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Journal articles on the topic 'Zimbabwe – Church history'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Togarasei, Lovemore. "HISTORICISING PENTECOSTAL CHRISTIANITY IN ZIMBABWE." Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 42, no. 2 (August 22, 2016): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-4265/103.

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This paper is a first attempt to systematically present a history of Pentecostal Christianity in Zimbabwe. The paper first discusses the introduction of the Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM) in Zimbabwe before moving on to discuss some of the Pentecostal churches born out of the AFM. This is followed by a discussion of the 1980s and 1990s explosion of American type Pentecostal churches and the current Pentecostal charismatic churches that seem to be sweeping the Christian landscape in the country. The paper acknowledges the difficulty of writing a history of Pentecostalism in the country due to a lack of sources. It identifies AFM as the mother church of Pentecostal movements in Zimbabwe, but also acknowledges the existence and influence of other earlier movements. It has shown that the current picture of Zimbabwean Christianity is heavily influenced by Pentecostalism in mainline churches, African Initiated Churches (AICs) and the various Pentecostal movements.
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2

Hastings, Adrian, Carl Hallencreutz, and Ambrose Moyo. "Church and State in Zimbabwe." Journal of Religion in Africa 21, no. 2 (May 1991): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1580815.

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3

Machingura, Francis. "The Significance of Glossolalia in the Apostolic Faith Mission, Zimbabwe." Studies in World Christianity 17, no. 1 (April 2011): 12–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2011.0003.

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This study seeks to look at the meaning and significance of Glossolalia 1 in the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe. 2 This paper has also been influenced by debates surrounding speaking in tongues in most of the Pentecostal churches in general and the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe in particular. It was the Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM) that brought Pentecostalism to Zimbabwe. 3 The paper situates the phenomenon of glossolalia in the Zimbabwean socio-economic, spiritual, and cultural understanding. The Pentecostal teachings on the meaning and significance of speaking in tongues have caused a stir in psychological, linguistics, sociological, anthropological, ethnographical, philological, cultural, and philosophical debates. Yet those in the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe argue that their concept of glossolalia is biblically rooted. Surprisingly non-glossolalist Christians also use the Bible to dismiss the pneumatic claims by Pentecostals. The emphasis on speaking in tongues in the AFM has rendered Zimbabwean ‘mainline’ churches like Anglicans, Catholics and Methodists as meaningless. This is the same with African Indigenous Churches which have also been painted with ‘fault-lines’, giving an upper hand to AFM in adding up to its ballooning number of followers. This is as a result of their restorationist perspective influenced by the history of the Pentecostal Churches that views all non-Pentecostal churches as having fallen from God's intentions through compromise and sin. The AFM just like other Pentecostal churches in Zimbabwe exhibit an aggressive assault and intolerance toward certain aspects of the African culture, which they label as tradition, 4 for example, traditional customs, like paying homage to ancestral spirits (Kurova Guva or bringing back the spirit of the dead ceremony), and marriage customs (polygamy, kusungira or sanctification of the first born ritual). The movement has managed to rid itself of the dominance of the male adults and the floodgates were opened to young men and women, who are the victims of traditional patriarchy. Besides glossolalia being one of the pillars of AFM doctrines, the following also bear some importance: personal testimonies, tithing, church weddings, signs/miracles, evangelism and prosperity theology.
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4

Creary, Nicholas M. "African Inculturation of the Catholic Church in Zimbabwe, 1958–1977." Historian 61, no. 4 (June 1, 1999): 765–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.1999.tb01044.x.

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5

Togarasei, Lovemore. "Modern Pentecostalism as an Urban Phenomenon: The Case of the Family of God Church in Zimbabwe." Exchange 34, no. 4 (2005): 349–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157254305774851484.

