Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Zimbabwe – Economic conditions – 1965-1980'

Non-governmental Organizations (NGOs) have occupied a prominent role in the development of rural Zimbabwe since the time of its independence in 1980. NGO work in Zimbabwe currently takes place within the context of a tense and fluid political climate, an economy struggling to recover from crisis, international skepticism toward long-term donor investment in development, and global expectations about the methodologies and accountability measures carried out in intervention-based development work. In the light of the participatory methodologies and empowerment-based development frameworks that dominate the current global expectations for work within the NGO sector, this thesis focuses on the work of one particular NGO working in Zimbabwe, namely, World Vision. The main objective of the thesis is to understand and explain the participatory methods, accountability and effectiveness of World Vision in Zimbabwe (with particular reference to Umzingwane District) and, in doing so, to deepen the theoretical understanding of NGOs as constituting a particular organizational form. World Vision is a large-scale international NGO that has a pronounced presence in Zimbabwe and it is specifically active in Umzingwane District in Matabeleland South Province. The thesis argues that NGOs exist within a complex and tense condition entailing continuous responses to pressures from donors and states that structure their survival. Ultimately, in maneuvering through such pressures, NGOs tend to choose directions which best enable their own sustainability, often at the cost of the deep participatory forms that may heighten the legitimacy of their roles. World Vision Zimbabwe responds to donor trends, national and local expectations of the state and its own organizational expectations by building local government capacity in order to maintain the longevity and measureable outputs of its projects. In doing so, it redefines the concept of participation in pursuing efficient and practical approaches to ‘getting things done’. This compromises deep participatory methodologies and, in essence, alters the practices involved in participatory forms in order to maintain World Vision’s own organizational sustainability and presence in Zimbabwe.

This thesis is a critical examination of the origins, barriers and prospects for a working class-led civil society as it sought to democratise Zimbabwe’s post-colonial state. It is an interdisciplinary but historically informed analysis of how advanced capitalist development promoted the emergence of social movement unionism with a potentiality to advance democracy in Zimbabwe. Despite occurring on a much smaller and thinner scale, the evolution of civil society in colonial Zimbabwe was akin to what happened in 19th century Britain where capitalist expansion presented a foundation for democratisation. However, big underlying barriers exist in Zimbabwe, resulting from various forms of authoritarian structures and forcible mobilisation strategies emanating from colonialism and the protracted war of liberation. ZANU PF’s violent reaction to memory contests by non-participants in the war of liberation seeking an alternative political agenda attest to the controversial and polemical nature of struggles over memory and forgetting in contemporary Zimbabwean politics. These structural impediments forestalled the organic growth of civil society in Zimbabwe, thereby explaining its inchoate status and the failure to significantly determine the course of public policy. While recognising the democratic aspirations and capacities of the working class in precipitating political change, this thesis takes into consideration the impact of other factors on state-society relations. These include deepening state barbarism, globalisation, and technological advances in communication, transnational civil society, a dysfunctional economy, migration and remittances. Finally this thesis presents an optimistic scenario about the prospects for civil society and democratisation in Zimbabwe. I argue that the revival of the productive sectors of the economy can possibly strengthen the labour movement and revive its capacities for ushering in a democracy.

The thesis seeks to understand how emerging communities borne out of the Fast Track Land Reform Programme in Zimbabwe have been able to ensure social cohesion and social service provision using farm level institutions. The Fast Track Programme brought together people from diverse backgrounds into new communities in the former commercial farming areas. The formation of new communities meant that, often, there were 'stranger households'living next to each other. Since 2000, these people have been involved in various processes aimed at turning clusters of homesteads into functioning communities through farm level institutions. Fast track land reform precipitated economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe characterised by a rapidly devaluating Zimbabwean dollar, enormous inflation and high unemployment figures. This economic crisis has impacted heavily on new farmers who find it increasingly difficult to afford inputs and access loans. They have formed social networks in response to these challenges, taking the form of farm level institutions such as farm committees, irrigation committees and health committees. The study uses case studies from small-scale 'A1 farmers‘ in Mazowe district which is in Mashonaland Central Province. It employs qualitative methodologies to enable a nuanced understanding of associational life in the new communities. Through focus group discussions, in-depth interviews, narratives, key informant interviews and institutional mapping the study outlines the formation, taxonomy, activities, roles, internal dynamics and social organisation of farm level institutions. The study also uses secondary data collected in 2007-08 by the Centre for Rural Development in the newly resettled areas in Mazowe. The major finding of the study is that farmers are organising in novel ways at grassroots levels to meet everyday challenges. These institutional forms however are internally weak, lacking leadership with a clear vision and they appear as if they are transitory in nature. They remain marginalised from national and global processes and isolated from critical connections to policy makers at all levels; thus A1 farmers remain voiceless and unable to have their interests addressed. Farm level institutions are at the forefront of the microeconomics of survival among these rural farmers. They are survivalist in nature and form, and this requires a major shift in focus if they are to be involved in developmental work. The institutions remain fragmented and compete amongst themselves for services from government without uniting as A1 farmers with similar interests and challenges.