of legal regulati

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Polunov, Alexander. "Zemsky Sobor, the image of the “White Tsar” and Russia’s policy towards the remote peoples at the end of the 19th — early 20th centuries." St.Tikhons' University Review 99 (April 30, 2021): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturii202199.63-77.

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Baburin, S. N. "RETHINKING HISTORIOGRAPHICAL MODELS OF POLITICAL AND LEGAL KNOWLEDGE: CONGRESSES OF PEOPLE’S DEPUTIES OF THE USSR AND THE RSFSR AS A FORM OF ZEMSKY SOBOR." Proceedings of the Institute of State and Law of the RAS 19, no. 4 (2024): 40–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.35427/2073-4522-2024-19-4-baburin.

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RUDNEVA, S. E. "“ZEMSKY SOBOR OF ALL THE RUSSIAN LAND” IN 1917. REFLECTIONS ON THE LATEST STUDY OF THE HISTORY OF THE 1917 STATE CONFERENCE BY A.B. NIKOLAEV." LOMONOSOV HISTORY JOURNAL 64, no. 2023, №4 (2024): 107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.55959/msu0130-0083-8-2023-64-4-107-120.

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The review examins the monograph by A.B. Nikolaev “State Conference of 1917: Summoning, Composition, Activities”, published in 2022. The preparation and holding of the large-scale all-Russian event in the revolutionary year of 1917 are analyzed in the context of studying parliamentarism in Russia. The Moscow State Conference of 1917 arose from an urgent necessity for the coalition Provisional Government to strengthen its prestige and A.F. Kerensky’s personal power, as well as probably to receive a “tribune”, which could be used to give prompt explanations on all issues that would arise in the

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Брусиловский, Р. А. "The influence of the activities of the Zemsky sobor and the adoption of the Council Code of 1649 on the political and legal characteristics of power in Russia of the XVII century." International Law Journal 7, no. 4 (2024): 225–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.58224/2658-5693-2024-7-4-225-229.

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работа посвящена анализу влияния деятельности земских соборов с последующим принятием Соборного уложения 1649 г. на изменение политико-правового положения государственной власти России XVII века. На основе анализа научной литературы автор приходит к выводу о том, что указанные события позволили значительно усилить царскую власть путем её легитимации, а также создания правовых предпосылок для её последующей централизации (создание единого для страны законодательства, бюрократического аппарата и регулярной армии). На основании исследования всех факторов и последствий политико-правовых изменений

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Tseluykina, Evgeniya. "Distribution of Lands by Prikazes of the Joseph-Volokolamsk Monastery at the End of the 16th – Beginning of the 17th Century (Based on Economic Books)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 5 (November 2023): 6–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.5.1.

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Introduction. The article is devoted to the study of the composition of the lands of the large patrimony of the Joseph-Volokolamsk Monastery at the end of the 16th and beginning of the 17th centuries, the distribution of subordinate territories by monastic prikazes, and the clarification of their names. Despite the fact that the expansion and methods of acquiring monastery lands have been studied in detail for the 16th century, a complete list of monastic villages at the end of the 16th and beginning of the 17th centuries was not compiled, and the issue of their distribution by prikazes – admi

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Тюменцев, И. О. "WHO RAISED MIKHAIL FEDOROVICH TO THE KINGDOM IN 1613?" Moscow State University of Technology and Management named after K.G. Razumovsky (First Cossack University). Social Sciences Series, no. 3 (July 16, 2024): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.69540/2949-3846.2024.65.92.001.

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Статья посвящена выяснению вопроса о том, представители каких социально-политических сил привели Михаила Федоровича Романова к власти. Проанализированы царские пожалования в первые недели царствования Михаила Федоровича, и сделан вывод, что ко времени Земского собора 1613 г. некогда сильная и влиятельная группировка Ф.Н. Романова была фактически разгромлена и обезглавлена. Кандидатуру его сына Михаила Романова — человека, не обладавшего качествами государственного деятеля, поддержали молодые представители группировок, оппозиционных как руководству объединенного ополчения, так и бывшей «семибоя

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Badalian, D. A. "On the Road to the National Identity – from Tentative Steps to Achievements. Several Events from the History of Slavophilism." Orthodoxia, no. 3 (September 17, 2022): 73–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.53822/2712-9276-2021-3-73-115.

