Academic literature on the topic 'Zimbabwe – Economic conditions – 1980-'
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Journal articles on the topic "Zimbabwe – Economic conditions – 1980-"
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KELETA-MAE, NAILA. "Workshop Negative: Political Theatre in Zimbabwe in the 1980s." Theatre Research International 44, no. 3 (October 2019): 262–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883319000300.
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In 1980 the Republic of Zimbabwe became recognized internationally as an independent state. This independence marked a shift from white minority rule to black majority rule in the form of ZANU–PF in a transition in government that was fraught with brutal violence, tense negotiations and tremendous hope for the democratic state that would emerge. This article begins with a brief overview of key political-theatre and public-arts funding practices that emerged in the newly independent Zimbabwe in the 1980s and continues with an examination of an influential political play from the era by Cont Mhlange entitled Workshop Negative (1986). This article's analysis of Workshop Negative considers how the economic pressures explored in the play mirror the precarious working conditions that arts-funding models placed on political-theatre practitioners in Zimbabwe at the time.
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Nyazema, Norman Z. "The Zimbabwe Crisis and the Provision of Social Services." Journal of Developing Societies 26, no. 2 (June 2010): 233–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0169796x1002600204.
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Historically, health care in Zimbabwe was provided primarily to cater to colonial administrators and the expatriate, with separate care or second-provision made for Africans. There was no need for legislation to guarantee its provision to the settler community. To address the inequities in health that had existed prior to 1980, at independence, Zimbabwe adopted the concept of Equity in Health and Primary Health Care. Initially, this resulted in the narrowing of the gap between health provision in rural areas and urban areas. Over the years, however, there have been clear indications of growing inequities in health provision and health care as a result of mainly Economic Structural Adjustment Policies (ESAP), 1991–1995, and health policy changes. Infant and child mortality have been worsened by the impact of HIV/AIDS and reduced access to affordable essential health care. For example, life expectancy at birth was 56 in the 1980s, increased to 60 in 1990 and is now about 43. Morbidity (diseases) and mortality (death rates) trends in Zimbabwe show that the population is still affected by the traditional preventable diseases and conditions that include nutritional deficiencies, communicable diseases, pregnancy and childbirth conditions and the conditions of the new born. The deterioration of the Zimbabwean health services sector has also partially been due to increasing shortages of qualified personnel. The public sector has been operating with only 19 per cent staff since 2000. Many qualified and competent health workers left the country because of the unfavourable political environment. The health system in Zimbabwe has been operating under a legal and policy framework that in essence does not recognize the right to health. Neither the pre-independence constitution nor the Lancaster House constitution, which is the current Constitution of Zimbabwe, made specific provisions for the right to health. Progress made in the 1980s characterized by adequate financing of the health system and decentralized health management and equity of health services between urban and rural areas, which saw dramatic increases in child survival rates and life expectancy, was, unfortunately, not consolidated. As of 2000 per capita health financing stood at USD 8.55 as compared to USD 23.6, which had been recommended by the Commission of Review into the Health Sector in 1997. At the beginning of 2008 it had been dramatically further eroded and stood at only USD 0.19 leading to the collapse of the health system. Similarly, education in Zimbabwe, in addition to the changes it has undergone during the different periods since attainment of independence, also went through many phases during the colonial period. From 1962 up until 1980, the Rhodesia Front government catered more for the European child. Luckily, some mission schools that had been established earlier kept on expanding taking in African children who could proceed with secondary education (high school education). Inequity in education existed when the ZANU-PF government came into power in 1980. It took aggressive and positive steps to redress the inequalities that existed in the past. Unfortunately, the government did not come up with an education policy or philosophy in spite of massive expansion and investment. The government had cut its expenditure on education because of economic and political instability. This has happened particularly in rural areas, where teachers have left the teaching profession.
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Muchefa, Livingstone, and Calvin Phiri. "Orality versus Written Legislation: Oral History as used in Zimbabwe`s Post-2000 Land Reform Programme." Oral History Journal of South Africa 4, no. 2 (April 5, 2018): 26–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2309-5792/336.
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Zimbabwe became a colony of the British Empire on 13 September 1890, and attained independence in 1980. During the colonial period of 1890 to 1980 land was expropriated primarily from the indigenous Ndebele and the Shona tribal groups through the institutionalisation of legislation that brought about the segregation of Africans and paved the way for settlement and farming by whites. Between 1980 and 1990 there was little progress in terms of resettlement programmes because of financial constraints and the terms and conditions of the Lancaster House Agreement regarding the willing seller willing buyer principle. There were serious economic challenges in the decade 1990 to 2000, but the period post 2000 witnessed brisk land repossessions which were spearheaded by war veterans and politicians. At the heart of the “land invasions,†as they were popularly termed, lay historical injustices. This paper seeks to provide an insight into the centrality of the oral tradition or oral history as legal basis for the land repossessions that took place. Neither legal recourse nor visiting archives and other information centres for the purposes of authentication were a priority. The Lancaster Constitution was viewed as an obstacle when dealing with land. The National Archives of Zimbabwe is placed in context within the situation discussed.
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Mugodzwa, Davidson Mabweazara. "Black Economic Empowerment, Employment Creation and Resilience: The Economic and Social Contribution of Lennox Mine to the Development of Zimbabwe, 1970-2016." IRA-International Journal of Management & Social Sciences (ISSN 2455-2267) 6, no. 3 (March 27, 2017): 391. http://dx.doi.org/10.21013/jmss.v6.n3.p6.
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<div><p><em>This research sets out to unravel the history of Lennox Mine from its inception in 1970 tracing the contribution of the mine to the economic development of Zimbabwe from its colonial beginnings up to the current period when the new visionary owner, Honourable Gandiwa Moyo, Deputy Minister of Mines who inherited a dysfunctional mining enterprise set it on course again as a pillar for economic production, under the erstwhile management of the Lennox General Mine Manager, Edgar Mashindi. The research seeks to explore how the mine management, operating under harsh economic conditions prevailing in Zimbabwe has empowered African entrepreneurs and employees and resuscitated life to the dying town of Mashava. Mashava is back on its former footing as a lively booming bedroom town of Masvingo City, forty kilometres away: supermarkets, bars, salons, housing projects, new shops are sprouting up once again as Mashava claims its proud place as a gold producing enclave of the Zimbabwean economy. Hundreds of unemployed youths from all over Zimbabwe have descended on Mashava, seeking employment and investment opportunities resulting in an unprecedented economic boom which is being felt country wide. Only recently hordes of flea female market traders opened shop at Mashava to sell clothes, shoes, household furniture and related paraphernalia to local residents and they reported that business was excellent and confirmed business plans to return every month end to sell their wares. A few years back Mashava was an abandoned mining town with all services shut down after the Capitalist oligarchic organization which owned Mashava ceased all operations and expropriated capital to Australia and Europe and started out new commercial ventures in those respective European countries. The Zimbabwean Electricity Supply Association [ZESA] shut down electricity supplies to Lennox Mine after the mine incurred a debt of close to a quarter of a million. Today, Lennox has agreed on a payment plan and electricity has been reopened triggering high gold productivity as the mine returns to its normal production levels.</em></p></div>
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Seeberg, Merete Bech. "Electoral authoritarianism and economic control." International Political Science Review 39, no. 1 (May 15, 2017): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512117692802.