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The downward spiral of Zimbabwe under President Robert Gabriel Mugabe and the slide into lawlessness has excited international opinion. Perhaps even more controversial, has been South African President Thabo Mbeki's obvious reticence to condemn Mugabe's increasing authoritarianism and breach of human rights and democratic standards. South Africa's foreign policy of 'quiet diplomacy' towards Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe has received strong criticism. Whilst both domestic and international audiences expected South Africa to take a stronger stance towards Mugabe because of his increasing violation of human rights and democratic standards, President Mbeki has been notably reticent to publicly criticise Mugabe. Consequently, the South African government has been criticised for condoning Mugabe's behaviour, which in turn has raised questions as to South Africa's commitment to the advocacy of human rights and its attempts to establish a leadership position in Africa. Although both internal and external pressures have given rise to South Africa's strong commitment to the international norm of human rights in 1994, this commitment seemed to weaken as the years passed. The commitment to human rights, that was especially prominent during the Nelson Mandela presidency, has given rise to foreign policy tensions and contradictions within the South African government. South Africa's turn to multilateral mechanisms as the main vehicle for South Africa's principled commitment to human rights has been accompanied by a decline in the priority placed on this principle. This loss of ardour in the commitment to the human rights advocacy, moreover, has seemed to increase during the Mbeki presidency. President Mbeki's desire to playa leadership role in Africa and his vision for African renewal and rebirth have been accompanied by a stronger emphasis on African solidarity as a foreign policy principle. South Africa's commitment to the norm of human rights, however, has thwarted South Africa's attempts to strengthen African solidarity since it required a rejection of the norms of 'state sovereignty' and 'not to speak out against each other'. Since high priority is attached to these norms in Africa, contradictions arose between the norms of human rights advocacy and African solidarity. This study argues that South Africa's policy of 'quiet diplomacy' towards Zimbabwe can only be understood by focusing on the role of norms and identity on South Africa's policy. It aims to illustrate how South Africa's aspiration for continental leadership has constrained its commitment to human rights advocacy, as accentuated by the Zimbabwean crisis. This study explores the role of norms and identity in South Africa's foreign policy decisions towards Zimbabwe by drawing on constructivism as a theoretical framework. The international relations theory of constructivism provides a framework for analysing the potential influence of norms in international relations. Constructivism illustrates that South Africa's freedom of action has been determined by the interplay between policy actors and social forces with very different ideological convictions about the country in the world, the pressures incumbent upon it and the extent to which it can influence world affairs.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Zimbabwe se toenemende ekonomiese en politieke agteruitgang onder die presidentskap van Robert Gabriel Mugabe, asook die geleidelike oorgang na wetteloosheid, het internasionale veroordeling voortgebring. President Thabo Mbeki van Suid-Afrika se ooglopende teensinnigheid om Mugabe se toenemende outoriteit en skending van menseregte en demokratiese standaarde te veroordeel, was selfs meer omstrede. Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid van 'stille diplomasie' teenoor President Mugabe van Zimbabwe het dus sterk kritiek uitgelok. Terwyl beide binnelandse en internasionale sfere van Suid-Afrika verwag het om 'n sterker standpunt teenoor Mugabe in te neem in die lig van Mugabe se toenemende skending van menseregte en demokratiese standaarde, was President Mbeki merkbaar teensinnig om Mugabe openlik te kritiseer. Die Suid-Afrikaanse regering is gevolglik daarvan beskuldig dat dit Mugabe se gedrag verskoon, wat weer aanleiding gegee het tot die bevraagtekening van Suid-Afrika se verbintenis tot die bevordering van menseregte en pogings om 'n leierskapsposisie in Afrika te vestig. Alhoewel beide interne en eksterne druk tot Suid-Afrika se sterk verbintenis tot die internasionale norm van menseregte in 1994 bygedra het, het hierdie verbintenis mettertyd geleidelik vervaag. Hierdie verbintenis tot menseregte was veral prominent gedurende die Mandela presidentskap en het spoedig aanleiding tot spanning en teenstrydighede in Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid gegee. Suid-Afrika se wending tot multilaterale meganismes as voertuig vir die bevordering van menseregte, het dus gepaard gegaan met 'n afname in die prioriteit wat aan hierdie beginsel geheg word. Hierdie afname in Suid-Afrika se dryfkrag in hul verbintenis tot die bevordering van menseregte, het gedurende die Mbeki presidentskap vergroot. President Mbeki se begeerte om 'n leiersposisie in Afrika in te neem, asook sy visie vir Afrika hernuwing en herlewing, het dus gepaard gegaan met 'n sterker klem op die belang van Afrika solidariteit as 'n buitelandse beleidsbeginsel. Suid-Afrika se verbintenis tot menseregte het egter Suid-Afrika se pogings om Afrika solidariteit te bevorder, verhinder, aangesien 'n verbintenis tot menseregte die verwerping van die norme van 'staatsoewereiniteit' en 'nie teenoor mekaar uit te praat nie' vereis het. Aangesien hierdie twee laasgenoemde norme steeds voorrang geniet in die Afrika konteks, het daar teenstrydighede tussen die norme van menseregte en Afrika solidariteit ontstaan. Hierdie studie argumenteer dat Suid-Afrika se beleid van 'stille diplomasie' teenoor Zimbabwe slegs begryp kan word deur op die rol van norme en identiteit op Suid-Afrika se beleid te fokus. Daar word gepoog om te illustreer hoe Suid-Afrika se aspirasie om 'n leiersposisie in Afrika in te neem, beperk is deur die verbintenis tot die bevordering van menseregte, soos beklemtoon deur die krisis in Zimbabwe. Hierdie studie ondersoek dus die rol van norme en identiteit op Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleidsbesluite teenoor Zimbabwe met behulp van konstruktivisme as 'n teoretiese raamwerk. Die internasionale betrekkinge teorie van konstruktivisme bied 'n raamwerk vir die analise van die potensiële invloed van norme in internasionale betrekkinge. Konstruktivisme illustreer dat Suid-Afrika se vryheid van aksie bepaal word deur die wisselwerking tussen beleidsakteurs en sosiale kragte met verskillende ideologiese oortuigings oor die staat in die wêreld, die druk wat daarop inwerk en die mate waartoe dit wêreld gebeure kan beïnvloed.