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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Zhongguo gong chan dang. China'

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1

Poon, Yick-man. "Searching for a new road : a study of the aims and dilemma of political system reform in the People's Republic of China in the 1980s /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1997. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B19161451.

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2

Fu, Lui. "Chen Duxiu's "revolutionary romanticism" and the dilemmas of the "Great Revolution" (1924-1927)." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2006. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B3671107X.

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3

Guo, Maocan. "Party sponsorship and political incorporation : Communist Party membership and social stratification in urban China /." View abstract or full-text, 2006. http://library.ust.hk/cgi/db/thesis.pl?SOSC%202006%20GUO.

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4

Leung, Wing-yue Trini. "The politics of labour rebellions in China, 1989-1994 /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1998. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B19235367.

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5

Wang, Fang. "Chinese cadre disciplining : the impact of rank /." View abstract or full-text, 2009. http://library.ust.hk/cgi/db/thesis.pl?SOSC%202009%20WANG.

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6

Kisby, Douglas P. "The ideals of today's modernizing People's Liberation Army." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FKisby.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Far East, Southeast Asia, The Pacific))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Miller, Alice L. ; Second Reader: Chakwin, Mark. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 15, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Confucianism, Confucian ideals and values, PLA modernization, PLA professionalization, PLA Core Military Values. Includes bibliographical references (p. 55-60). Also available in print.
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7

Wei, Chengsi. "Gong chan dang Zhongguo zhi shi fen zi de gong ju hua Shanghai zhi shi fen zi qun ti de she hui xue yan jiu : 1949-1978 /." online access from Digital dissertation consortium, 2001. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?3025927.

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8

Karrar, Hasan Haider. "National consciousness and the Communist Revolution in China, 1921-1928." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ43891.pdf.

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9

Manning, Kimberley P. E. "Sexual equality and state building : gender conflict in the Great Leap Forward /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10778.

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10

陳生洛. "中國國有企業的產權變革與黨的領導 = The change of property rights in state-owned enterprises and the party leadership". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2000. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/213.

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11

Lee, Chin-hang. "The politics of alliance the United Front work on the Chinese capitalists in Hong Kong, 1950s - 1980s /." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2006. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B38310855.

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12

Chen, Shengluo. "Zhongguo guo you qi ye de chan quan bian ge yu dang de ling dao = The change of property rights in state-owned enterprises and the party leadership /." click here to view the abstract and table of contents, 2000. http://net3.hkbu.edu.hk/~libres/cgi-bin/thesisab.pl?pdf=b15941176a.pdf.

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13

Ding, Shuhfan. "The party-state relationship in China, 1978-1986." 1987. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/21568641.html.

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14

Klinkner, Kenneth K. "Crafting socialism with Chinese characteristics modernization and ideology in post-Mao China /." 1994. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/33030431.html.

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15

Doyon, Jerome. "Rejuvenating Communism: The Communist Youth League as a Political Promotion Channel in Post-Mao China." Thesis, 2017. https://doi.org/10.7916/D85B07TP.

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How does the Chinese Party-State renew its political elite and maintain its cohesion in the post-Mao era? This is a key question to understand the evolution of China’s political system and still the explanations one can find in the literature are far from satisfactory. Overall, the literature on transformation of the Chinese political elite focuses on the broad outcomes, the fact that since the 1980s officials tend to be younger and more educated, but it falls short in unveiling the mechanisms at play. It gives a limited answer to the elite renewal issue as it leaves politics aside. By focusin
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16

Fang, Qian. "A re-interpretation of China's rural socialist transformation lineages, power transfer, village leadership patterns in North China, 1920s-1970s /." 1992. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/33048107.html.

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17

"中共對香港左報的控制模式: 「飛地」黨派報紙硏究(1947-1982)". 1999. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5896365.

