Academic literature on the topic 'Zimbabwe – History – 1980-'
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Journal articles on the topic "Zimbabwe – History – 1980-"
1
Stapleton, Timothy. "TThe Creation and Early Development of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF) 1980-93." Revista Tempo e Argumento 13, no. 32 (2021): e0104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5965/2175180313322021e0104.
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Given the 2017 coup in Zimbabwe, a rare event in Southern Africa but sadly common in the rest of the continent, this paper discusses the beginnings of the politicization of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF) during the 1980s. At the end of the country’s war for independence in 1980, the ZDF formed as an amalgamation of former Rhodesian state military personnel and insurgents from the liberation movements of the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) and the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). Personnel from ZANU came to dominate Zimbabwe’s new military given the lack of a specific agreement over the integration process, their numerical superiority, and ZANU’s electoral success that gave it political power. During the ZDF integration exercise of the early 1980s, British advisors attempted to create a Western-style force but acted pragmatically while North Korean instructors helped create an overtly ZANU affiliated brigade and party militia. In addition, South African destabilization and the rapid departure of former Rhodesian officers gave way to the accelerated promotion of former insurgents mostly affiliated with the ZANU government. Lastly, the further ZANU-ization of the ZDF occurred within the context of operations in southwestern Zimbabwe where it eliminated ZAPU as an opposition political movement and committed atrocities, and in Mozambique where Zimbabwean troops cooperated with allies from overtly politicized armies of neighboring states
2
Gwekwerere, Gadziro. "Gospel Music as a Mirror of the Political and Socio-Economic Developments in Zimbabwe, 1980-2007." Exchange 38, no. 4 (2009): 329–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/016627409x12474551163619.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis paper explores, analyses and discusses Zimbabwean gospel song themes from 1980 up to 2007 in relation to the Zimbabwean political and socio-economic situations in the country. The history of the socio-economic and political development of Zimbabwe during 1980-2007 would certainly be incomplete without including gospel music. Until about the mid-1980s, the general atmosphere in the newly-independent state of Zimbabwe was characterized by liberation euphoria and great optimism for the future. Equally so, local gospel music during this period was largely celebrative and conformist as far as the political and socio-economic dispensation was concerned. Socio-economic hardships crept in as a result of the government's implementation of neo-liberal economic reforms under the guidance of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) during the early 1990s. The ruling party soon found itself confronted by a multitude of gospel musicians criticizing its policies and malpractices. Works of various gospel artistes will be used as evidence but due to issues of space, it has not been possible to cover all Zimbabwean gospel artists.
3
Barnes, Teresa. "Democracy and Historiographies of Organized Labour in Zimbabwe." International Review of Social History 48, no. 3 (2003): 457–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859003001159.
Full textAbstract:
Keep on Knocking: A History of the Labour Movement in Zimbabwe, 1900–97. Ed. by Brian Raftopoulos and Ian Phimister. Baobab Books on behalf of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions and the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, Harare 1997. xx, 164 pp. Striding Back: The Labour Movement and the Post-Colonial State in Zimbabwe 1980–2000. Ed. by Brian Raftopoulos and Lloyd Sachikonye. Weaver Press, Harare 2001. xxvii, 316 pp., £14.95; $24.95.
4
Zembe, Christopher Roy. "Migrating with Colonial and Post-Colonial Memories: Dynamics of Racial Interactions within Zimbabwe’s Minority Communities in Britain." Journal of Migration History 2, no. 1 (2016): 32–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00201002.