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Land has been a revolutionary metaphor for wealth and power in the world. Ideally, land reform in Africa should contribute to social and economic progress and ultimately result in social equity, as well as increased agricultural productivity. This study is devoted to the history of the land ownership in Southern Africa, as well as the meaning and explanation of land reform programmes after the transition to democracy. Moreover, it is dedicated to familiarising the reader with the various meanings and issues concerning land reform, particularly in South Africa and Zimbabwe. The outcome of the study is to promote further discussion on the need and about the revival of land reform programmes in the region of Southern Africa. In this study, South Africa and Zimbabwe are discussed comparatively with regards to three main areas of land reform: restitution, redistribution and tenure reform. The goal of this study is to gauge the possibility of South Africa following in the footsteps of Zimbabwe in terms of land invasions supported by the government. Zimbabwe faces the painful reality that its political revolutions have only brought them halfway to true independence. The objective for Zimbabwe is to establish a functional socialist economy where decision-making would be under political control so as to bring about the drastic redistribution of wealth from whites to blacks. The fulfilment of the rule of law must become the first priority of the Zimbabwean government. If the government continues to belittle the rule of law, corrupt decisions benefiting only those in support of the government, will continually be made. The importance of land in Zimbabwe did not so much arise from the social and economic inequalities, but rather the inability to access land, accompanied by a growing overpopulation, landlessness, land deterioration and escalating poverty in the black areas. This was further paralleled with severe under-utilisation of land in the white farming areas. South Africa, on the other hand, did make space at an earlier stage of transition in their constitution, for organised and methodical land reform to occur. Unfortunately, this process has taken much slower than first predicted, which has led to unrest among the landless, and those who have made claims for the land. South Africa very recently made some decisions to speed up the land reform process through expropriation if negotiations fail. With the Zimbabwean situation, the issue may not so much be about land in itself, but may reflect the need for employment, especially regarding infrastructure and investment in industrialisation within the rural areas. This study concludes that South Africa, although showing many similar signs of a downward spiral, will not follow the route which Zimbabwe has taken. It would appear that the government of South Africa would not allow land invasions by the landless, organised under the banner the 'Landless Peoples Movement (LPM), as was seen in Zimbabwe with the war veterans. The reason for this is that the South African government has made continuous statements that land invasions will not be tolerated in South Africa, and that they will abide by the legislation set out, when it comes to land reform and restitution. The government has the power to enforce the rule of law if land invasions do start to occur. Although the LPM have a similar manifesto and goal as to the war veterans in Zimbabwe, they seem a lot less militant and ready to work with the government and the people to ensure the best for South Africa's land reform process. This study thus looks at land reform issues that face South Africa and Zimbabwe, and fleshes out ideas as to creating a regional procedure for the best method of land reform for implementation by the South African Development Community.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Gesien in die lig dat grond die revolusionêre metafoor van rykdom en mag in die wêreld is, sal dit ideaal wees as grondhervorming tot sosiale en ekonomiese bevordering in Afrika kan bydra en uiteindelik kan lei tot sosiale gelykheid en toename in produktiwiteit in die Landbou-sektor. Hierdie studie is toegewy aan die geskiedenis van grond-eienaarskap in Suider- Afrika, sowel as die betekenis en verduideliking van grondhervormingsprogramme na afloop van die transisie na 'n demokrasie stelsel. Die studie fokus ook daarop om die leser meer in te lig oor die verskeie menings en uitgangspunte rakende grondhervorming in die algemeen, maar meer speisfiek in Suid Afrika en Zimbabwe. Die doel van die studie is om verdere besprekings oor die behoefte en die heroplewing van grondhervormingsprogramme in Suider-Afrika. Suid-Afrika en Zimbabwe word in die studie op drie gronde met mekaar vergelyk: Die teruggawe van grondeiendom, die herverdeling van grondeiendom en die hervorming van besitreg. Die doel van die studie is om te bepaal of Suid-Afrika in die voetspore van Zimbabwe gaan volg. Zimbabwe staar die pynlike realiteit in die oë dat hul politieke revolusies hulle slegs halfpad tot ware onafhanklikheid gebring het. Die doel vir Zimbabwe was om 'n funksionele sosialistiese ekonomiese stelsel daar te stel waar besluitneming onder politieke beheer sou wees om sodanig drastiese herverdeling van rykdom vanaf blankes na swartes, asook onafhanklikheid van kapitaliste, te bewerkstellig. Die belangrikheid van grondbesit het nie werklik in die sosiale en ekonomiese ongelykhede gelê nie, maar in die onvermoë om grond te bekom tesame met 'n toenemende oorbevolkingsyfer, grondloosheid, grondverarming en toenemende armoede in swart gebiede. 