Academic literature on the topic 'Zeus (Greek deity)'
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Journal articles on the topic "Zeus (Greek deity)"
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Chiai, Gian Franco. "Le culte de Zeus Brontôn : l’espace et la morphologie du dieu de l’orage dans la Phrygie d’époque romaine." Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 21-22, no. 1 (December 2, 2020): 245–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arege-2020-0013.
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AbstractThis study aims at reconstructing the evolution of the character of the Anatolian storm-god in Phrygia from the Hittite period to the Roman imperial era, particularly taking into account the Greek votive dedications to Zeus Brontôn. According to the Hittite and Luwian texts, the power of the storm-god was not only limited to the sky, but encompassed fertility, the order of the seasons and, because of his role as the protector of kingship, the social order. Because they favourited a female deity generically called Matar, the coming of the Phrygians seems to be linked to the degradation of the cult, which remained practiced by the lower strata of the population and in the countryside. It was only after the arrival of the Greeks in Hellenistic times and the identification of the local ancient storm-gods with Zeus that their worship became tangible and visible again. The impressive number of dedications, mostly dated between the second and third centuries CE, constitutes an excellent documentary base for studying the character of these local deities. In these epigraphic texts, the theonym Zeus was used as a generic name (Gesamtsbezeichnung) for several divine beings, only partially comparable to the Greek Olympian Zeus.
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Ovadiah, Asher. "Cults of Deities in Caves in Israel in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods." Jerusalem Journal of Archaeology 3, no. 2 (2022): 283–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.52486/01.00003.13.
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This article engages three deities, one Greek and two Oriental, that their cults were worshipped in caves during the Hellenistic and Roman periods. The first deity is a Hellenistic terracotta figurine of Aphrodite, recovered from the prehistoric cave Me‘arat ha-Nahal (Wadi el-Maghara) at the foot of Mount Carmel. It probably represents Aphrodite Pandemos (Ἀϕροδίτη Πάνδημος) or Aphrodite en Kepois (Ἀϕροδίτη ἐν Κήποις). It may be assumed that the cave, and its proximity to the city of Dor, was modified to serve as a cultic site or shrine. The second deity is represented by a sunken relief engraved on a rough rock surface adjacent to a cluster of 18 caves, known as “The Temple Cave” complex, along Keziv Stream (Nahal Keziv) in western Galilee. The largest and main cave in this complex seems to have had a cultic function in the Roman period, that is, it constituted a cultic site for a particular divinity. The sunken relief depicts a walking male military figure, dubbed “The Man in the Wall.” Based on a comparative study and the figure’s iconographic characteristics, we may identify it with Sol Invictus Mithras, a Late Roman-period deity, manifesting cultic pagan activity in a remote and isolated area, in the very heart of nature. The third deity is Ba‘al Carmel (identified with Zeus/Jupiter) who was presumably worshipped in Elijah’s Cave on the western slope of Mt. Carmel. Ba‘al Carmel’s visual representation, the depiction of a libation vessel and the presumed figure of a priest or, alternatively, an altar within an aedicula suggest it was used in the Roman period. Notably, one of the Greek inscriptions, dated to the Roman period, explicitly addresses the cave’s sacred nature and the prohibition against its profanation.
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Mshvildadze, Marika. "Diety Nike-Victoria of the late Antique period on the territory of Georgia." Pro Georgia 33, no. 1 (August 10, 2023): 161–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.61097/12301604/pg33/2023/161-168.