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While electoral revolutions in the Philippines and the post-Communist world have ousted dictators, autocrats from Mexico to Zimbabwe have cemented their rule through regular multi-party elections. Why do elections sometimes undermine authoritarian regimes while at other times they help sustain them? I argue that a dictator’s control over the economy conditions the effect of authoritarian elections. Where rulers command the heights of the economy, elections are more easily manipulated to sustain their rule. But where such control is lacking, elections may spur regime change. In a cross-national study of autocracies from 1970 to 2006, I find that as incumbent control over the economy increases, elections are less likely to lead to regime breakdown. Where economic control is at its lowest, elections increase the risk of regime collapse. Thus, research on authoritarianism needs to supplement the study of authoritarian regime types and institutional characteristics with a focus on the rulers’ control over the state and the economy.
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Charamba, Tyanai. "PARADIGM SHIFTS IN THE PERCEPTIONS OF DEATH IN SHONA LITERARY CREATIONS." Latin American Report 30, no. 1 (February 17, 2017): 49–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0256-6060/2174.
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This article aims to establish a paradigm shift in the way Shona traditional culture perceives death and funeral proceedings and in the manner that literary creations that were published before Zimbabwe attained political independence in 1980, perceive the same aspects. The article will also establish that there has been a paradigm shift in the manner that literary creations which were published before independence and those that were published after independence treat death and funeral proceedings. Thus, the article will establish that Shona culture perceives death and funeral proceedings as painful but not as monstrous and fearsome. Although that is the case in Shona culture, those Zimbabweans of Shona expression who created literature before independence view death and funeral proceedings as both painful and monstrous. However, some literary creations, which were published after independence, treat death and funeral proceedings as neither painful nor fearsome. In fact, there is a tendency by writers of Shona expression who published literary works after independence, to treat death and funeral proceedings as if they are natural and normal occurrences. They at times depict them as if they are lucrative life experiences and proceedings. The article has been written on the understanding that the paradigm shift in the manner death and funeral proceedings are treated in literary creations is indicative of some metamorphosis that Shona culture is undergoing as politico-economic and socio-cultural conditions and circumstances change in relation to the changing eras of Zimbabwe’s history.
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Mhere, Francis. "ECONOMIC GROWTH AND LIFE EXPECTANCY IN ZIMBABWE (1980 � 2010)." Journal of International Business and Economics 13, no. 2 (June 1, 2013): 49–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.18374/jibe-13-2.5.
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JENKINS, CAROLYN. "The Politics of Economic Policy-Making in Zimbabwe." Journal of Modern African Studies 35, no. 4 (December 1997): 575–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x97002589.
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There are two remarkable features of post-independence economic policy-making in Zimbabwe: the very limited nature of the changes made by the new government in 1980, and the complete reversal of policy announced in 1990. It was surprising that a more radical transformation had not been introduced soon after independence, since this had been achieved by a civil war prompted not only by the denial of even basic rights to the majority of the population, but also by an extremely inequitable distribution of economic resources. The volte-face in 1990 was also unexpected, because it required a repudiation of governmental rhetoric at a time when the economy was by no means in a state of crisis, even though under stress. This article attempts to understand these policy shifts.
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Bara, Alex, and Calvin Mudzingiri. "Financial innovation and economic growth: evidence from Zimbabwe." Investment Management and Financial Innovations 13, no. 2 (June 3, 2016): 65–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/imfi.13(2).2016.07.
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The role of financial innovation on economic growth in developing countries has not been actively pursued. Stemming from the finance-growth nexus, literature suggests that financial innovation has a relationship to growth, which could be either positive or negative. Implicitly, financial innovation has a good and a dark side that affects growth. This study establishes the causal relationship between financial innovation and economic growth in Zimbabwe empirically. Using the Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) bounds tests and Granger causality tests on financial time series data of Zimbabwe for the period 1980-2013, the study finds that financial innovation has a relationship to economic growth that varies depending on the variable used to measure financial innovation. A long-run, growth-driven financial innovationis confirmed, with causality running from economic growth to financial innovation. Bi-directional causality also exists after conditionally netting-off financial development. Policies that enhance economic growth inter-twined with financial innovation are essential, if developing countries, such as Zimbabwe, aim to maximize economic development
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Mhere, Francis, Tamisai Chipunza, and Stein Masunda. "INVESTIGATING THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN EDUCATION AND ECONOMIC GROWTH IN ZIMBABWE (1980 � 2003)." Journal of International Business and Economics 13, no. 1 (March 1, 2013): 83–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.18374/jibe-13-1.9.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Zimbabwe – Economic conditions – 1980-"
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Knight, Kayla Christine. "Development NGOs : understanding participatory methods, accountability and effectiveness of World Vision in Zimbabwe with specific reference to Umzingwane District." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013135.
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Non-governmental Organizations (NGOs) have occupied a prominent role in the development of rural Zimbabwe since the time of its independence in 1980. NGO work in Zimbabwe currently takes place within the context of a tense and fluid political climate, an economy struggling to recover from crisis, international skepticism toward long-term donor investment in development, and global expectations about the methodologies and accountability measures carried out in intervention-based development work. In the light of the participatory methodologies and empowerment-based development frameworks that dominate the current global expectations for work within the NGO sector, this thesis focuses on the work of one particular NGO working in Zimbabwe, namely, World Vision. The main objective of the thesis is to understand and explain the participatory methods, accountability and effectiveness of World Vision in Zimbabwe (with particular reference to Umzingwane District) and, in doing so, to deepen the theoretical understanding of NGOs as constituting a particular organizational form. World Vision is a large-scale international NGO that has a pronounced presence in Zimbabwe and it is specifically active in Umzingwane District in Matabeleland South Province. The thesis argues that NGOs exist within a complex and tense condition entailing continuous responses to pressures from donors and states that structure their survival. Ultimately, in maneuvering through such pressures, NGOs tend to choose directions which best enable their own sustainability, often at the cost of the deep participatory forms that may heighten the legitimacy of their roles. World Vision Zimbabwe responds to donor trends, national and local expectations of the state and its own organizational expectations by building local government capacity in order to maintain the longevity and measureable outputs of its projects. In doing so, it redefines the concept of participation in pursuing efficient and practical approaches to ‘getting things done’. This compromises deep participatory methodologies and, in essence, alters the practices involved in participatory forms in order to maintain World Vision’s own organizational sustainability and presence in Zimbabwe.
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Magure, Booker. "Civil society's quest for democracy in Zimbabwe: origins,barriers and prospects, 1900-2008." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003008.
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This thesis is a critical examination of the origins, barriers and prospects for a working class-led civil society as it sought to democratise Zimbabwe’s post-colonial state. It is an interdisciplinary but historically informed analysis of how advanced capitalist development promoted the emergence of social movement unionism with a potentiality to advance democracy in Zimbabwe. Despite occurring on a much smaller and thinner scale, the evolution of civil society in colonial Zimbabwe was akin to what happened in 19th century Britain where capitalist expansion presented a foundation for democratisation. However, big underlying barriers exist in Zimbabwe, resulting from various forms of authoritarian structures and forcible mobilisation strategies emanating from colonialism and the protracted war of liberation. ZANU PF’s violent reaction to memory contests by non-participants in the war of liberation seeking an alternative political agenda attest to the controversial and polemical nature of struggles over memory and forgetting in contemporary Zimbabwean politics. These structural impediments forestalled the organic growth of civil society in Zimbabwe, thereby explaining its inchoate status and the failure to significantly determine the course of public policy. While recognising the democratic aspirations and capacities of the working class in precipitating political change, this thesis takes into consideration the impact of other factors on state-society relations. These include deepening state barbarism, globalisation, and technological advances in communication, transnational civil society, a dysfunctional economy, migration and remittances. Finally this thesis presents an optimistic scenario about the prospects for civil society and democratisation in Zimbabwe. I argue that the revival of the productive sectors of the economy can possibly strengthen the labour movement and revive its capacities for ushering in a democracy.