'n Bydraende faktor was die groot mate van onderbenutting van grond in blanke boerdery gebiede. Aan die ander kant, het Suid Afrika baie vroeg in die oorgangsfase voorsiening vir 'n georganiseerde en stelselmatige grondhervormingsproses, in die grondwet gemaak. Ongelukkig het die proses baie langer gesloer as wat aanvanklik beplan is. Dit het tot onrustigheid onder die mense wat geen grondeiendom besit het nie en dié wat grondeise ingedien het, gelei. Suid Afrika het onlangs besluite geneem om die proses te bespoedig deur 'n paar belangrike besluite te neem, om die grondhervormings proses, vinniger te maak Dit word gedoen deur ekspropriasie as onderhandelinge onsuksesvol is. Soos in Zimbabwe, mag die werklike probleem nie slegs oor geondbesit gaan nie. Dit reflekteer die behoefte aan werkverskaffing, veral in die infrastruktuur van arm gebiede en die investering industrialisasie. Alhoewel dit lyk asof Suid-Afrika nie suksesvol in die herverdeling van grond is nie, kom die studie tot die slotsom dat die land nie in die spore van Zimbabwe sal volg nie. Dit kom voor asof die Suid-Afrikaanse owerheid nie sal toelaat dat mense sonder grondbesit, grond onregmatig inneem soos in Zimbabwe nie, omdat hulle 'n punt in die media daarvan gemaak het. Die owerheid het die mag om die wet toe te pas in situasies waar grond onregmatig ingeneem word. Alhowel die LPM ("Landless Peoples Movement") 'n soortgelyke manifes en doelstellings as die oorlogveterane van Zimbabwe het, blyk dit nie asof hulle so militaristies is nie en dat hulle gereed is om saam met die owerheid en mense te werk sodat die hervormingsproses in die beste belange van Suid-Afrika plaasvind. Hierdie studie kyk dus na die grondhervormingsproses in Zimbabwe en Suid Afrika en vorm idees rondom die skepping van 'n uniforme proses wat die beste hervormingsmetode is vir die gebruik van die Suid-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap.

The fast track land reform programme resulted in a fundamental reorganisation of rural relations in Zimbabwe, changing the landscape in an irreversible way with people from diverse backgrounds converging on former white-owned farms. This thesis tells the story of how the newly resettled land beneficiaries are organising themselves socially in response to various economic challenges. It makes a contribution towards understanding how redistributive land reforms and local government restructuring influence rural social organisation and agency. Furthermore the study examines local perceptions on the meanings of the „farm‟ and „land redistribution‟. An utterance by one war veteran “what used to be your farm is now our land and you are free to take your farm but leave our land” provides an alternative rendition to contestations of restitution versus a purely farm productionist discourse. The study, through an analysis of primary and secondary data, provides a fresh understanding of the social outcomes of fast track. It traces the evolution of land and agrarian reforms in post-independence Zimbabwe and the political and social economic context that led to „fast track‟. Through an analysis of field findings the thesis is able to define the dominant social groups that were resettled during fast track and the challenges they face in utilising the land. The findings show that the majority of the land beneficiaries were from the customary areas, with limited agricultural experiences. Local cooperation within informal networks and local farmer groups has been identified as one of the ways in which social reproduction is being organised. These groups are responsible for enhancing production capacity but they face a number of constraints. The study derives its theoretical foundation from the post 1980s debates on rural society dominated by Mafeje (1993, 2003), Rahmato (1991) and Mamdani (1996). The debates centred on how institutions of inclusion, authority and cooperation such as the lineage groups, local farmer groups and traditional authority remain relevant in the organisation of post-independent rural African society especially in a context of increased commoditisation of rural relations of production. Using theoretical insights derived from analysing the role of the lineage groups in the allocation of critical resources such as land and the influence of traditional authority (indirect rule) as a form of local government, the study examines how social organisation is emerging in areas where neither lineage nor traditional authority are not dominant. The thesis of rural cooperation through local groups as advanced by Rahmato (1991) and Moyo (2002) provides partial insights into the response mechanisms that land beneficiaries invoke in this instance. It is not necessarily an autonomous space of organisation but rather the state is actively involved through various functionaries including extension officers who invariably advance a very productionist approach. The state‟s monopoly through its local functionaries hides its political cooptation effect by emphasising organisation for production without questioning the manner in which that production is externally controlled through limited rights over land, the state‟s monopoly over inputs supply and markets for commodities. Whilst land reform has been driven by local participation through land occupations, local government reform has been technocratically determined through Ministerial directives. There is however little innovation in the form of local government that is being introduced. It expands the fusion of authority between elected Rural District Councils and unelected traditional authority functionaries. The forms of social organisation and agency that have emerged remain subordinated to the state with no links to other networks of rural producers‟ associations and urban civil society organisations. These developments form part of a longheld tradition within the Zimbabwean state where the legitimacy of local organisation and authority is usurped to service the interests of the state. Thus whilst land reform has to a certain extent accommodated the majority poor, the ensuing local government and agrarian reforms are more focused on limiting their participation in broader processes of political engagement around distribution and accumulation and their own governance.

Thesis (DTech (Marketing))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2013.