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The states on the territory of Georgia were part of the Classical antiquity ecumene. Accordingly, both Iberia and Colchis had close trade-economic and cultural relations with the Roman Empire, from where the deities popular in the empire spread to the territory of Georgia. Among them, a special place is occupied by the ancient god of victory, Nike (Ancient Greek: Νίκη). The name Nike is believed to date back to the pre- Greek period. In Greek mythology, Nike appears as a companion of Zeus and Athena. In Greek art, the deity is mainly depicted with symbols of victory – wings, a crown and a palm branch, but we also find a wingless Nike. In Roman reality, the Victoria (Latin: Victoria) corresponded to Nike. Research has shown that the deity Nike (Victoria) was one of the most widespread cults in late ancient Iberia, which is the result of political and cultural relations with the Greco-Roman world. In late antiquity, the cult of Nike (Victoria) was recorded on the territory of Georgia in the Kingdom of Kartli (Iberia) – on the territory of Greater Mtskheta, Urbnisi, Zhinvali... Since the Hellenistic period, religious syncretism was also reflected on the engraved gems found on the territory of Kartli. Athena-Tikhe-Fortuna- Demeter-Nike depicted in an oval-shaped cornelian intaglio in a fragment of an iron ring. Tomb №27 of Karniskhevi, 2nd-3rd centuries. Nike-Fortuna-Athena is depicted in an oval-shaped white, transparent glass intaglio in an iron seal. Urbnisi necropolis. Tomb №205. 1st-early 2nd century AD. Seals with the image of the deity Nike (Victoria) found in the territory of Georgia belonged to all layers of society. Gemas can be found both individually and in gold, silver and bronze rings. Intaglios with the image of the deity are made of: carnelian, glas, almadine, which are inserted into iron, bronze, silver and gold rings. It is noteworthy that the cult of Nike (Victoria) is mainly prevalent in urban centers. From the above, we can conclude that Nike (Victoria) was popular and in our opinion, mainly among the Romanized population.
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Vokotopoulou, †Julia. "Cities and sanctuaries of the archaic period in Chalkidike." Annual of the British School at Athens 91 (November 1996): 319–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006824540001652x.
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This paper summarizes recent excavations in Chalkidike. The ancient city of Mende has yielded evidence of houses and other structures, an archaic cemetery, and Mycenaean to late classical finds. At Polychrono (ancient Neapolis or Aige?) there are archaic and classical structures on terraces, and a cemetery with early infant burials. Three archaic–classical sanctuaries have also been found: (1) at Poseidi, a temple of Poseidon (identified from inscribed votives), robbed and reused in hellenistic and Roman times; (2) at Nea Roda-Sane, a temple to a female deity, with sculptures; and (3) at Parthenonas, a peak sanctuary of Zeus with evidence of animal sacrifice. The implications for Chalkidian relationships with other parts of the Greek world and for the strength of local culture are briefly examined.
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Vainstub, Daniel. "Some Points of Contact between the Biblical Deborah War Traditions and Some Greek Mythologies*." Vetus Testamentum 61, no. 2 (2011): 324–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853311x569142.
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AbstractThis paper examines three features common to the biblical narrative of Deborah and Cretan myths. In the biblical story two heroines, Deborah and Jael, bear names of fauna, bee and ibex (mountain goat), respectively. Deborah/bee’s prophetic gift enables her to determine the auspicious moment for a victorious battle. Jael/female ibex, gives milk in a special vessel to Sisera, who, fleeing for his life, ironically takes refuge in the tent of Jael, who kills him. In ancient Greece, “Melissa”, which means “bee”, is a common epithet for prophetesses, especially those who provide oracles to military commanders, as did the prophetess of Delphi. In Cretan versions, Melissa has a sister named Amaltheia, which means “mountain goat”. When a prominent fugitive, the deity Zeus, takes refuge in her cave, she likewise gives him milk in a special vessel. In both tales the word for the special vessel expresses plenty.
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Mikalson, Jon D. "Unanswered prayers in Greek Tragedy." Journal of Hellenic Studies 109 (November 1989): 81–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632034.
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Moments before Euripides' Polyneices and Eteocles square off for their final, fatal battle in the Phoenissae, each prays for divine assistance (1359–76). Their prayers, though very brief, are by the standards of Greek drama rather formal. Polyneices, as Theban as his brother Eteocles, is leading a force of Argives against Thebes to recover the kingship he claims is rightfully his. As he prays he looks toward distant Argos and invokes ‘Lady Hera’, for, he says, ‘I am now yours, because I married Adrastus’ daughter and dwell in his land' (1364–6). He has left his homeland, married into an Argive family, and now lives in Argos, and he must therefore appeal to an Argive deity. Hera is here made a doubly appropriate recipient of his prayer—by locality as patroness of the Argolid and by function as protectress of marriage, her two major roles in the religion of Greek life and tragedy. Eteocles, commanding the home forces against invaders, looks to the nearby temple of ‘Pallas of the golden shield’. He invokes her as the ‘daughter of Zeus’ and, like Polyneices but less explicitly, explains why he appeals specifically to her. He wishes to kill ‘the man who has come to sack my fatherland’ (1372–6). This Athena ‘of the golden shield’ is patroness of Thebes and, in more general terms, a goddess who aids the city in defence against foreign invaders. Like Hera she is doubly appropriate, in terms of locale and function, to her worshipper's needs.