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文灼非.<br>論文 (哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 1999.<br>參考文獻 (leaves 158-175)<br>附中英文摘要.<br>Wen Zhuofei.<br>Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)-- Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 1999.<br>Can kao wen xian (leaves 158-175)<br>Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.<br>Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.1 -26<br>Chapter 第二章 --- 中共對香港「飛地」的政策 --- p.27-54<br>Chapter 第三章 --- 「飛地」黨派報紙的政治定位與分工 --- p.55 -79<br>Chapter 第四章 --- 中共對左派報紙組織與營運的控制 --- p.80-102<br>Chapter 第五章 --- 中共與港英在「飛地」的政治衝突 ´ؤ´ؤ「三一事件」與「六七暴動」 --- p.103-126<br>Chapter 第六章 --- 左派報人對黨忠誠的悲哀 ´ؤ´ؤ羅孚個案剖析 --- p.127-150<br>Chapter 第七章 --- 結論 --- p.151-157<br>參考資料 --- p.158 -174<br>訪問人士名單 --- p
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18

"市场化进程中的"能力-庇护"双效应与冲突性偏差: 关于转型期中国共产党员收入优势的悖论". 2012. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5549002.

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在数据分析的基础上,本文检验了两个理论假设--“政治资本假设与“冲突性偏差假设,以分析国家主导的市场化进程对共产党员收入优势的影响。主流观点认为,在中国,党员身份代表了一种政治资本,因而在经济转型期,共产党员收入优势的变化就相应地反映了市场化进程中政治资本收益(或党员身份政治资本含量)的变化,即关于党员身份的“政治资本假设。而“冲突性偏差假设则考虑了市场化进程中,政治资本和人力资本对个体的职业流动和收入回报的双向影响,以及这种双向影响在回归分析中造成的偏误。通过运用 Pearl(2000)有关冲突性偏差( collider bias,选择偏差的一种)的分析结论,笔者推断,在市场化进程中,控制“单位体制类型和“干部位置会导致党员身份和个人收入之间出现虚假的负偏差,因此,即使党员身份带来的政治资本收益不变,“党员身份对“个人收入的回归系数(控制“单位体制类型和“干部位置后)也会因为选择偏差的上升而呈现出下降甚至转变为负的趋势。如若“党员身份对“个人收入的回归系数在控制“单位体制类型和“干部位置后变为零,反而证明“党员身份对“个人收入仍存在积极的直接效应--这就是关于市场转型期中国共产党员收入优势的悖论。通过运用 2008年中国综合社会调查(CGSS2008),回归分析结果充分验证了“冲突性偏差的经验预测。这也提醒研究者:在对当代共产党员的收入优势进行理论解读时,主流观点忽视了冲突性偏差
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19

"發動群眾: 革命、建政與改革時期中國共產黨的社會動員". 2013. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5549699.

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動員是否可以作為一種解決公共問題的治理手段?本文基於改變他人行為的三種基本要素:交換、強制、動員,重新界定了中文語境中的動員概念,進而提出了一套新的關於解決公共問題治理風格的分析框架。在不同的條件下,三種基本要素不同程度的混合運用產生了動員式治理、科層制管理、市場化處理三種治國理政風格理想類型,它們在行為動機的理性化程度、組織機構的科層化程度、解決公共問題的分工與專業化程度三個維度上相互區別開來。<br>運用這一理論分析框架,作者比較了中國共產黨在革命、建政、改革三個歷史時期治理風格的變化及其原因。中國共產黨政治地位的轉變改變了其自身組織結構特性,這一核心因素與黨在不同歷史時期中心任務的調整及指導思想的變化,決定了其對動員、強制、交換等不同手段的取捨與搭配。革命年代訓練出來的群眾動員技巧與工作方法在中國共產黨取得執政地位後,仍舊是行之有效的治理手段,並且它與群眾路線構成了中國共產黨執政合法性的重要來源。但是,隨著執政黨所能動用的強制能力與物質資源的增長,以及黨組織自身的日益科層化,在改革開放時期,動員逐漸被有意識的弱化,由此也造成了中國共產黨在日常群眾工作和社會控制方面的衰退。<br>Can mobilization be adopted as a means of governing to address the public issues? This thesis reconc
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20

"紅色僑鄉: 民國以來廣東潮州地方的家族、移民與革命 = Red emigrant community : lineage, migration and revolution in Chaozhou, since 1920s". 2014. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6116208.