During the past few decades, nation branding has emerged as one of the key strategies for national economic development. Many nations across the world, both developed and developing, have embraced the concept as they compete against each other for export markets, foreign direct investment, tourists, scarce human resources and international leverage and influence. Nation branding has now become one of the critical drivers for country differentiation and the creation of sustainable competitive advantages for nations. This thesis explores the concept of nation branding and investigates its applicability to Zimbabwe, a country which has been riddled with various socio-economic and political challenges during the past two decades. The main purpose of the thesis was to develop a model that can be used to re-brand Zimbabwe. This research study adopted a mixed-methods approach through the amalgamation of both qualitative and quantitative research methodologies. A survey questionnaire was administered to respondents who included Zimbabweans as well as people who are not Zimbabwean citizens. The qualitative phase of the research study consisted of depth interviews with various branding practitioners, managers in both the private and public sectors and academics inside and outside of Zimbabwe. Four summarised case studies were also carried out in order to draw lessons from cases of successful and unsuccessful nation branding programmes in different parts of the world. According to the research findings, Zimbabwe has a negative image on the global map. The country needs to be re-branded and the majority of Zimbabweans are willing to be part of this process. However, for the re-branding initiative to be successful there should be a comprehensive transformation of the country's socio-political, economic and legal systems in order to create an enabling environment that is conducive for the effective application of nation branding strategies. The findings further reinforce the notion that re-branding should be part of a broader national economic development strategy for the country. The thesis concludes with the propagation of two models viz, the transformative process model for the re-branding of Zimbabwe and the re-branding as a transformative learning process model.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Land has been the revolutionary metaphor for wealth and power in the world and even more so in Africa. Ideally, land reform in Africa should therefore, contribute to social and economic progress and ultimately result in social equity as well as increased agricultural productivity. This study was devoted to the history of colonialism and the meaning and birth of land reform policies after colonialism. Moreover, to familiarise the reader with the various meanings and issues concerning land reform particularly in Kenya and Zimbabwe. The outcome of the study was to provoke further discussion on the need for land reform in other developing countries, especially South Africa, as well as to investigate whether colonialism created certain land ownership patterns that had harmful effects on the political and economic climate after independence in Kenya and Zimbabwe. Kenya has been unable to establish a sustainable land reform programme since independence. Ethnic clashes in the early 1990's were seen as a continuation of a battle to recognise the existence of property rights. The contributing factor to the conflict was the fact that the political leadership in Kenya was the direct beneficiary of land reform policies. Furthermore, the uncontrolled privatisation of public land only resulted in economic and agricultural decay. The Kenyan experience provides no evidence of increase in agricultural production, but inevitably resulted in social and economic inequalities and the emergence of significant landlessness, which was a result of the inadequacy of government, to provide credit as was initially proposed. Zimbabwe faces the painful reality that its political revolutions have only brought them halfway to true independence. The objective for Zimbabwe was to establish a functional socialist economy where decision making would be under political control in order to bring about the drastic redistribution of wealth from whites to blacks and to become independent form capitalists. The importance of land in Zimbabwe did not so much lie in the social and economic inequalities, but rather the inability to access land, accompanied by a growing overpopulation, landlessness, land deterioration and escalating poverty in the black areas parallel with severe under-utilisation of land in the white farming areas. This study concludes that African governmental land reform programmes have had mixed success. The complex nature of the liberation struggles in Africa, created diverse post-independence governmental systems. However, some former colonies illustrate certain common underlying issues such as the fact that years after independence, land remains one of the key unresolved issues in both Kenya and Zimbabwe, as well as in South Africa.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Gesien in die lig dat grond die revolusionêre metafoor van rykdom en mag in die wêreld, nog te meer in Afrika is, sal dit ideaal wees indien grondhervorming in Afrika kan bydra tot sosiale en ekonomiese bevordering en uiteindelik kan uitloop in sosiale gelykheid asook toename in landbou produktiwiteit. Hierdie studie was toegewy aan die geskiedenis van kolonialisme en die betekenis en oorsprong van grondhervormingsbeleide na kolonialisme, asook om die leser in te lig oor menings en uitgangspunte rakende grondhervorming, spesifiek in Kenya en Zimbabwe. Die doel van die studie was om verdere besprekings oor die behoefte vir grondhervorming in ander ontwikkelende lande, veral Suid-Afrika, uit te lok. Verder om te ondersoek of kolonialisme sekere grondeienaarskappatrone veroorsaak het wat negatiewe effekte op die politieke en ekonomiese klimaat in Kenya en Zimbabwe, na onafhanklikheidswording, veroorsaak het. Kenya is, sedert onafhanklikheidswording, nog nie in staat om 'n volhoudbare grondhervormingsprogram daar te stel nie. Etniese botsings in die vroeë 1990's was gesien as 'n voortsetting van 'n geveg om die bestaan van eiendomsregte te erken. Die bydraende faktor tot die konflik was die feit dat die politieke leierskap in Kenya direkte begunstigdes van die grondhervormingsbeleide was. Verder het onbeheerde privatisering van openbare grond ekonomiese en landbou verval tot gevolg gehad. Die Kenya ondervinding voorsien geen bewyse van toename in landbou produktiwiteit nie, maar het onvermydelik sosiale en ekonomiese ongelykhede en die ontstaan van merkwaardige grondloosheid tot gevolg gehad as gevolg van die onvermoeë van die regering om krediet te voorsien soos aanvanklik voorgestel was. Zimbabwe staar die pynlike realiteit in die oë dat hul politieke revolusies hulle slegs halfpad tot ware onafhanklikheid gebring het. Die doel vir Zimbabwe was om 'n funksionele sosialistiese ekonomie daar te stel waar besluitneming onder politieke beheer sou wees om sodanig drastiese herverdeling van rykdom vanaf blankes na swartes, asook onafhanklikheid van kapitaliste, te bewerkstellig. Die belangrikheid van grond het nie soveel in die sosiale en ekonomiese ongelykhede gelê nie, maar liewer in die onvermoë om grond te bekom tesame met 'n toenemende oorbevolking, grondloosheid, grondverarming en toenemende armoede in swart gebiede. 'n Bydraende faktor was die uiterse onderbenutting van grond in blanke boerdery gebiede. In samevatting wys hierdie studie dat grondhervormingsprogramme van regerings in Afrika gemengde sukses behaal het. Die kompleksiteit van die bevrydingstryde in Afrika het uiteenlopende post-onafhanklike regeringstelsels tot stand gebring. Nietemin, illustreer somige voormalige kolonies sekere algemene onderliggende uitgangspunte, onder andere die feit dat grond, jare na onafhanklikheid, steeds een van die belangrikste onopgeloste vraagstukke in beide Kenya en Zimbabwe, sowel as Suid-Afrika is.