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Karagyozov, Panayot. "Prometheism Degenerated: On Material from Ancient Greek and Polish Literature." Polish Review 57, no. 1 (April 1, 2012): 95–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41557951.
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Abstract The myth of Prometheus belongs to the oldest and most frequently interpreted ancient myths. Over the centuries, Prometheism has deteriorated instead of evolving, and such a claim can be supported by comparing Aeschylus’ archetype with the theomachists in the masterpieces of Polish authors Jan Kochanowski, Adam Mickiewicz, Jan Kasprowicz, and Siawomir Mrozek. The works reviewed in this article suggest that the types of theomachy reflect the respective dominant ideology and represent the actual position of every participant in the triad: the mass— the theomachist— the deity. Prometheus, as an equal to Zeus, sacrifices himself for the inferior human "ephemerals"; in his Laments, Kochanowski creates his own anthropocentrical pantheon and demands from the resident deities to bring his beloved little daughter back to life or at least console his paternal grief; Konrad (Forefather s Eve), in order to liberate his ethnic motherland, requests from God to give him the power to rule the world by feelings; the lyric hero of Jan Kasprowicz (Holy God, Holy and Mighty) insists that God salvage mankind from disasters and starvation or become human again and come down to Earth and suffer with the ordinary people; whereas the Communist Bartodziej (Portrait), willing to fight the whole world in the name of his party leader, sacrifices the ones closest to him on the altar of Stalin, and ultimately destroys himself.
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Dvurechenskaya, Nigora D. "Ritual Inscriptions from Uzundara." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 5 (2021): 250. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080016949-0.
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The paper presents three Greek votive graffiti from the excavations of citadel of Fortress Uzundara (Uzbekistan) and describes their archaeological context. This fortress is located on the North-West Border of Ancient Bactria, and represents the crucial point in the tens–kilometers long borderline fortification system in this area. It is built at altitude of 1700 meters above the sea level. The fortress stands on the narrow (220 meters) neck between the precipitous walls of the natural boundary Kara-Kamar and the canyon Uzundara, and locks the pass for the equestrian troops intent to bypass the borderline wall of Darband in 7 kilometers northward. It consists of the principal rhomboid castle, a detached and adjacent triangular citadel, same sections of the external walls, and of three external towers. The main goal of this fortress was the warning of the sudden attack of nomads from the Karshin steppes. A military garrison was stationed in the Uzundara fortress – a Seleucid frurion in the first quarter of the 3rd century BC. Apparently at this time it consisted of Macedonians and Greeks. This is clearly evidenced by archaeological materials, including epigraphic ones. We analyze three artefacts voted to Demeter of the Mountains and the Borderline, Zeus–Mitra, and Zoroastrian Deity Srosh. The most complete inscription – votive to Demeter – persists on the three fragments of tagora (luterium) which could be used for the ritual ablution. They were founded in different years and in different places around the ovoid cellar on the rocky complex of the citadel Uzundara.
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Dillon, Matthew. "By Gods, Tongues, and Dogs: the use of Oaths in Aristophanic Comedy." Greece and Rome 42, no. 2 (October 1995): 135–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500025584.