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AbstractThe past twenty to thirty years in the history of Zimbabwean Christianity have witnessed the emergence of a new breed of Pentecostalism that tends to attract the middle and upper classes urban residents. This paper presentsfindings from a case study of one such movement, the Family of God church. It describes and analyses the origins, growth and development of this church as an urban modern Pentecostal movement. Thefirst section of the paper discusses the origins and development of the church focusing on the life of the founder. The second section focuses on the teaching and practices of the church. The church's doctrines and practices are here analysed tofind out the extent to which these have been influenced by the socio-political and economic challenges in the urban areas. The paper concludes that the modern Pentecostal movement is meant to address urban needs.
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6

Urban-Mead, Wendy. "Negotiating 'Plainness' and Gender: Dancing and Apparel at Christian Weddings in Matabeleland, Zimbabwe, 1913-1944." Journal of Religion in Africa 38, no. 2 (2008): 209–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006608x289684.

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AbstractThis article analyzes the phenomena of dancing and wedding apparel in weddings of rural members of an unusual Protestant denomination of Anabaptist origins in Matabeleland, colonial Zimbabwe. The focus is on gendered aspects of African Christian adaptation of mission teaching amongst Ndebele members of the Brethren in Christ Church. The church in North America was firm at home on the matter of dancing (it was forbidden), and internally conflicted regarding men's garb. In the decades preceding World War II, African members of the church embraced fashionable dress for grooms and dancing at wedding feasts as common practice at BICC weddings. However, in a gendered pattern reflecting Ndebele, colonial and mission ideas of women's subjection, African women's bridal wear adhered to church teaching on Plainness, while African men's did not.
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7

Love, Alison, and Vincent Munyaradzi Vezha. "No way forward without consensus." Journal of Language and Politics 8, no. 3 (December 15, 2009): 433–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.8.3.06lov.

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This paper discusses a document produced in 2006 by church leaders which claimed to present a “vision” of “a way forward” in the ongoing crisis in Zimbabwe. We suggest that the document served rather to reinforce the status quo, specifically the hegemony of Mugabe’s government. We argue that, by insisting that the greatest problem in Zimbabwe is “lack of a national vision”, the document promoted consensus, which resonated with Mugabe’s own position. We suggest that four major strategies were used to achieve this: assertion of the primarily spiritual nature of Zimbabwe’s crisis; insistence on the shared responsibility of all Zimbabweans; obfuscation of agency for the crisis and delegitimization of political opposition as a route to change. Finally, we point out that these strategies failed, as the document in its original form was censored before its launch, illustrating the tendency for President Mugabe to give the impression of opening democratic space, only to close it off.
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8

Togarasei, Lovemore. "The 'Birth' of a Prophet: Andrew Wutawunashe's Break from the Reformed Church in Zimbabwe (Formerly Dutch Reformed Church)." Exchange 35, no. 2 (2006): 215–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157254306776525717.

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AbstractThe examples of Old Testament prophets like Amos show that the call to prophecy is a life changing experience. This paper demonstrates that by looking at the 'birth' of Andrew Wutawunashe as a prophet. It opens with a brief history of the life of Wutawunashe showing how he was 'called' from pursuing university education to founding the Family of God church. It then discusses the possible reasons that led Wutawunashe to break from the Reformed Church in Zimbabwe. Although several reasons are suggested it is concluded that chief among them was his claim to prophetic inspiration.
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9

Murdoch, Norman H. "Book Review: The Church in Mission: A Short History of the United Methodist Church in Zimbabwe, 1897–1997." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 22, no. 4 (October 1998): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693939802200421.

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10

Mudyiwa, Misheck. "Light of Life Christian Group as a New Religious Movement in Zimbabwe." Exchange 44, no. 2 (June 8, 2015): 144–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1572543x-12341356.