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Upon attaining independence on 18 April 1980, the Zimbabwean government was faced with the challenge of eradicating prejudices, which had been constructed during the colonial era. Whilst it is correct to accept that colonial Zimbabwe was beset with racial prejudices, which inhibited interracial interactions, it is also essential to recognise that post-colonial events triggered socialisation processes devoid of nation building. Therefore, by exploring the dynamics of interactions within Zimbabwe’s minority communities in Britain, the paper will unravel the impact of memories constructed during the different phases of Zimbabwe’s history. By focusing exclusively on Whites, Coloureds (mixed-race) and Asians, it will demonstrate that the Zimbabwean immigrant community in Britain is not a monolithic group of Blacks, but a racially diverse community. Analysing the diaspora interactions of communities considered more privileged than Blacks during the colonial era provides a perspective on the complexities of eradicating historically constructed racial prejudices.
5
Johnson, Vernon D., and John Dzimba. "South Africa's Destabilization of Zimbabwe, 1980-89." International Journal of African Historical Studies 33, no. 2 (2000): 457. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220717.
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Muchefa, Livingstone, and Calvin Phiri. "Orality versus Written Legislation: Oral History as used in Zimbabwe`s Post-2000 Land Reform Programme." Oral History Journal of South Africa 4, no. 2 (2018): 26–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2309-5792/336.
Full textAbstract:
Zimbabwe became a colony of the British Empire on 13 September 1890, and attained independence in 1980. During the colonial period of 1890 to 1980 land was expropriated primarily from the indigenous Ndebele and the Shona tribal groups through the institutionalisation of legislation that brought about the segregation of Africans and paved the way for settlement and farming by whites. Between 1980 and 1990 there was little progress in terms of resettlement programmes because of financial constraints and the terms and conditions of the Lancaster House Agreement regarding the willing seller willing buyer principle. There were serious economic challenges in the decade 1990 to 2000, but the period post 2000 witnessed brisk land repossessions which were spearheaded by war veterans and politicians. At the heart of the “land invasions,†as they were popularly termed, lay historical injustices. This paper seeks to provide an insight into the centrality of the oral tradition or oral history as legal basis for the land repossessions that took place. Neither legal recourse nor visiting archives and other information centres for the purposes of authentication were a priority. The Lancaster Constitution was viewed as an obstacle when dealing with land. The National Archives of Zimbabwe is placed in context within the situation discussed.
7
Ndlovu-Gatsheni, Sabelo J. "Rethinking Chimurenga and Gukurahundi in Zimbabwe: A Critique of Partisan National History." African Studies Review 55, no. 3 (2012): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002020600007186.
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Abstract:This article examines how the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) sought to inscribe a nationalist monologic history in Zimbabwe in order prop up its claim to be the progenitor and guardian of the postcolonial nation. Since its formation in 1963, it has worked tirelessly to claim to be the only authentic force with a sacred historic mission to deliver the colonized people from settler colonial rule. To achieve this objective, ZANU-PF has deployed the ideology of chimurenga in combination with the strategy of gukurahundi as well as a politics of memorialization to install a particular nationalist historical monologue of the nation. After attaining power in 1980, it proceeded to claim ownership of the birth of the nation. While the ideology of chimurenga situates the birth of the nation within a series of nationalist revolutions dating back to the primary resistance of the 1890s, the strategy of gukurahundi entails violent and physical elimination of enemies and opponents. But this hegemonic drive has always encountered an array of problems, including lack of internal unity in ZANU-PF itself, counternarratives deriving from political formations like the Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU); labor movements; and critical voices from the Matebeleland region, which fell victim to gukurahundi strategy in the 1980s. With the formation of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in 1999, which soon deployed democracy and human rights discourse to critique the ideology of chimurenga and the strategy of gukurahundi, ZANU-PF hegemony became extremely shaky and it eventually agreed to share power with the MDC in February 2009.
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Veit-Wild, Flora. "The Elusive Truth: Literary Development in Zimbabwe since 1980." Matatu 10, no. 1 (1993): 107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-90000010.
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Jackson, Jeanne-Marie. "Stanlake Samkange’s Insufferable Zimbabwe: Distanciating Trauma from the Novel to Philosophy." Cambridge Journal of Postcolonial Literary Inquiry 8, no. 2 (2021): 158–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pli.2020.37.