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The gods appear in nearly every passage of Aristophanic dialogue; it is hard to imagine more than five minutes passing in the comic theatre before hearing the name of an Olympian deity. This remarkable density is perhaps less telling than it might seem, for the vast majority of such references occur in oaths. Formally, an oath calls on one or more gods to witness (using the particles nē or ma) an assertion, a denial, or a promise. Less formally, simple oaths with nē or ma add colour and emphasis to colloquial language, somewhat like ‘swear words’ in English, and it is this usage which predominates in Aristophanes; to give just one example, the most popular oath ‘by Zeus’ occurs over 250 times in the eleven comedies. So common are these ‘oaths’ that they hardly seem worthy of the name; at most, they might seem to offer no more than insight into colloquial language at the profane level. Numerous instances, however, take issue with the institution of the oath itself and acquire considerable importance due to the integral role the oath played in Greek religion, especially given the state of that religion precisely during the period of Aristophanes' career, when traditional values were assaulted from numerous directions, and the forces of orthodoxy lashed back with a vengeance.
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Griffith, R. Drew. "The Origin of Memnon." Classical Antiquity 17, no. 2 (October 1, 1998): 212–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25011083.
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This article endorses with substantial modifications M. Bernal's claim that the Greeks based Memnon on Ammenemes II of Egypt. An Egyptian origin for Memnon appears likely from Zeus' weighing of his fate against Achilles' in the Aethiopis, which is similar to an early spell of the Book of the Dead; from his Amazonian ally, who resembles the Nile-god, clad in a girdle with a single breast; and from his apotheosis, which is unlike Homer's usual view that the soul is witless in death, yet is reminiscent of the soteriological Osiris-cult, which was known to the Mycenaeans. Bernal's view that Memnon was specifically Ammenemes, however, rests on one word in Strabo, judged by editors to be a scribal error. Cases for two other proposed models, Khumben-numena I of Elam and Sethos I of Egypt, are too complex and fragile to accept. Since at least the first century, the Greeks themselves linked Memnon to Amenhotep III of Egypt, calling a portrait-colossus of that pharaoh "Memnon." This identification was based, I argue, on the fact that the statue faces sunrise on the winter solstice (obviously an original feature from Amenhotep's own time) and so was linked to the dawn. Amenhotep's name is too unlike Memnon's to have attracted to him a preexisting Greek figure, but, as P. Gilbert proposed, Amenhotep may have been the basis for that figure, for archaeological evidence shows his contact with the Aegean. Like Memnon, Amenhotep formed military pacts with eastern kings, was son of a solar deity, and was exceptionally handsome. Moreover, his father's name was Tuthmosis (cf. Tithonus). In short, Bernal argues well that epic based Memnon on a real person, rightly seeks him in Egypt, but fails to rule out Amenhotep.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Zeus (Greek deity)"
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Trafford, Simon J. "The theology of Aeschylus." Thesis, Swansea University, 2013. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa42603.
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This thesis examines the theology of Aeschylus through a close text-based discussion of the nature and justice of Zeus. This will not be a dogmatic investigation that looks for signs of monotheism or 'proto-monotheism'. Rather, this thesis will examine the presentation of the god in Aeschylus, as he is found in his plays, free from any desire or attempt to form a rounded, comprehensive 'Aeschylean theology'. The first chapter considers the two closely connected divine terms, thetaepsilonozeta and deltaalphaiotamuonu. The clear-cut and easily discernible meaning of thetaepsilonozeta acts as a constant with which the more ambiguous and less determinable word deltaalphaiotamuonu can be compared and contrasted. This chapter discusses both those instances where deltaalphaiotamuonu seems to be synonymous with thetaepsilonozeta and where it does not, where the term seems to possess a meaning close to that of an individual's fortune or destiny in life. This is done in order to conclusively see how Aeschylus uses the word deltaalphaiotamuonu in the Eumenides as part of his characterisation of the Erinyes, which enables us to see more clearly what role divine terminology plays in the presentation of Zeus and the god's justice. The remaining chapters of this thesis examine Zeus in Aeschylus. First, attention is given to the old debates concerning the potential and respective influence of Homeric, Hesiodic and Presocratic conceptions of divinity on the theology of Aeschylus. Then, the final chapter of the thesis looks at the justice of Zeus primarily through a discussion of one question, whether we should understand Agamemnon as guilty in the eyes of Zeus, which it is argued we should not. It is shown that Aeschylus does not present an optimistic idea of Zeus or divine justice, and the god's rule is seen as neither kind nor benevolent. Rather a pragmatic and pessimistic view is presented to us by Aeschylus, one which recognises that Zeus is an all-powerful being in need of respect and honour and whose will must be carefully observed.