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The birth and rapid growth of new religious movements in Zimbabwe is a marked phenomenon in the history of Christianity in Africa. Ever since the Reformation that split the Western Church in the 16th century, a number of efforts have since been made by various new religious movements to try and foster ecumenism amongst the deeply divided ecclesiastical communities. Whilst great strides have since been made in critical areas such as common witnessing, inter-religious dialogue, common prayers, mixed marriages, ecumenism in faculties of theology, among other areas, one key element of ecumenism, namely, the common celebration of the Eucharist has always remained very remote and a no go area. To a greater extent, the Roman Catholic authorities in particular have been accused of dragging their feet or taking a ‘distant and detached’ approach to the same practice.1 This current article specifically examines the Light of Life Christian Group’s (llcg) vision of ecumenism, particularly its practice of Eucharistic intercommunion that dates back to the early 1970s. The main argument developed in this article is that, whilst llcg may stand in sharp opposition to the traditional Christian (particularly Catholic) view with regard to sharing the Eucharist with non-Catholics and norms governing the formation of public associations, it has made a breakthrough in the realization of the highest goal of ecumenism. To a greater extent, it has also succeeded in uniting the various denominations that for centuries had been separated by doctrine, history and practice. The article also argues that whilst llcg’s breakthrough is of pinnacle importance in the history of Christianity in Zimbabwe in particular, it is also unique in the sense that, instead of starting from above, from popes and bishops as is always expected and canonically constituted, the breakthrough has started from below.
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11

Hastings, Adrian. "HALLENCREUTZ, Carl, and MOYO, Ambrose, ed., Church and State in Zimbabwe, Gweru, Mambo Press, 1988, 507 pp., 0 86922 440 9." Journal of Religion in Africa 21, no. 2 (1991): 189–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006691x00393.

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12

Presler, Titus. "Book Review: Church and Settler in Colonial Zimbabwe: A Study in the History of the Anglican Diocese of Mashonaland/Southern Rhodesia, 1890–1925." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 35, no. 1 (January 2011): 49–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693931103500122.

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13

HARDWICK, JOSEPH. "Church and Settler in Colonial Zimbabwe: A Study in the History of the Anglican Diocese of Mashonaland/Southern Rhodesia, 1890-1925 - By Pamela Welch." Journal of Religious History 36, no. 1 (February 27, 2012): 127–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9809.2011.01091.x.

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14

Landman, Christina. "Church and settler in colonial Zimbabwe. A study in the history of the Anglican diocese of Mashonaland/Southern Rhodesia, 1890–1925. By Pamela Welch. (Studies of Religion in Africa, 34.) Pp. xxiii+286 incl. 2 maps and 2 ills. Leiden–Boston: Brill, 2008. €85. 978 90 04 16746 9; 0083 5889." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 62, no. 2 (March 4, 2011): 424–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046910003957.

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15

Chitando, Ezra. "The Sacred Remnant? Church Land in Zimbabwe's Fast Track Resettlement Programme." Studies in World Christianity 11, no. 2 (October 2005): 182–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2005.11.2.182.

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16

Sande, Nomatter. "Greening Faith and Herbology in Pentecostalism in Zimbabwe." Journal of Religion in Africa 49, no. 1 (December 22, 2020): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12340158.

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Abstract The role of religion in ecological discourse has gained ground in the quest to improve people’s lives in society. Herbal medicine is known to treat complex diseases. However, there are complexities in protecting the environment since herbal medicine entails having an in-depth understanding of traditional knowledge systems, beliefs, and practices. Pentecostal churches in Zimbabwe such as the Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM) have remained impervious to the widespread campaign promoting the use of herbs as an effective healing treatment. Divine healing is central to the AFM, and thus they view traditional herbal medicines as originating from evil spirits, despite scriptures referring to herbs as both food and medicine. Accordingly, developing a theology of ‘greening faith’ in the AFM will foster a constructive attitude toward the use of traditional herbal medicines. This article examines the position of the AFM on traditional herbal medicine and utilises ecotheology as its theoretical framework together with data gathered through in-depth interviews. The article concludes that the AFM should consciously use faith to protect the environment and promote the health and well-being of its believers.
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17

Urban‐Mead, Wendy. "Sitshokupi Sibanda: ‘Bible Woman’ or evangelist? Ways of Naming and Remembering Female Leadership in a Mission Church of Colonial Zimbabwe1." Women's History Review 17, no. 4 (September 2008): 653–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612020802200468.