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This article theorizes the Zimbabwean writer Stanlake Samkange’s turn from the novel to philosophy as an effort to circumvent the representational pressure exerted by African cultural traumatization. In breaking with the novel form to coauthor a philosophical treatise called Hunhuism or Ubuntuism in the same year as Zimbabwe achieves independence (1980), Samkange advances a comportment-based, deontological alternative to the psychic or subjective model of personhood that anchors trauma theory. Revisiting the progression from his most achieved novel, The Mourned One, to Hunhuism or Ubuntuism thus offers fresh insight into the range of options available to independence-era writers for representing the relationship between African individuality and collectivity. At the same time, it suggests a complementary and overlooked relationship between novelistic and philosophical forms in an African context.
10
Volman, Daniel, and Stephen John Steadman. "Peacemaking in Civil War: International Mediation in Zimbabwe, 1974-1980." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 28, no. 2 (1994): 372. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485769.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Zimbabwe – History – 1980-"
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Manganga, Kudakwashe. "An Agrarian History of the Mwenezi District, Zimbabwe, 1980-2004." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2007. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_8947_1257321849.
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<p>The thesis examines continuity and change in the agrarian history of the Mwenezi District, southern Zimbabwe since 1980. It analyses agrarian reforms, agrarian practices and development initiatives in the district and situates them in the localised livelihood strategies of different people within the Dinhe Communa Area and the Mangondi resettlement Area in Lieu of the Fast-Track Land Reform Programme (FTLRP) since 2000. The thesis also examines the livelihood opportunities and challenges presented by the FTLRP to the inhabitants of Mwenezi.The thesis contributes to the growing body of empirical studies on the impact of Zimbabwe's ongoing land reform programme and to debates and discourses on agrarian reform.</p>
2
Chimhanda, Christopher Chiedza. "ZAPU and the liberation struggle in Zimbabwe, 1957-1980." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/10235.
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Bibliography: leaves 185-195.<br>The Unity Accord signed by PF (ZAPU) and ZANU (PF) in 1987 saw the emergence of a 'new' party called ZANU PF. ZAPU was 'swallowed' up by a party which was formed by people who broke away from ZAPU in 1963. ZAPU's failure to win a majority in the first democratic elections and its subsequent 'disappearance' in 1987 have an impact on the manner in which ZAPU's participation in the liberation struggle is presented by some people. This study traces ZAPU's contribution to the struggle for independence in Zimbabwe by taking a look at the history of the party from the time it was formed in 1961 until the attainment of independence in 1980. Official documents from ZAPU are not easy to come by. Post-independence tension and fighting between cadres from ZAPU and ZANU resulted in the confiscation, by the government, of ZAPU war records and other documents in 1982. These documents have not yet been returned and most likely will not be returned since the party does not exist anymore. Interviews with founding members of ZAPU and some ordinary cadres who participated in the struggle shed a light on the nature of ZAPU's participation in the struggle for independence. Significant figures in ZAPU like James Chikerema, the man who was in charge of ZAPU's first armed cadres, Dumiso Dabengwa, a member of ZAPU's first armed group and subsequently ZIPRA's chief of intelligence, and Welshman Mabhena, a founding member of ZAPU who remained within the country during the struggle, are among the active members of ZAPU who were interviewed for this study. Professor Ngwabi Bhebe, Professor Phenias Makurane, and Mr. Pathisa Nyathi bring in perspectives of people who had direct dealing,s with the party without being directly involved as cadres.
3
Hendrich, Gustav. "Die geskiedenis van die Afrikaner in Rhodesie (1890 – 1980)." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/5406.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (DPhil (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The discussion concerning the history of the Afrikaners as a white minority in Rhodesia
is a purposeful attempt to historically investigate the presence and fundamental
contributions of this particular population group. In methodological terms this study falls
within the framework of diaspora and migration studies, movement of nations and the
dynamics of minorities living in a host country.