Books on the topic "Zeus (Greek deity)"
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Pontus, Hellström, and Medelhavsmuseet (Stockholm Sweden), eds. Guden med dubbelyxan: Zeus i Labranda : 10 okt 1987-10 jan 1988. Stockholm: Medelhavsmuseet, 1987.
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Trinkas, Euangelos. Ho Christos ētan Hellēnas: Iasōn Pandiras. Thessalonikē: Ekdoseis Dion, 1999.
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Terra, J. E. Martins. O Deus dos indo-europeus: Zeus e a proto-religião dos indo-europeus. São Paulo, Brasil: Edições Loyola, 1999.
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H, Verbruggen. Sources pertaining to the cult of Zeus in Crete: A geographical survey. Leuven: [s.n.], 1985.
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Van Keuren, Frances Dodds, 1946-, Kilinski Karl, Jacobsen Michael A, and Georgia Museum of Art, eds. Jupiter's loves and his children. Athens, Ga: Georgia Museum of Art, University of Georgia, 1997.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Zeus (Greek deity)"
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Andrews, Tamra. "Z." In Dictionary of Nature Myths, 232–34. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195136777.003.0026.
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Abstract Zeus was the Supreme Deity of the Greeks, their sky god, their weather god, and their upholder of law and order. At first, Zeus was simply a sky god, having usurped the power of the previous sky god, Kronos, who had usurped the power of Ouranos, the sky god before that. But Zeus achieved a stature that far surpassed his predecessors. Not only did he control all forms of atmospheric phenomena, but he also became the all-powerful god of Heaven and earth. In the minds of the people, he advanced to high king, and as king, he used his functions as sky and weather god to deliver discipline in the form of thunder and lightning and blessing in the form of rain.
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"Women participants at a festival of Adonis." In Women’s Religions in the Greco-Roman World, edited by Ross Shepard Kraemer, 18–19. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195170658.003.0007.
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Abstract Author: Theocritus (ca. 300-260 b.c.e.) Was a bucolic poet from Syracuse, Sicily, who eventually won the admiration of Ptolemy Philadelphus, the king of Egypt. Theocritus is not a major source for women’s religions, except for his Idyll, excerpted here. The poem, on the worshipers of Adonis, is set in the city of Alexandria in Egypt, where Theocritus lived for some time. The festival of Adonis (originally a Phoenician deity), was celebrated in late July and mourned the death Beside him there are fashioned fresh green bowers, heavy with Soft dill. Boy Loves fly above, like fledgling nightingales Swooping from branch to branch as they try out their wings. O gold, O ebony, O eagles of white ivory that carry off To Zeus the son of Cronos a boy to pour his wine.
Conference papers on the topic "Zeus (Greek deity)"
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MacKinnon, Michael. "“Side” matters: animal offerings at ancient Nemea." In Bones, behaviour and belief. The osteological evidence as a source for Greek ritual practice. Swedish Institute at Athens, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/actaath-4-55-11.
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As the locus of the Nemean games, Ancient Nemea was an important Greek cult and festival center, especially during the Archaic period (6th–5th century BC). Examination of excavated faunal materials deriving from “sacred” and “secular” contexts at the site yields clues about the distribution of meat to gods (such as Zeus, the patron deity of the area), to heroes (in this case Opheltes, on whose legendary death the Nemean Games were founded), and to the mortal officials, spectators, and athletes participating in the events at Nemea. As regards “sacrificial” assemblages, most of which consisted of bone remains of burnt offerings as collected from altars and other ritual-type contexts, the data indicate a preference for sheep as the standard sacrificial animal, but show a definite preference for the hind limb sections of the left side in the case of sacrifice to the hero Opheltes, as opposed to the god Zeus. “Secular” deposits show different trends, such as the presence of unburnt bones, or the remains of wild animals and fish, taxa not typically sacrificed in Greek antiquity. Examination of zooarchaeological remains from various contexts at the site, at one level, and across other sites, at a larger level, helps develop a larger more integrated picture of animal use in ancient Greek cult practices.