Thesis (MDF (Development Finance))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Meer en meer mense werk buite hul land van herkoms as ooit tevore, en die geld wat hulle stuur na hul tuislande kan bestempel word as ‘n belangrike ekonomiese krag. Hierdie geld kan ’n belangrike rol speel in die ekonomie wat die geld ontvang. Die geld wat reiswerkers tuis stuur word remise of geldsending genoem en oortref reeds Offisiële Ontwikkelingshulp en oortref selfs Buitelandse Investering in sommige lande. Hierdie navorsingsverslag fokus op Zimbabwe, ’n land waarvan die ekonomie volgens sommiges reeds lank gelede moes ineengestort het. Die studie ondersoek tot watter mate geldsending die Zimbabwe ekonomie beskerm teen ineenstorting. Die verslag gebruik ’n opname onder verskeie rolspelers om te wys hoe geldsending die Zimbabwe ekonomie beskerm teen internasionale uitsluiting en sanksies. Zimbabweërs wat die ekonomiese swaarkry vrygespring het in hul land van herkoms stuur voortdurend geld na vriende en familie. Remise word deels gebruik as investering in kleinsake, terwyl deel van die buitelandse valuta investeer word in komoditeite wat die land moeilik deur offisiële kanale sou kon bekom. Die studie het bevind dat geldsending in 2005 en 2006 ongeveeer 25.5% en 25 persent respektiewelik tot die Bruto Nasioanle Produk van Zimbabwe bygedra het. Die studie het verder ’n paar interresante bevindinge gemaak. Een van hierdie is die ongedokumenteerde verskynsel van defleksie van geldsending na meer stabiele ekonomieë of geldeenhede. Sulke remise word dan in die land gehou waar dit gegenereer is, of dit word gestuur in ’n stabiele geldeenheid, of dit word selfs in die vorm van produkte soos kos gestuur.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: More and more people are working outside their countries of citizenship than before. These people are now a major economic force to their countries of origin as they are sending a lot of money to relatives back home. This income plays a key role in receiving economies. The money migrants send home is referred to as remittances and the amount transferred globally has eclipsed official development assistance (ODA) and in some economies it is well ahead of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). This research focuses on Zimbabwe, a country whose economy has long been anticipated to collapse but has so far evaded that implosion. It explores to which extent remittances are cushioning Zimbabwe’s economy from collapse. This report uses a survey of a number of role players to show how remittances have cushioned that economy from the effects of international isolation and sanctions. Zimbabweans who “escaped” the economic hardships in their country of origin have been consistently sending money home to their friends and relations. Money received has partly been invested in small businesses and part of the forex has been used to procure commodities that the country has struggled to acquire through official channels. The study found that the amount of remittances sent for 2005 and 2006 has respectively contributed approximately 25.5 and 25 percent to the GDP of Zimbabwe. The study further made a number of interesting findings. One of these seems to be the undocumented phenomenon of the deflection of remittances to more stable economies or currencies. Such remittances would be kept in the country where it is generated, or it would be sent back in a stable country, or could even be in the form of products such as food.

A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF MANAGEMENT IN FINANCE AND INVESTMENTS Of WITS BUSINESS SCHOOL March 2015
The paper investigates the presence of two calendar anomalies; the day of the week or Mon-day effect and the Month of the year or January effect by modelling volatility of the industrial index returns on the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange (ZSE) pre and post the multi-currency sys-tem. The procedure is carried out by employing non-parametric models from the Generalized Autoregressive Conditional Heteroscedastic (GARCH) family; GARCH, Exponential GARCH (EGARCH) and Threshold GARCH (TGARCH). The models are better suited in modelling daily and monthly seasonality as they can capture the time-varying volatility of the stock return data. The period of analysis is from the January 2004 to April 2008 (pre-dollarization period) and the second period of analysis is from the post-currency reform which runs from February 2009 to December 2013. The results obtained from the study are mixed. The day of the week test finds significantly negative returns on Monday, Wednesday and Friday pre the currency reform whilst a nega-tive Wednesday effect is found post the currency reform period. The TGARCH model is the only one that captures a negative monthly effects on all the months of the year with the ex-ception of January pre the currency reform period. No monthly effects are found on the ZSE post the currency reform period by all models employed. The absence of monthly seasonality effects and the reduced number of days of day of the week effects from all the GARCH mod-els employed can infer that the currency reform had a positive impact which translated to market efficiency.