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The article researches a number of issues related to the Slavophile worldview in the 1840s–1880s and their work aimed at the development of the national consciousness in the Russian society: their attitude to Peter the Great’s reforms, to the Slavic world and to the revolution. The article also examines the role the Slavophiles had played in the development of the Orthodox outlook in the society and the foundations of the future Church structure, and their attitude to the slogan “Orthodoxy. Autocracy. Nationality”. It also considers the attitude to Slavophiles among the government circles and

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Tyumentsev, Igor. "Cossacks in the Movement of Zemstvo Militias in Russia (1611–1612)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 4 (September 2019): 8–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.4.1.

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ntroduction. The issue of the Cossacks’ participation in the events of the Time of Troubles in the last decades is one of the most relevant in connection with the modern social movement for “the recovery of the Cossacks”. Methods and materials. Studies of the late 20th – early 21st centuries show that one of the main forces of the rebel movement at the first stages of the Time of Troubles were the Cossacks who were in military public service of the cities of the southern Ukraine of Russia. Researchers have quite deeply developed the issue of the Cossacks’ participation in the movements of impo

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Карпань, І. С., and Н. С. Чернікова. "Social-political activity of O. Bobrinsky in the last quarter of the nineteenth century." Problems of Political History of Ukraine, no. 14 (June 12, 2019): 58–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.33287/1196.

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The article deals with problems of the noble class in post-reform period in Russia (70–90-ies XIXth cent.) through A. Bobrinsky’s activity as the Leader of the St. Petersburg nobility. The study analyzed his activities towards the Nobility consolidation and involvement their representatives into development of Russian state policy. A. Bobrinsky belonged to the family of large landowners and successful sugar-growers of the Russian Empire. It greatly influenced to the formation of his political worldview and contributed to the growth of the young Count’s authority among the Nobility and Gentry.

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Pashkovsky, Petr I. "The main trends in the participation of domestic representative institutions in the state foreign policy mechanism." Izvestiya of Saratov University. Sociology. Politology 23, no. 4 (2023): 454–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1818-9601-2023-23-4-454-460.

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The article considers the features of the functioning of early models of the Russian foreign policy mechanism. With this in mind, in the process of research, institutional, historical-genetic and activity methods have been applied. On the basis of a retrospective analysis, the traditional features of domestic systems for making and implementing foreign policy decisions that functioned within the framework of the Ancient Russian State, the Moscow State and the Russian Empire have been characterized. Five main models of the mechanism for the formation and implementation of foreign policy,which w

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YURDAKAL, Osman, and Andrey PUTİNTSEV. "RUSYA’DA KARIŞIKLIKLAR (SMUTA) DÖNEMİNDE ZEMSKİY SOBOR’UN ÇAR SEÇİMİNDE OYNADIĞI ROL." Rusya Araştırmaları Dergisi, January 17, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.48068/rusad.1388769.

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Rusya Devleti’nde Smuta Dönemi olarak tarihe geçen karışıklıklar zamanında Rus çarları kendilerini meşrulaştırmak için bir takım girişimlerde bulunmuşlardır. Korkunç İvan olarak da bilinen İvan Vasilyeviç’in (1530-1584) oğlu Çar Fedor İvanoviç’in 1598 yılında ölümüyle birlikte Moskova tahtında yaklaşık 15 yıl devam edecek olan bir iktidar boşluğu meydana geldi. Bu süreçte ortaya çıkan yeni çar adayları kendilerini meşrulaştırmak için bir takım girişimlerde bulundular. Bu girişimlerin içinde en önemlisi Zemskiy Sobor adında tüm ülkeyi temsil eden bir meclisin toplanmasıydı. IV. İvan’ın ölümüyle

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Azarova, S. N. "Unveiling the renovation coup: Amur Zemsky Sobor 1922 and the seizure of church property." Nations and religions of the Eurasia, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/nreur(2024)1-07.

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