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18

Chimhundu, Herbert. "Early Missionaries and the Ethnolinguistic Factor During the ‘Invention of Tribalism’ in Zimbabwe." Journal of African History 33, no. 1 (March 1992): 87–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700031868.

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There is evidence from across the disciplines that at least some of the contemporary regional names of African tribes, dialects and languages are fairly recent inventions in historical terms. This article offers some evidence from Zimbabwe to show that missionary linguistic politics were an important factor in this process. The South African linguist Clement Doke was brought in to resolve conflicts about the orthography of Shona. His Report on the Unification of the Shona Dialects (1931) shows how the language politics of the Christian denominations, which were also the factions within the umbrella organization the Southern Rhodesia Missionary Conference, contributed quite significantly to the creation and promotion of Zezuru, Karanga and Manyika as the main groupings of dialects in the central area which Doke later accommodated in a unified orthography of a unified language that was given the name Shona. While vocabulary from Ndau was to be incorporated, words from the Korekore group in the north were to be discouraged, and Kalanga in the West was allowed to be subsumed under Ndebele.Writing about sixty years later, Ranger focusses more closely on the Manyika and takes his discussion to the 1940s, but he also mentions that the Rhodesian Front government of the 1960s and 1970s deliberately incited tribalism between the Shona and the Ndebele, while at the same time magnifying the differences between the regional divisions of the Shona, which were, in turn, played against one another as constituent clans. It would appear then that, for the indigenous Africans, the price of Christianity, Western education and a new perception of language unity was the creation of regional ethnic identities that were at least potentially antagonistic and open to political manipulation.Through many decades of rather unnecessary intellectual justification, and as a result of the collective colonial experience through the churches, the schools and the workplaces, these imposed identities, and the myths and sentiments that are associated with them, have become fixed in the collective mind of Africa, and the modern nation states of the continent now seem to be stuck with them. Missionaries played a very significant role in creating this scenario because they were mainly responsible for fixing the ethnolinguistic maps of the African colonies during the early phase of European occupation. To a significant degree, these maps have remained intact and have continued to influence African research scholarship.
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19

Chawarika, John, and Graham Alexander Duncan. "The Conferment of Martyrdom: Retracing Bernard Mzeki’s Life from his Formative Years in the History of the Anglican Church in Zimbabwe until his Death (1890–2013)." Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 44, no. 1 (April 3, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-4265/3153.

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The conferment of martyrdom is a thorn in the flesh in the Anglican Church today. Bernard Mzeki has been commemorated annually since the late 1930s as a martyr in the Anglican Church of Zimbabwe. This is because Mzeki died a mysterious death on 18 June 1896 during the period of the first War of Liberation (Chimurenga) in Zimbabwe. Although there are other factors that might have contributed to the death of Mzeki, the church strongly believes that he died for his Christian faith. Whilst it is a fact that the Church of the Province of Central Africa does not have official, written criteria to confer martyr status, the mystics surrounding the death of Mzeki—as documented by Farrant (1966) and Broderick (1953)—authenticated his martyr status. In this regard, the martyrdom of Mzeki remained unique from the 1940s during the bishopric of William Paget, who accepted the unwritten “bottom-to-top” procedure in canonising his martyrdom. It is interesting to note that from the 1990s the church in Zimbabwe has had figures like Rev. Peter Wagner and Mrs Mandeya, who were presumed to have died for their faith, but were not recognised as martyrs. In the same period, Zimbabwean Bishops like Ishmael Mukwanda and others were advocating for an official, written procedure to canonise them. It is based on the above analysis that this article will examine the role played by Mzeki in the strengthening of the Anglican faith in Zimbabwe.
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20

"Book Review: The Church in Mission: A Short History of the United Methodist Church in Zimbabwe, 1897–1997." Missiology: An International Review 26, no. 3 (July 1998): 371. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182969802600319.