Inequalities in levels of development between regions within a country are frequently regarded as a problem. The magnitude of the problem is more severe in developing countries than in developed countries. Zimbabwe, as a developing country, is no exception and the country is characterized by severe regional inequalities. This research is concerned with the spatial patterns of socio-economic development in Zimbabwe. The composite index method was used to rank administrative districts of Zimbabwe according to level of development. The composite indices together with socio-economic characteristics were used to demarcate the administrative districts into development regions according to Friedmann's (1966) model. Attention was given to the spatial development policies applied in Zimbabwe. Friedmann's (1966) guidelines, for the development of the different regional types in his model, were applied to the Zimbabwean spatial economy. Suggestions were made regarding possible adjustments to previous strategies used in Zimbabwe, for spatial development planning.
Anthropology and Archaeology
M.A.

Thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Management in Finance & Investment in the Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management Wits business school at the University of the Witwatersrand, 2016
Zimbabwe as a country went through severe economic crisis between the years 2000 and 2008. Hyperinflation, ill conception of policies by a desperate government that was in panic because of the shock that the crisis had on the economy, a declining exchange rate were among the serious challenges that were facing the economy. As investors and ordinary citizens scrambled for ways to store the value of their wealth, they all trooped to the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange (ZSE) to buy shares. As the demand of shares increased, so did share prices. Share prices had stopped to reflect economic fundamentals as the stock exchange became a mere market place of raising money. Stock markets have several functions which are crucial to an economy among them giving support to and facilitation of the growth of key sectors as well as provide accurate signals for resource allocation (Aurangzeb, 2012). Darskuviene (2010) says stock markets act as barometers of economies; in particular stock market movements tend to be leading indicators which means that they provide indications of likely future changes in the level of activity in the economy as a whole. Contrary to these crucial functions, the Zimbabwe Sock Exchange had become a repository of trapped local savings as Zimbabwean citizens scrambled for shares. The scrambling for shares was either for speculative purposes, store of wealth or just a place of raising fast cash as hyperinflation became a daily phenomenon. The prices of shares are supposed to reflect economic fundamentals, all things being equal but for the case of Zimbabwe, the stock prices were now reflecting activities of the ‘black market”. Money has several characteristics that it carries among them durability, hard to counterfeit, and stability in value and one of its major function is to act as a store of value. The Zimbabwean dollar had seized to serve any of the above mentioned functions as hyperinflation corroded the value of the currency. In 2009 Zimbabwean government adopted full dollarization as the Zimbabwean dollar had become useless as a medium of exchange. This saw the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange start to quote prices of shares in the United States Dollar (USD). This research examined the effect of dollarization on the performance of the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange. It attempts to measure and iv assess using empirical models the extent to which the adoption of dollarization enhanced the performance of the bourse. The study uses two sample periods namely the pre-dollarization era and the post dollarization era representing the years 2003 to 2008 and 2009 to 2014 respectively. The sample is made up of sixty two listed companies that make up the Zimbabwe stock Exchange industrial index, which is used as the benchmark index. Two soft wares have been used in carry out this research namely Eviews 8 and SPSS. These were used to in trend analysis, mean difference analysis and regression or correlation analysis. The analysis was carried out using these three techniques in order to assess the effect of dollarization on the performance of the ZSE. The results gathered from this research shows that dollarization has enhanced the performance of the ZSE. Shares prices have stabilized as compared to the pre-dollarization era where they would change a number of times in one day. This stability in share prices was brought about by the use of the US dollar to quote shares because the dollar is a more stable currency. It was found that market capitalization has significantly improved in the dollarization era. There is also strong evidence showing that Price Earnings ratio has decreased significantly which is a good for the Zimbabwean stock market. Turnover ratio did not show any statistical significance in terms of performance. Its correlation with dollarization was negative. This is due to the liquidity challenges that the country is experiencing as well as political uncertainty which is making the stock market unattractive to foreign investors. Therefore, I recommend further research on alternative ways of solving the problems that the country is facing for example de-dollarization and strategies that bring about monetary policy freedom.
GR2018

There has been an expansion of the informal economy globally, in both developed and developing countries. Among those joining the informal economy are Zimbabwean cross border traders coming to South Africa. This study explores the business environment within which the Zimbabwean cross border traders coming to South Africa operate. It gives an overview of the demographics of traders, the socioeconomic and political environment in which they operate and the nature of their supply relations. It also explores trader's experiences, the problems they face, the role of financial and social capital and the economic contribution of traders. The study made use of business tools, thus introducing new dimension of analysis into the field of informal economy studies. This study not only fills a gap in the literature on migration and informal activities but also concludes by making key policy recommendations.
Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2003.