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Chiweshe, Manase Kudzai. "Farm level institutions in emergent communities in post fast track Zimbabwe: case of Mazowe district." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003096.
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The thesis seeks to understand how emerging communities borne out of the Fast Track Land Reform Programme in Zimbabwe have been able to ensure social cohesion and social service provision using farm level institutions. The Fast Track Programme brought together people from diverse backgrounds into new communities in the former commercial farming areas. The formation of new communities meant that, often, there were 'stranger households'living next to each other. Since 2000, these people have been involved in various processes aimed at turning clusters of homesteads into functioning communities through farm level institutions. Fast track land reform precipitated economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe characterised by a rapidly devaluating Zimbabwean dollar, enormous inflation and high unemployment figures. This economic crisis has impacted heavily on new farmers who find it increasingly difficult to afford inputs and access loans. They have formed social networks in response to these challenges, taking the form of farm level institutions such as farm committees, irrigation committees and health committees. The study uses case studies from small-scale 'A1 farmers‘ in Mazowe district which is in Mashonaland Central Province. It employs qualitative methodologies to enable a nuanced understanding of associational life in the new communities. Through focus group discussions, in-depth interviews, narratives, key informant interviews and institutional mapping the study outlines the formation, taxonomy, activities, roles, internal dynamics and social organisation of farm level institutions. The study also uses secondary data collected in 2007-08 by the Centre for Rural Development in the newly resettled areas in Mazowe. The major finding of the study is that farmers are organising in novel ways at grassroots levels to meet everyday challenges. These institutional forms however are internally weak, lacking leadership with a clear vision and they appear as if they are transitory in nature. They remain marginalised from national and global processes and isolated from critical connections to policy makers at all levels; thus A1 farmers remain voiceless and unable to have their interests addressed. Farm level institutions are at the forefront of the microeconomics of survival among these rural farmers. They are survivalist in nature and form, and this requires a major shift in focus if they are to be involved in developmental work. The institutions remain fragmented and compete amongst themselves for services from government without uniting as A1 farmers with similar interests and challenges.
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Coetzee, Cari. "South Africa's foreign policy of quiet diplomacy towards Zimbabwe : constructivism as a framework to highlight the contradictory norms of human rights and African solidarity." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/50099.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The downward spiral of Zimbabwe under President Robert Gabriel Mugabe and the slide into lawlessness has excited international opinion. Perhaps even more controversial, has been South African President Thabo Mbeki's obvious reticence to condemn Mugabe's increasing authoritarianism and breach of human rights and democratic standards. South Africa's foreign policy of 'quiet diplomacy' towards Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe has received strong criticism. Whilst both domestic and international audiences expected South Africa to take a stronger stance towards Mugabe because of his increasing violation of human rights and democratic standards, President Mbeki has been notably reticent to publicly criticise Mugabe. Consequently, the South African government has been criticised for condoning Mugabe's behaviour, which in turn has raised questions as to South Africa's commitment to the advocacy of human rights and its attempts to establish a leadership position in Africa. Although both internal and external pressures have given rise to South Africa's strong commitment to the international norm of human rights in 1994, this commitment seemed to weaken as the years passed. The commitment to human rights, that was especially prominent during the Nelson Mandela presidency, has given rise to foreign policy tensions and contradictions within the South African government. South Africa's turn to multilateral mechanisms as the main vehicle for South Africa's principled commitment to human rights has been accompanied by a decline in the priority placed on this principle. This loss of ardour in the commitment to the human rights advocacy, moreover, has seemed to increase during the Mbeki presidency. President Mbeki's desire to playa leadership role in Africa and his vision for African renewal and rebirth have been accompanied by a stronger emphasis on African solidarity as a foreign policy principle. South Africa's commitment to the norm of human rights, however, has thwarted South Africa's attempts to strengthen African solidarity since it required a rejection of the norms of 'state sovereignty' and 'not to speak out against each other'. Since high priority is attached to these norms in Africa, contradictions arose between the norms of human rights advocacy and African solidarity. This study argues that South Africa's policy of 'quiet diplomacy' towards Zimbabwe can only be understood by focusing on the role of norms and identity on South Africa's policy. It aims to illustrate how South Africa's aspiration for continental leadership has constrained its commitment to human rights advocacy, as accentuated by the Zimbabwean crisis. This study explores the role of norms and identity in South Africa's foreign policy decisions towards Zimbabwe by drawing on constructivism as a theoretical framework. The international relations theory of constructivism provides a framework for analysing the potential influence of norms in international relations. Constructivism illustrates that South Africa's freedom of action has been determined by the interplay between policy actors and social forces with very different ideological convictions about the country in the world, the pressures incumbent upon it and the extent to which it can influence world affairs.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Zimbabwe se toenemende ekonomiese en politieke agteruitgang onder die presidentskap van Robert Gabriel Mugabe, asook die geleidelike oorgang na wetteloosheid, het internasionale veroordeling voortgebring. President Thabo Mbeki van Suid-Afrika se ooglopende teensinnigheid om Mugabe se toenemende outoriteit en skending van menseregte en demokratiese standaarde te veroordeel, was selfs meer omstrede. Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid van 'stille diplomasie' teenoor President Mugabe van Zimbabwe het dus sterk kritiek uitgelok. Terwyl beide binnelandse en internasionale sfere van Suid-Afrika verwag het om 'n sterker standpunt teenoor Mugabe in te neem in die lig van Mugabe se toenemende skending van menseregte en demokratiese standaarde, was President Mbeki merkbaar teensinnig om Mugabe openlik te kritiseer. Die Suid-Afrikaanse regering is gevolglik daarvan beskuldig dat dit Mugabe se gedrag verskoon, wat weer aanleiding gegee het tot die bevraagtekening van Suid-Afrika se verbintenis tot die bevordering van menseregte en pogings om 'n leierskapsposisie in Afrika te vestig. Alhoewel beide interne en eksterne druk tot Suid-Afrika se sterk verbintenis tot die internasionale norm van menseregte in 1994 bygedra het, het hierdie verbintenis mettertyd geleidelik vervaag. Hierdie verbintenis tot menseregte was veral prominent gedurende die Mandela presidentskap en het spoedig aanleiding tot spanning en teenstrydighede in Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid gegee. Suid-Afrika se wending tot multilaterale meganismes as voertuig vir die bevordering van menseregte, het dus gepaard gegaan met 'n afname in die prioriteit wat aan hierdie beginsel geheg word. Hierdie afname in Suid-Afrika se dryfkrag in hul verbintenis tot die bevordering van menseregte, het gedurende die Mbeki presidentskap vergroot. President Mbeki se begeerte om 'n leiersposisie in Afrika in te neem, asook sy visie vir Afrika hernuwing en herlewing, het dus gepaard gegaan met 'n sterker klem op die belang van Afrika solidariteit as 'n buitelandse beleidsbeginsel. Suid-Afrika se verbintenis tot menseregte het egter Suid-Afrika se pogings om Afrika solidariteit te bevorder, verhinder, aangesien 'n verbintenis tot menseregte die verwerping van die norme van 'staatsoewereiniteit' en 'nie teenoor mekaar uit te praat nie' vereis het. Aangesien hierdie twee laasgenoemde norme steeds voorrang geniet in die Afrika konteks, het daar teenstrydighede tussen die norme van menseregte en Afrika solidariteit ontstaan. Hierdie studie argumenteer dat Suid-Afrika se beleid van 'stille diplomasie' teenoor Zimbabwe slegs begryp kan word deur op die rol van norme en identiteit op Suid-Afrika se beleid te fokus. Daar word gepoog om te illustreer hoe Suid-Afrika se aspirasie om 'n leiersposisie in Afrika in te neem, beperk is deur die verbintenis tot die bevordering van menseregte, soos beklemtoon deur die krisis in Zimbabwe. Hierdie studie ondersoek dus die rol van norme en identiteit op Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleidsbesluite teenoor Zimbabwe met behulp van konstruktivisme as 'n teoretiese raamwerk. Die internasionale betrekkinge teorie van konstruktivisme bied 'n raamwerk vir die analise van die potensiële invloed van norme in internasionale betrekkinge. Konstruktivisme illustreer dat Suid-Afrika se vryheid van aksie bepaal word deur die wisselwerking tussen beleidsakteurs en sosiale kragte met verskillende ideologiese oortuigings oor die staat in die wêreld, die druk wat daarop inwerk en die mate waartoe dit wêreld gebeure kan beïnvloed.