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21

Banda, Collium, and Suspicion Mudzanire. "Supplementing the lack of ubuntu? The ministry of Zimbabwe’s Mashoko Christian Hospital to people living with HIV and AIDS in challenging their stigmatisation in the church." HTS Teologiese Studies / Theological Studies 75, no. 4 (September 30, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/hts.v75i4.5468.

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This article uses the African communal concept of ubuntu to reflect on the ministry of Mashoko Christian Hospital (MCH), Zimbabwe, to people living with the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) and AIDS (PLWHA) during the early days since the discovery of the disease. The main question this article seeks to answer is: from a perspective of the African philosophy of ubuntu, how did the ministry of MCH to PLWHA challenge the fear and judgemental attitudes towards the disease within the Churches of Christ in Zimbabwe? This leads to another question: what should the churches learn from MCH’s response to HIV and AIDS? This article only focusses on trends in conduct and not on a detailed history of engaging HIV and AIDS. The significance of this article is to demonstrate the important role played by faith-based organisations (FBOs) in complementing the compassion and care often lacking in the official churches’ response to HIV and AIDS.
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22

Mujinga, Martin. "A Reconstruction of Matthew Jacha Rusike’s Contribution to the Re-humanisation of Dehumanised Children in Zimbabwe 1950–1978." Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 46, no. 3 (December 24, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-4265/7970.

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Abstract The Mathew Rusike Children’s Home (MRCH) in Zimbabwe is known for its philanthropic work of caring for orphans and vulnerable children. It is an institution viewed as a Christ-woven nest that re-humanises dehumanised children. This paper was motivated by the fact that, over the years, the MRCH has attracted partners and supporters locally and globally, thereby giving it international status. However, there is a gap in research that connects the founder, Rev. Matthew Jacha Rusike, and the institution. The gap is worrisome, because Rusike has been a pioneer in the history of Methodism in a number of ways. To start with, he was the first African Wesleyan Methodist minister to be appointed as circuit superintendent in a missionary-dominated church. Second, he was awarded the “Member of the Order of the British Empire” for his contribution to the formation of the first African children’s home in a country whose cultural values denied the existence of orphanages. Third, he also supervised many schools; and yet there is little research about him. The other motivation for this study was to reconcile the historical Rusike and the institution. The paper concluded that Rusike had challenged the African epistemology that orphans and vulnerable children are the responsibility of relatives—even if those homes are not safe for children. The paper starts by discussing the personal life of Rusike, followed by a description of his ministerial journey; how he founded the children’s home, and how the home developed from a family vision to be the church’s Christian social responsibility.
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23

Tarusarira, Joram. "Subject Formation, Fundamentalism and Instrumentalist Nationalism in Zimbabwean politics." Peace and Conflict Studies, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.46743/1082-7307/2017.1377.

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This article argues that despite presiding over a failed economy, the Zimbabwe African Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) led by Robert Mugabe, has willing and enthusiastic supporters. There are claims that the large crowds witnessed singing and dancing at ZANU PF rallies are mobilized by force because the attendees do not benefit anything from supporting the regime. In a divergence from the consensus of the literature, this article surfaces other explanations than coercion for the huge turnout at rallies, rented crowds, handouts, and well-articulated election manifestos. The psychological dimension, especially the fundamentalist mindset created by instrumentalist nationalism, is one such other perspective to clarifying why this is the case. It might also explain why some Zimbabweans are so susceptible to compliance with power relations that subordinate them. Thus, a psychological dimension is added to the level of analysis beyond the often resorted to socio-economic and political explanations for political mobilization. Willing and enthusiastic support is not to be necessarily judged by ZANU PF’s winning or losing elections, or the number of supporters it has, but more by the effervescence observed at rallies and other political activities. The article interrogates ZANU PF’s instrumentalist nationalism through both religious and non-religious lenses, such as the education system, media, church platforms, music, history and culture, galas, and its usual political campaigns.
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