This study examines the challenges of organisational transformation in emerging economies with special reference to Zimbabwe. It is an inductive study using grounded theory, rooted in case study methodology, based on Eisenhardt's (1989) eight steps of building theory from case study research. A longitudinal multiple case study design is used to capture transformation experiences of four companies (covering four business sectors) spanning from 1980 to 2000. Fourteen constructs from the within-case analysis form the basis of data collection and these are refined through cross-case analysis. Nine themes and sixteen challenges emerge from the study. The challenges and themes are used to identify points of convergence and divergence. Issues that trigger organisational transformation are spotted and best practices explored. Ultimately, the nine emerging themes are crystallized into seven. Both the emerging model - the Madzivire Transformation Model (MaTra) - and the elaborated model - the Madzivire Collaborative Transformation Model (MaCoTra) - are constructed from the seven themes. MaCoTra is a refinement of MaTra with the following differentiating features: * The metaphor of choruses signifies the centrality of collaboration from an African perspective; * MaCoTra reflects non-linear and linear linkages between choruses; * Choruses depict the significance of songs in African bonding; * A personal commitment to transformation calls for collective bonding around values, visions, missions and strategies; * MaCoTra is a remarkable departure from steps, phases and stages espoused in most Western change literature; * MaCoTra's philosophical base is Ubuntu - `I am because we are'- focusing on independence and interdependence; * Change interventions may be through individual or multiple MaCoTra choruses; * The organisational song connects all organisational members in a choir of transformation. MaCoTra addresses the sixteen challenges and exceedingly covers challenges cited in enfolding literature. MaCoTra was tested in and outside the study sample. I assert that MaCoTra is usable in Zimbabwean companies and may be generalized through replication studies in Africa and other emerging economies. Areas of further study towards the achievement of more generalisability of the theory/model are suggested. This study addresses the existing knowledge gap and prescribes the Madzivire Collaborative Transformation Model - MaCoTra - for companies in emerging economies.
Business Management
D.B.L.

The narratives about the postexilic Judean community are an ancient biblical account of the socio-economic and political experiences of the Judeans when they were finally restored back to Judah from Babylonian captivity. Although the Judean restoration was celebrated when they were restored by King Cyrus’ decree, real freedom did not prevail in the Persian province of Yehud; corruption, usury, greed, oppression, enslavement and loss of property impacted negatively on the poor. The leadership expropriated from poor citizens land, vineyards, and houses in exchange for food. In addition, the governors also charged heavy interest on money borrowed by poor members of society. Parents and their children were subjected to enslavement. In response to these corrupt practices, Nehemiah challenged the leadership to stop oppressing the poor. Nehemiah went further to provide food to the starving Judeans and other people from surrounding nations which served as a stimulus to strive towards alleviating poverty and starvation among communities. By employing an approach known as hermeneutics of appropriation, this thesis appropriates the experience of the postexilic Judean community to the post-independence Zimbabwean context. Between the years 1999 and 2008 many people lost their lives due to unemployment and lack of income, shelter, nutrition, and access to health-care facilities because of the economic meltdown following the controversial fast-track land reform programme in Zimbabwe. The majority of people are still experiencing the negative impact of the land reform as people strive to make a living in the absence of jobs and income scarcity. Corruption by the leadership has continued to further exacerbate starvation among the poor until today.This study attempts to employ the biblical Nehemiah’s social justice reforms (Neh 5) to challenge the Zimbabwean leadership to focus on rebuilding the country which was ravaged by a decade of both political and socio-economic crises. Lessons drawn from Nehemiah would be used to stimulate the leadership in the Zimbabwean government and members of society at large, to strive towards helping the poor and alleviating poverty.
Old Testament & Ancient Near Eastern Studies
D. Litt. et Phil. (Biblical Studies)

The concept of strategy has advanced significantly from when the emphasis fell on comprehensive, systematic and rational planning. However, many of the assumptions that were embedded in traditional strategy models were deemed to be inadequate and outdated as we approached a new competitive milieu (Maritz, 2010). Strategic Management is still a comparatively young field and the existing toolbox of concepts and techniques remains woefully inadequate (Grant, 2010). This reality should force a re-examination of the traditional strategy paradigms (Maritz, 2010). The literature review has confirmed the observations by Maritz (2010) and Grant (2010) that indeed current strategic management paradigms or approaches were inadequate for unique business environments obtaining in a developing country in Africa, such as Zimbabwe. The motivation for this research, therefore, was to identify and recommend strategic management approaches or paradigms applicable to banks operating in a turbulent and chaotic environment. Based on an extensive literature review, in-depth interviews were conducted with six commercial banks (three that survived the turbulence and three that failed) during the period under review. The study established that the banks that survived the turbulence had a different strategic management approach from the traditional designed ones. It was also noted in this study that in turbulent environments, strategy-making is birthed through an emergent process. When events are moving at an unprecedented speed, as was happening in Zimbabwe, the time intervals between obtaining information, analysing information, taking decisions and implementing those decisions need to be tightly compressed. The researcher coined this process Strategic Intensity (SI). On the other hand, diversification as a strategy was found to be very risky for businesses that did not have a strong foundation and that were lacking in the appreciation of the risk complexion of the businesses into which they were diversifying. This research makes a significant contribution by identifying and recommending Strategic Management approaches applicable to businesses operating in a turbulent and chaotic environment in developing markets such as Zimbabwe. Furthermore, this research also contributes towards the current debate in academic literature amongst practitioners of strategy, about how strategy is really made in organisations (Maritz, 2010). The debate centres around two opposing views: one associated with strategy-making as a formal, deliberate plan, and the other associated with strategies as evolving, ever-changing sets of outcomes that are eventually realised. Finally, the researcher proposes that further studies be conducted at the end of this study.
Business Management
DBL