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Mason, Kirsten Zara. "Land reform in Southern Africa : a comparative study between South Africa and Zimbabwe." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/50005.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Land has been a revolutionary metaphor for wealth and power in the world. Ideally, land reform in Africa should contribute to social and economic progress and ultimately result in social equity, as well as increased agricultural productivity. This study is devoted to the history of the land ownership in Southern Africa, as well as the meaning and explanation of land reform programmes after the transition to democracy. Moreover, it is dedicated to familiarising the reader with the various meanings and issues concerning land reform, particularly in South Africa and Zimbabwe. The outcome of the study is to promote further discussion on the need and about the revival of land reform programmes in the region of Southern Africa. In this study, South Africa and Zimbabwe are discussed comparatively with regards to three main areas of land reform: restitution, redistribution and tenure reform. The goal of this study is to gauge the possibility of South Africa following in the footsteps of Zimbabwe in terms of land invasions supported by the government. Zimbabwe faces the painful reality that its political revolutions have only brought them halfway to true independence. The objective for Zimbabwe is to establish a functional socialist economy where decision-making would be under political control so as to bring about the drastic redistribution of wealth from whites to blacks. The fulfilment of the rule of law must become the first priority of the Zimbabwean government. If the government continues to belittle the rule of law, corrupt decisions benefiting only those in support of the government, will continually be made. The importance of land in Zimbabwe did not so much arise from the social and economic inequalities, but rather the inability to access land, accompanied by a growing overpopulation, landlessness, land deterioration and escalating poverty in the black areas. This was further paralleled with severe under-utilisation of land in the white farming areas. South Africa, on the other hand, did make space at an earlier stage of transition in their constitution, for organised and methodical land reform to occur. Unfortunately, this process has taken much slower than first predicted, which has led to unrest among the landless, and those who have made claims for the land. South Africa very recently made some decisions to speed up the land reform process through expropriation if negotiations fail. With the Zimbabwean situation, the issue may not so much be about land in itself, but may reflect the need for employment, especially regarding infrastructure and investment in industrialisation within the rural areas. This study concludes that South Africa, although showing many similar signs of a downward spiral, will not follow the route which Zimbabwe has taken. It would appear that the government of South Africa would not allow land invasions by the landless, organised under the banner the 'Landless Peoples Movement (LPM), as was seen in Zimbabwe with the war veterans. The reason for this is that the South African government has made continuous statements that land invasions will not be tolerated in South Africa, and that they will abide by the legislation set out, when it comes to land reform and restitution. The government has the power to enforce the rule of law if land invasions do start to occur. Although the LPM have a similar manifesto and goal as to the war veterans in Zimbabwe, they seem a lot less militant and ready to work with the government and the people to ensure the best for South Africa's land reform process. This study thus looks at land reform issues that face South Africa and Zimbabwe, and fleshes out ideas as to creating a regional procedure for the best method of land reform for implementation by the South African Development Community.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Gesien in die lig dat grond die revolusionêre metafoor van rykdom en mag in die wêreld is, sal dit ideaal wees as grondhervorming tot sosiale en ekonomiese bevordering in Afrika kan bydra en uiteindelik kan lei tot sosiale gelykheid en toename in produktiwiteit in die Landbou-sektor. Hierdie studie is toegewy aan die geskiedenis van grond-eienaarskap in Suider- Afrika, sowel as die betekenis en verduideliking van grondhervormingsprogramme na afloop van die transisie na 'n demokrasie stelsel. Die studie fokus ook daarop om die leser meer in te lig oor die verskeie menings en uitgangspunte rakende grondhervorming in die algemeen, maar meer speisfiek in Suid Afrika en Zimbabwe. Die doel van die studie is om verdere besprekings oor die behoefte en die heroplewing van grondhervormingsprogramme in Suider-Afrika. Suid-Afrika en Zimbabwe word in die studie op drie gronde met mekaar vergelyk: Die teruggawe van grondeiendom, die herverdeling van grondeiendom en die hervorming van besitreg. Die doel van die studie is om te bepaal of Suid-Afrika in die voetspore van Zimbabwe gaan volg. Zimbabwe staar die pynlike realiteit in die oë dat hul politieke revolusies hulle slegs halfpad tot ware onafhanklikheid gebring het. Die doel vir Zimbabwe was om 'n funksionele sosialistiese ekonomiese stelsel daar te stel waar besluitneming onder politieke beheer sou wees om sodanig drastiese herverdeling van rykdom vanaf blankes na swartes, asook onafhanklikheid van kapitaliste, te bewerkstellig. Die belangrikheid van grondbesit het nie werklik in die sosiale en ekonomiese ongelykhede gelê nie, maar in die onvermoë om grond te bekom tesame met 'n toenemende oorbevolkingsyfer, grondloosheid, grondverarming en toenemende armoede in swart gebiede. 'n Bydraende faktor was die groot mate van onderbenutting van grond in blanke boerdery gebiede. Aan die ander kant, het Suid Afrika baie vroeg in die oorgangsfase voorsiening vir 'n georganiseerde en stelselmatige grondhervormingsproses, in die grondwet gemaak. Ongelukkig het die proses baie langer gesloer as wat aanvanklik beplan is. Dit het tot onrustigheid onder die mense wat geen grondeiendom besit het nie en dié wat grondeise ingedien het, gelei. Suid Afrika het onlangs besluite geneem om die proses te bespoedig deur 'n paar belangrike besluite te neem, om die grondhervormings proses, vinniger te maak Dit word gedoen deur ekspropriasie as onderhandelinge onsuksesvol is. Soos in Zimbabwe, mag die werklike probleem nie slegs oor geondbesit gaan nie. Dit reflekteer die behoefte aan werkverskaffing, veral in die infrastruktuur van arm gebiede en die investering industrialisasie. Alhoewel dit lyk asof Suid-Afrika nie suksesvol in die herverdeling van grond is nie, kom die studie tot die slotsom dat die land nie in die spore van Zimbabwe sal volg nie. Dit kom voor asof die Suid-Afrikaanse owerheid nie sal toelaat dat mense sonder grondbesit, grond onregmatig inneem soos in Zimbabwe nie, omdat hulle 'n punt in die media daarvan gemaak het. Die owerheid het die mag om die wet toe te pas in situasies waar grond onregmatig ingeneem word. Alhowel die LPM ("Landless Peoples Movement") 'n soortgelyke manifes en doelstellings as die oorlogveterane van Zimbabwe het, blyk dit nie asof hulle so militaristies is nie en dat hulle gereed is om saam met die owerheid en mense te werk sodat die hervormingsproses in die beste belange van Suid-Afrika plaasvind. Hierdie studie kyk dus na die grondhervormingsproses in Zimbabwe en Suid Afrika en vorm idees rondom die skepping van 'n uniforme proses wat die beste hervormingsmetode is vir die gebruik van die Suid-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap.