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家族、移民和革命,是考察中國的僑鄉社會,尤其是民國時期的僑鄉社會所不可或缺的三大元素。傳統的華人華僑研究,多把華僑與國民黨的革命活動聯繫起來,以突出華僑對國民黨革命的重要性。然而,這些研究往往忽略了華僑跟共產黨領導的革命的繫連。在當代的潮汕地區,爲了吸引華僑投資家鄉與促進僑鄉的文化旅遊發展,部分僑鄉重構鄉村參與共產黨革命的歷史,建立起「紅色僑鄉」。<br>「紅色僑鄉」這個文化標籤的建立,成爲僑鄉、僑居地與國家之間的文化、政治關係的象徵符號。本文主要以廣東澄海後溝村為個案研究,由此討論僑鄉社會如何塑造自身的歷史與文化。本文嘗試指出,第一次國共合作破裂之後,共產黨在鄉村中秘密動員、組織農民階級對抗「地主階級」,鄉民參加革命能夠起到協調地域社區權力結構中力量的不平衡的作用。自20年代中后期在僑鄉社會中形成的關係網絡延續至抗日戰爭及解放戰爭,與海外移民網絡共同影響著鄉村的宗族和地域社會。當代僑鄉的紅色革命形象,是國家自上而下的意識形態工程所塑造的,也是地方家族、移民在追尋自身利益與政治認同的結果。<br>Lineage, migration and revolution are three major elements to study emigrant communities in China, especially in the Republican period. Tradition
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21

"現代中國繪畫中的毛澤東圖像". 1998. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5896285.

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羅欣欣.<br>論文(哲學碩士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院藝術學部, 1998.<br>附參考文獻.<br>中英文摘要.<br>Luo Xinxin.<br>序言 --- p.1<br>論文摘要 --- p.2<br>插圖目錄 --- p.5<br>緒論 --- p.14<br>Chapter 第一章 --- 中共建國前的毛澤東繪畫圖像(1927-1949)<br>Chapter I. --- 毛澤東政治地位的確立 --- p.28<br>Chapter II. --- 土地革命戰爭時期(1927-1937):毛澤東繪畫圖像的起源 --- p.30<br>Chapter III. --- 抗口戰爭時期(1937-1945)的毛澤東繪畫圖像發展 --- p.31<br>Chapter 1 . --- 魯藝木刻工作團的成立1938 --- p.32<br>Chapter 2. --- 晉西北木刻工廠1941 --- p.33<br>Chapter 3. --- 《延安文藝座談會上的講話》1942 --- p.34<br>Chapter 4. --- 赤色郵政 1944 --- p.40<br>Chapter 5. --- 中共黨報 1945 --- p.41<br>Chapter IV. --- 全國解放戰爭時期(1945-1949)的毛澤東繪畫圖像發展
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"統一戰線與大學: 西南聯大地下黨史考察(1938-1946)". 2016. http://repository.lib.cuhk.edu.hk/en/item/cuhk-1291240.

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國立西南聯合大學(簡稱「西南聯大」或「聯大」)是與抗戰相始終的大學。它以戰時教育聞名,成立於抗戰初期(1938 年),由國立北京大學、國立清華大學和私立南開大學聯合組成,抗戰結束後三校解散北歸(1946 年),各自復校。日本的入侵和國家的貧弱,聯大師生共有的民族情感,聯大民主自由的人文環境和「雲南王」龍雲對戰時民主力量的保護等因素,合力構成了聯大地下黨統戰工作的發展空間。這一發展空間與重要的歷史事件的時間點(如1941 年1 月「皖南事變」、1945 年8 月「抗戰勝利」和10 月「龍雲下台」)一起,構成了一個國共角逐的時空。<br>中共中央和南方局對地下黨組織統戰工作的重視和具體指導的時間恰是在聯大成立初期;在聯大中期,為適應局勢,爭取大多數「中間派師生」的支持,中共先後製定了「十六字」方針(即「蔭蔽精幹,長期埋伏,積蓄力量,以待時機」)和「三勤」(即「勤學」、「勤業」、「勤交友」)政策;在聯大後期,中共統戰的方針政策在實踐中得到檢驗,取得成效。<br>聯大地下黨的統戰工作是中共雲南省工作委員會(簡稱「雲南省工委」)統戰工作的重要組成部分。南方局和雲南省工委統戰工作的重點是介於國共兩黨間的「中間力量」。聯大地下黨統戰的人群以聯大師生為主,他們用知識份子所能接受的語言和交友方式對其做統戰工作,突出中共是眾望所歸的力量。一方面,地下黨人以「民族主義」和「愛國」來把如聯大教授等「中間力
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