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Murisa, Tendai. "An analysis of emerging forms of social organisation and agency in the aftermath of 'fast track' land reform in Zimbabwe." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003081.
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The fast track land reform programme resulted in a fundamental reorganisation of rural relations in Zimbabwe, changing the landscape in an irreversible way with people from diverse backgrounds converging on former white-owned farms. This thesis tells the story of how the newly resettled land beneficiaries are organising themselves socially in response to various economic challenges. It makes a contribution towards understanding how redistributive land reforms and local government restructuring influence rural social organisation and agency. Furthermore the study examines local perceptions on the meanings of the „farm‟ and „land redistribution‟. An utterance by one war veteran “what used to be your farm is now our land and you are free to take your farm but leave our land” provides an alternative rendition to contestations of restitution versus a purely farm productionist discourse. The study, through an analysis of primary and secondary data, provides a fresh understanding of the social outcomes of fast track. It traces the evolution of land and agrarian reforms in post-independence Zimbabwe and the political and social economic context that led to „fast track‟. Through an analysis of field findings the thesis is able to define the dominant social groups that were resettled during fast track and the challenges they face in utilising the land. The findings show that the majority of the land beneficiaries were from the customary areas, with limited agricultural experiences. Local cooperation within informal networks and local farmer groups has been identified as one of the ways in which social reproduction is being organised. These groups are responsible for enhancing production capacity but they face a number of constraints. The study derives its theoretical foundation from the post 1980s debates on rural society dominated by Mafeje (1993, 2003), Rahmato (1991) and Mamdani (1996). The debates centred on how institutions of inclusion, authority and cooperation such as the lineage groups, local farmer groups and traditional authority remain relevant in the organisation of post-independent rural African society especially in a context of increased commoditisation of rural relations of production. Using theoretical insights derived from analysing the role of the lineage groups in the allocation of critical resources such as land and the influence of traditional authority (indirect rule) as a form of local government, the study examines how social organisation is emerging in areas where neither lineage nor traditional authority are not dominant. The thesis of rural cooperation through local groups as advanced by Rahmato (1991) and Moyo (2002) provides partial insights into the response mechanisms that land beneficiaries invoke in this instance. It is not necessarily an autonomous space of organisation but rather the state is actively involved through various functionaries including extension officers who invariably advance a very productionist approach. The state‟s monopoly through its local functionaries hides its political cooptation effect by emphasising organisation for production without questioning the manner in which that production is externally controlled through limited rights over land, the state‟s monopoly over inputs supply and markets for commodities. Whilst land reform has been driven by local participation through land occupations, local government reform has been technocratically determined through Ministerial directives. There is however little innovation in the form of local government that is being introduced. It expands the fusion of authority between elected Rural District Councils and unelected traditional authority functionaries. The forms of social organisation and agency that have emerged remain subordinated to the state with no links to other networks of rural producers‟ associations and urban civil society organisations. These developments form part of a longheld tradition within the Zimbabwean state where the legitimacy of local organisation and authority is usurped to service the interests of the state. Thus whilst land reform has to a certain extent accommodated the majority poor, the ensuing local government and agrarian reforms are more focused on limiting their participation in broader processes of political engagement around distribution and accumulation and their own governance.
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Wales, Liezl Jo-Ann. "Land restitution : the experiences in Kenya and Zimbabwe compared : lessons for South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52912.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Land has been the revolutionary metaphor for wealth and power in the world and even more so in Africa. Ideally, land reform in Africa should therefore, contribute to social and economic progress and ultimately result in social equity as well as increased agricultural productivity. This study was devoted to the history of colonialism and the meaning and birth of land reform policies after colonialism. Moreover, to familiarise the reader with the various meanings and issues concerning land reform particularly in Kenya and Zimbabwe. The outcome of the study was to provoke further discussion on the need for land reform in other developing countries, especially South Africa, as well as to investigate whether colonialism created certain land ownership patterns that had harmful effects on the political and economic climate after independence in Kenya and Zimbabwe. Kenya has been unable to establish a sustainable land reform programme since independence. Ethnic clashes in the early 1990's were seen as a continuation of a battle to recognise the existence of property rights. The contributing factor to the conflict was the fact that the political leadership in Kenya was the direct beneficiary of land reform policies. Furthermore, the uncontrolled privatisation of public land only resulted in economic and agricultural decay. The Kenyan experience provides no evidence of increase in agricultural production, but inevitably resulted in social and economic inequalities and the emergence of significant landlessness, which was a result of the inadequacy of government, to provide credit as was initially proposed. Zimbabwe faces the painful reality that its political revolutions have only brought them halfway to true independence. The objective for Zimbabwe was to establish a functional socialist economy where decision making would be under political control in order to bring about the drastic redistribution of wealth from whites to blacks and to become independent form capitalists. The importance of land in Zimbabwe did not so much lie in the social and economic inequalities, but rather the inability to access land, accompanied by a growing overpopulation, landlessness, land deterioration and escalating poverty in the black areas parallel with severe under-utilisation of land in the white farming areas. This study concludes that African governmental land reform programmes have had mixed success. The complex nature of the liberation struggles in Africa, created diverse post-independence governmental systems. However, some former colonies illustrate certain common underlying issues such as the fact that years after independence, land remains one of the key unresolved issues in both Kenya and Zimbabwe, as well as in South Africa.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Gesien in die lig dat grond die revolusionêre metafoor van rykdom en mag in die wêreld, nog te meer in Afrika is, sal dit ideaal wees indien grondhervorming in Afrika kan bydra tot sosiale en ekonomiese bevordering en uiteindelik kan uitloop in sosiale gelykheid asook toename in landbou produktiwiteit. Hierdie studie was toegewy aan die geskiedenis van kolonialisme en die betekenis en oorsprong van grondhervormingsbeleide na kolonialisme, asook om die leser in te lig oor menings en uitgangspunte rakende grondhervorming, spesifiek in Kenya en Zimbabwe. Die doel van die studie was om verdere besprekings oor die behoefte vir grondhervorming in ander ontwikkelende lande, veral Suid-Afrika, uit te lok. Verder om te ondersoek of kolonialisme sekere grondeienaarskappatrone veroorsaak het wat negatiewe effekte op die politieke en ekonomiese klimaat in Kenya en Zimbabwe, na onafhanklikheidswording, veroorsaak het. Kenya is, sedert onafhanklikheidswording, nog nie in staat om 'n volhoudbare grondhervormingsprogram daar te stel nie. Etniese botsings in die vroeë 1990's was gesien as 'n voortsetting van 'n geveg om die bestaan van eiendomsregte te erken. Die bydraende faktor tot die konflik was die feit dat die politieke leierskap in Kenya direkte begunstigdes van die grondhervormingsbeleide was. Verder het onbeheerde privatisering van openbare grond ekonomiese en landbou verval tot gevolg gehad. Die Kenya ondervinding voorsien geen bewyse van toename in landbou produktiwiteit nie, maar het onvermydelik sosiale en ekonomiese ongelykhede en die ontstaan van merkwaardige grondloosheid tot gevolg gehad as gevolg van die onvermoeë van die regering om krediet te voorsien soos aanvanklik voorgestel was. Zimbabwe staar die pynlike realiteit in die oë dat hul politieke revolusies hulle slegs halfpad tot ware onafhanklikheid gebring het. Die doel vir Zimbabwe was om 'n funksionele sosialistiese ekonomie daar te stel waar besluitneming onder politieke beheer sou wees om sodanig drastiese herverdeling van rykdom vanaf blankes na swartes, asook onafhanklikheid van kapitaliste, te bewerkstellig. Die belangrikheid van grond het nie soveel in die sosiale en ekonomiese ongelykhede gelê nie, maar liewer in die onvermoë om grond te bekom tesame met 'n toenemende oorbevolking, grondloosheid, grondverarming en toenemende armoede in swart gebiede. 'n Bydraende faktor was die uiterse onderbenutting van grond in blanke boerdery gebiede. In samevatting wys hierdie studie dat grondhervormingsprogramme van regerings in Afrika gemengde sukses behaal het. Die kompleksiteit van die bevrydingstryde in Afrika het uiteenlopende post-onafhanklike regeringstelsels tot stand gebring. Nietemin, illustreer somige voormalige kolonies sekere algemene onderliggende uitgangspunte, onder andere die feit dat grond, jare na onafhanklikheid, steeds een van die belangrikste onopgeloste vraagstukke in beide Kenya en Zimbabwe, sowel as Suid-Afrika is.
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Mugobo, Virimai. "Re-branding Zimbabwe : a transformative and challenging process." Thesis, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11838/2091.
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Thesis (DTech (Marketing))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2013.During the past few decades, nation branding has emerged as one of the key strategies for national economic development. Many nations across the world, both developed and developing, have embraced the concept as they compete against each other for export markets, foreign direct investment, tourists, scarce human resources and international leverage and influence. Nation branding has now become one of the critical drivers for country differentiation and the creation of sustainable competitive advantages for nations. This thesis explores the concept of nation branding and investigates its applicability to Zimbabwe, a country which has been riddled with various socio-economic and political challenges during the past two decades. The main purpose of the thesis was to develop a model that can be used to re-brand Zimbabwe. This research study adopted a mixed-methods approach through the amalgamation of both qualitative and quantitative research methodologies. A survey questionnaire was administered to respondents who included Zimbabweans as well as people who are not Zimbabwean citizens. The qualitative phase of the research study consisted of depth interviews with various branding practitioners, managers in both the private and public sectors and academics inside and outside of Zimbabwe. Four summarised case studies were also carried out in order to draw lessons from cases of successful and unsuccessful nation branding programmes in different parts of the world. According to the research findings, Zimbabwe has a negative image on the global map. The country needs to be re-branded and the majority of Zimbabweans are willing to be part of this process. However, for the re-branding initiative to be successful there should be a comprehensive transformation of the country's socio-political, economic and legal systems in order to create an enabling environment that is conducive for the effective application of nation branding strategies. The findings further reinforce the notion that re-branding should be part of a broader national economic development strategy for the country. The thesis concludes with the propagation of two models viz, the transformative process model for the re-branding of Zimbabwe and the re-branding as a transformative learning process model.
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Mawadza, Crispen Mauta. "Impact and implications of remittances : the case of Zimbabwe from 2000 - 2006." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/882.
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Thesis (MDF (Development Finance))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007.AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Meer en meer mense werk buite hul land van herkoms as ooit tevore, en die geld wat hulle stuur na hul tuislande kan bestempel word as ‘n belangrike ekonomiese krag. Hierdie geld kan ’n belangrike rol speel in die ekonomie wat die geld ontvang. Die geld wat reiswerkers tuis stuur word remise of geldsending genoem en oortref reeds Offisiële Ontwikkelingshulp en oortref selfs Buitelandse Investering in sommige lande. Hierdie navorsingsverslag fokus op Zimbabwe, ’n land waarvan die ekonomie volgens sommiges reeds lank gelede moes ineengestort het. Die studie ondersoek tot watter mate geldsending die Zimbabwe ekonomie beskerm teen ineenstorting. Die verslag gebruik ’n opname onder verskeie rolspelers om te wys hoe geldsending die Zimbabwe ekonomie beskerm teen internasionale uitsluiting en sanksies. Zimbabweërs wat die ekonomiese swaarkry vrygespring het in hul land van herkoms stuur voortdurend geld na vriende en familie. Remise word deels gebruik as investering in kleinsake, terwyl deel van die buitelandse valuta investeer word in komoditeite wat die land moeilik deur offisiële kanale sou kon bekom. Die studie het bevind dat geldsending in 2005 en 2006 ongeveeer 25.5% en 25 persent respektiewelik tot die Bruto Nasioanle Produk van Zimbabwe bygedra het. Die studie het verder ’n paar interresante bevindinge gemaak. Een van hierdie is die ongedokumenteerde verskynsel van defleksie van geldsending na meer stabiele ekonomieë of geldeenhede. Sulke remise word dan in die land gehou waar dit gegenereer is, of dit word gestuur in ’n stabiele geldeenheid, of dit word selfs in die vorm van produkte soos kos gestuur.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: More and more people are working outside their countries of citizenship than before. These people are now a major economic force to their countries of origin as they are sending a lot of money to relatives back home. This income plays a key role in receiving economies. The money migrants send home is referred to as remittances and the amount transferred globally has eclipsed official development assistance (ODA) and in some economies it is well ahead of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). This research focuses on Zimbabwe, a country whose economy has long been anticipated to collapse but has so far evaded that implosion. It explores to which extent remittances are cushioning Zimbabwe’s economy from collapse. This report uses a survey of a number of role players to show how remittances have cushioned that economy from the effects of international isolation and sanctions. Zimbabweans who “escaped” the economic hardships in their country of origin have been consistently sending money home to their friends and relations. Money received has partly been invested in small businesses and part of the forex has been used to procure commodities that the country has struggled to acquire through official channels. The study found that the amount of remittances sent for 2005 and 2006 has respectively contributed approximately 25.5 and 25 percent to the GDP of Zimbabwe. The study further made a number of interesting findings. One of these seems to be the undocumented phenomenon of the deflection of remittances to more stable economies or currencies. Such remittances would be kept in the country where it is generated, or it would be sent back in a stable country, or could even be in the form of products such as food.
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Chiripanhura, Blessing M. "Labour market dynamics and economic development in Zimbabwe: 1980-2005." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.486468.
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This thesis examines labour market dynamics and economic development in Zimbabwe over the period 1980 to 2005. It explores the structure and performance of the labour market as well as poverty and livelihood diversification. The labour market is chosen for study because it plays a key role in distributing income and in fighting p~verty. It also has potential to play a critical role in resolving the current economic crisis. For detailed analysis, the study period is divided into three sub-periods, 19801990 (the interventionist period), 1991-1996 (the economic reform period) and 1997-2005 (the crisis period), and labour market structure and performance are examined in each period. Case studies and quantitative and econometric methods are used to investigate labour market outcomes. Further, the labour market under crisis conditions is divided into rural and urban segments because the two respond differently to policy changes. The analyses show that during the crisis period there was substitution of the informal for formal employment in the urban sector; and that the crisis caused massive decline in capacity utilisation. In the rural sector, it was observed that households increased their labour supply in response to wage levels. However, the supply response was stymied bytoo low rural wages. Further, their ability to hire in labour was influenced by. household income, particularly by the proportion of non-farm income. The main conclusions are that labour market liberalisation is not a sufficient condition for employment growth; that although the labour market thins out and/or changes form in response to economic conditions, it is resilient; and that the spatial differences in this resilience imply that although the labour market can be used as an instrument to fight poverty, it does not work well in all areas and for all households. This calls for hybrid approaches to tackling poverty. It is also concluded that under crisis conditions, piecemeal reforms have been ineffective and may indeed have worsened econ'omic recession. Given Zimbabwe's severe state of macroeconomic disequilibrium, the revival of the economy will now require comprehensive political and economic reforms in order to achieve stability.
Books on the topic "Zimbabwe – Economic conditions – 1980-"
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Auret, Diana. A decade of development: Zimbabwe 1980-1990. Gweru [Zimbabwe]: Mambo Press, 1990.
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Moyo, Sam. The socio-economic status and needs of ex-combatants: The case of Masvingo Province. Harare: Publications Office, ZIDS, 1985.
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Kanyowa, Leontina. Zimbabwe's development strategies since 1980, and the way forward. Addis Ababa, Ethiopia: OSSREA, 2001.
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Mlambo, A. S. The political economy of the sugar industry in Zimbabwe, 1920-90. Harare: University of Zimbabwe Publications, 1996.
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Bennell, Paul. The nose brigade and SRBs: University education and class formation in Zimbabwe during the 1980s. [Harare]: Dept. of Economics, University of Zimbabwe, 1991.
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Symposium on Parliamentary and National Issues (1985 Harare, Zimbabwe). Report / Symposium on Parliamentary and National Issues in Harare/Zimbabwe 1985 ; sponsored by the Otto Benecke Foundation and the Parliament of Zimbabwe. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 1987.
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Conference on Southern Africa Economic Experiences since Independence, Lessons for South Africa and Namibia (1988 Harare, Zimbabwe). Conference on Southern Africa Economic Experiences since Independence, Lessons for South Africa and Namibia, Harare, Zimbabwe, 16-18 November 1988: [papers]. [Harare]: Zimbabwe Economics Society, 1988.
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1956-, Hove Chenjerai, ed. Shebeen tales: Messages from Harare. 2nd ed. London: Serif, 1994.
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Barnes, Terri. "We women worked so hard": Gender, urbanization, and social reproduction in colonial Harare, Zimbabwe, 1930-1956. Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1999.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Zimbabwe – Economic conditions – 1980-"
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Dzimba, John. "Economic Sabotage." In South Africa’s Destabilisation of Zimbabwe, 1980–89, 85–103. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230372146_4.
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Skålnes, Tor. "The Politics of Stabilisation, 1980–6." In The Politics of Economic Reform in Zimbabwe, 97–117. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-13766-4_6.
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Dzimba, John. "Overall Economic and Social Impact of Destabilization." In South Africa’s Destabilisation of Zimbabwe, 1980–89, 130–51. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230372146_6.
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Dzimba, John. "Destabilization and Economic Sanctions: The Impact on Zimbabwe." In South Africa’s Destabilisation of Zimbabwe, 1980–89, 104–29. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230372146_5.
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Kanyenze, Godfrey. "The Impact of Economic Stabilisation on the Wage Structure in Zimbabwe: 1980–90." In Constraints on the Success of Structural Adjustment Programmes in Africa, 52–75. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24373-0_4.
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Gory, Djénéba, Jayanti Bhatia, and Venkatesh Reddy Mallapu Reddy. "From Content Knowledge to Competencies and Exams to Exit Profiles: Education Reform in Zimbabwe." In Implementing Deeper Learning and 21st Education Reforms, 145–69. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-57039-2_7.
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Abstract For over two decades, Zimbabwe has been embroiled within a complex web of economic, political, and financial challenges. In 2013, the country embarked on an ambitious journey of overhauling its education system by moving from content knowledge to a competency-based curriculum. The theory of change, in particular, was that, if the curriculum is entirely overhauled from outdated knowledge-based to twenty-first-century skills and competencies, then in the long-term, students would ultimately be able to meet the economy and labor market demands. The reform was phased from 2015 to 2022 and at the time of writing is in its last leg of implementation; there is much to appreciate and learn from the progress thus far. The chapter begins with an overview of the country’s education system and conditions that shaped the reform, followed by a more detailed description of the reform. It then analyzes the reform stages through Reimers’ five perspectives of educational change (Reimers, Educating students to improve the world. Springer, Singapore, 2020), and concludes by presenting the results and challenges at the time of writing. The success of such reform requires a systemic collaboration and stable conditions, and at this stage, it remains to be seen, which direction the reform takes.
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Chibebe, Wellington, and Naome Chakanya. "Women Entrepreneurship in a Fragile and Volatile Economy." In Advances in Business Strategy and Competitive Advantage, 290–314. IGI Global, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-5112-6.ch013.
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Women entrepreneurship in Zimbabwe has undergone a formidable structural transformation since independence (1980) and has significantly contributed towards survival of the economy, especially during the hyperinflationary period which heightened in 2008. What is peculiar about Zimbabwe is that the economy has suffered a protracted deterioration for almost two decades, fitting into the category of a fragile and volatile economy. This coincided with an exponential growth of women-owned enterprises (WOEs) in the informal economy with the wide recognition of the informal economy as the “new” economy supporting the livelihoods of the majority of people. Women entrepreneurs are increasingly becoming active economic agents in this new economy. Unpacking the paradox of a volatile and fragile economy coexisting with the growth of WOEs is critical. Analyzing the survivalist and coping strategies employed by these women in order to sustain and grow their enterprises in such an economic context is critical in order to influence policy direction and development.
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Chirisa, Innocent, Gift Mhlanga, Abraham Rajab Matamanda, and Roselin Ncube. "Education and Knowledge Under the Impact of Economic Stress." In Developing Knowledge Societies for Distinct Country Contexts, 180–205. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-8873-3.ch008.
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This chapter intends to have answer the questions: How did Ian Smith structure his government and economy and survive sanctions for sixteen years (1965-1979) and become innovative? Why, under almost similar conditions, did Robert Mugabe fail to bring the economy do its toes? In cases, what was the role of knowledge societies and what role did they play to bridge the gap between society and them towards meaningful development? The study uses desktop review as the basis of getting data and information useful in building this theoretical case study of Zimbabwe in the period 1965 to 2018. The robustness of an economy under a stringent economic environment is a function of its ability to tap and harness the prowess of its knowledge societies. It is recommended that strong links between the private, public, and knowledge sectors are required and this must happen in an environment with trust, transparency, accountability, rule of law, and commitment translating into a powerful connubio for transformation.
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Pavletits, Péter. "The Role and Possibilities of Hungarian Narrow-Gauge Railways in Tourism." In Economic and Social Changes: Historical Facts, Analyses and Interpretations, 132–39. Working Group of Economic and Social History, Regional Committee of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences in Pécs, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/seshst-01-15.
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Since the 1980’s almost all of the the Hungarian narrow-gauge railway lines made a complete change of function. In the following decade with a few exceptions the freight was completely abolished and replaced by tourism. We need to address several factors if we want to determine the tourism potential of a particular narrow-gauge railway. One of these is accessibility, which shows what extra effort a tourist needs to make to get to a particular attraction. It is not enough just to look at accessibility, we also need to look how narrow-gauge railways can get involved in the tourism system. In a tourism approach we can examine points of interest from several perspectives. The interdependent material conditions of tourism include basic infrastructure, attraction and tourism infrastructure. The basic infrastructure in tourism means the existence of conditions that are essential to see the attraction. Several narrow-gauge railways also play a role in the basic infrastructure, however, their most significant role is the dynamic infrastructure. The narrow-gauge railway transports tourists to the tourist attraction, or due to its nature, attracts tourists. Most of the Hungarian narrow-gauge railway fall into the category of dynamic infrastructure. Attraction is difficult to define, because there are a lot of subjective elements, but most of the Hungarian narrow-gauge railways we can definitely highlight and call as real attractions. It is important to talk about seasonality. Not all of them offer the same experience in summer as in winter, they are not the same attractions in all seasons. By tourist milieu we mean the attraction of the destination, the totality of the experiences gained there.
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Rindzevičiūtė, Eglė. "The Avant-Garde of System-Cybernetic Governmentality." In The Power of Systems. Cornell University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501703188.003.0009.
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This epilogue addresses the complex question of the link between system-cybernetic governmentality and the neoliberal transformation of post-Soviet Russia. Although the system-cybernetic governmentality and economic neoliberalism did not share institutional origins, they were linked during the post-Soviet transformation as a result of historical momentum: the members of the Soviet systems approach community were best positioned to conduct the transfer of the models of the market economy from the West at a time when neoliberal ideas on the free market economy were gaining popularity. However, this should not mean that the pre-1980 history of system-cybernetic governmentality should be tainted as neoliberal; rather, this reveals the extent to which scientific governance can be appropriated by different economic and political regimes. If anything, the pre-1980 history of system-cybernetic governmentality is a history of a rather liberal governmental technology, underscoring the conditions of autonomy, self-regulation, and government at a distance.
Conference papers on the topic "Zimbabwe – Economic conditions – 1980-"
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Fırat, Emine. "Structural Changes in the Banking Sector in Turkey after 2001 Crisis: A Comparasion between before 2001 and after 2001." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00715.
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Globalization movements around the word caused countries to be faced with crisises successive. The financial sector has seen major losses from economic crises. Developments in the aftermath of the economic crisis has led to some changes especially in the banking sector, furthermore leading to the growth of the financial sector. In recent years, after the international economic, financial, technological and social developments, activities of banks have increased. Banks, in line with improving economic conditions and changing customer demands have been restructured in order to provide the best service to customers. First, banks increased product, service, quality, variety, technological advances, demand for advertising expenditures, customer satisfaction and efforts on risk management. After 1980, the Turkish banking sector entered a rapid change period in technology, by taking advantage of the facilities to be brought. However, when crises in November 2000 and February 2001 have been added to the previous problems in the banking system, sector has become more fragile. After the 2001 crisis the banking sector has entered the configuration process. The aim of this study is to investigate in detail the process of rapid change after the 2001 crisis, by comparing with the pre-crisis and after the crisis of Turkish banking sector in 2001. In this study, banks in the market will be examined within the framework of a lot of different topics. The changing face of the banking sector after the 2001 crisis in Turkey will form the basis of the study.
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Shargay, Cathleen, Leslie Antalffy, and Kuntak Daru. "Industry Experience Fabricating Hydroprocessing Reactors Using 2¼ Cr-1 Mo-V Steel." In ASME 2019 Pressure Vessels & Piping Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/pvp2019-93229.
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Abstract Starting in the 1980’s, the process conditions for hydroprocessing reactors became increasingly more severe and started to exceed the economic and technically-feasible ranges for 2¼Cr-1Mo steel. Hence, new grades of reactor steels were developed to meet these demands. Reactor fabricators, steel producers, the Materials Properties Council and some refiners cautiously developed their initial applications of the new materials, with extensive testing of both the materials and fabrication methods, and restrictions to use only the most experienced, highly technical fabrication shops. The data and experience has grown exponentially since then and today, the most commonly-specified material for thick wall reactors is 2¼Cr-1Mo-¼V steel. The list of qualified fabricators worldwide has also grown, but is still limited. The purpose of this paper is to show how the industry has climbed the “learning curve,” by giving the statistics on the overall numbers of fabricated reactors (which is now over 1150), and the locations of the fabricators by country, that have been produced. Trends on the use of forgings versus plates are also included, along with the major changes over the years in the applicable ASME Codes and API standards affecting these reactors. Some of the lessons learned from past fabrication problems are also discussed along with the subsequent safeguards initiated within the industry standards.
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Rogak, S. N., M. S. Khan, and I. Vera-Pe´rez. "Thermal Design of Supercritical Water Oxidation Reactors." In ASME 2002 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. ASMEDC, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2002-33853.
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Waste destruction using supercritical water oxidation (SCWO) was demonstrated in laboratories in the early 1980’s and in full-size facilities by the early 1990’s. The process offers thorough destruction of toxins in a compact facility without supplementary energy. Early estimates that SCWO could auto-thermally treat wastewaters with as little as 2% weight organic ignored some practical factors, such as corrosion, fouling, heat transfer limitations. In this paper, a thermal model for a SCWO system based on pure water properties and heat transfer correlations is used to estimate heat exchanger size and frictional pressure losses. Information on real mixtures at SCWO conditions is not established to the point needed for rigorous thermal modeling, but the pure-water model can be interpreted using real-fluid properties and experience from operating SCWO systems. It is shown that the waste composition has a direct influence on the SCWO design. Auto-thermal treatment of dilute streams (2% organic) is economic only if inorganic compounds are absent from the waste stream or treated effluent, and the plant is of moderate size. For more corrosive wastes, or those with fouling agents, it becomes very expensive to preheat the feed beyond the critical temperature. Without preheating to supercritical temperatures, some back-mixing of hot products is needed to stabilize reaction, so that plug-flow reactor designs become inappropriate.