Since 1890 Afrikaners from South Africa, mostly as the result of the search for
improved living conditions and job opportunities, gradually found their way to the
territory north of the Limpopo River. The organised and individual treks, and the
sporadic movement of Afrikaner immigrants to Rhodesia would lay the foundations of a
self-supporting, though geographically straggling population group. In almost every
terrain of life Afrikaners would participate in the provision of essential labour service.
Since the Afrikaners mainly represented a rural population, they became very familiar
with agricultural practices and surroundings. Predominantly, the Afrikaner farmers would
in due time play a contributory role in the overall agricultural industry and economy of
Rhodesia.
The Afrikaner churches and cultural organisations in Rhodesia would decisively
serve to unite Afrikaners religiously and socially, and to knit them together. The
influence of Christian ministry and reformist mission work would not remain limited to
Afrikaners, but would at the same time also include the Christianisation of black people.
Politically, the Afrikaners lived in relatively friendly coexistence with the
dominant English-speaking population of a British colony, although unsympathetic
political attitudes, preconceived ideas and the fear of Afrikaner nationalism often
hampered relations. The restrictive colonial immigration policies, compulsory military
service and the rejection of Afrikaans as the second official medium of instruction by the
Rhodesian authorities confirmed the political subjection of Afrikaners in Rhodesia.
Mutual acceptance among Afrikaners and English-speaking Rhodesians would only
emerge after the declaration of independence in 1965. Due to the aspiration of preserving
their language and group and national identity, the Afrikaners would consequently not be
politically assimilated into the mainstream of the English-speaking population.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die bespreking van die geskiedenis van die Afrikaners as blanke minderheid in Rhodesië
is 'n doelbewuste poging om die teenwoordigheid en wesenlike bydraes van hierdie
bepaalde bevolkingsgroep histories te ondersoek. In metodologiese terme ressorteer
hierdie studie binne die raamwerk van diaspora- en migrasiestudies, volksverskuiwing en
die dinamika van minderhede woonagtig in 'n gasheerstaat.
Sedert 1890 het Afrikaners vanuit Suid-Afrika, merendeels weens die soeke na
verbeterde lewensomstandighede en werksgeleenthede, geleidelik hul weg na die gebied
noord van die Limpoporivier gevind. Die georganiseerde en individuele Afrikaner-trekke
en die sporadiese verhuising van Afrikaner-immigrante na Rhodesië sou die fondamente
van . selfonderhoudende, dog geografies wydverspreide bevolkingsgroep lê. Afrikaners
sou op feitlik alle lewensterreine en in die verskaffing van noodsaaklike arbeidsdienste
deelneem. Aangesien die Afrikaners in hoofsaak 'n landelike bevolking verteenwoordig
het, het hulle goed vertroud geraak met die boerderypraktyk en -omgewing. Die
Afrikaner-boere sou oorwegend met verloop van tyd 'n bydraende ontwikkelingsrol in die
algehele Rhodesiese landboubedryf en ekonomie vervul.
Die Afrikaner-kerke en -kultuurorganisasies in Rhodesie sou 'n deurslaggewende
godsdienstige, sosialiserings- en saambindende funksie verrig om Afrikaners te verenig.
Die invloed van Christelike bearbeiding en reformistiese sendingwerk sou nie tot
Afrikaners beperk bly nie, maar terselfdertyd ook die kerstening van swart mense insluit.
Polities het Afrikaners in relatief vriendskaplike naasbestaan met die dominante
Engelssprekende bevolking van 'n Britse kolonie verkeer, hoewel onsimpatieke politieke
houdings, vooropgestelde idees en vrees vir Afrikaner-nasionalisme dikwels verhoudinge
belemmer het. Die beperkende koloniale immigrasiebeleide, verpligte militere diensplig
en die afkeur van Afrikaans as tweede amptelike voertaal deur die Rhodesiese owerhede,
was bevestigend van die politieke onderworpenheid van Afrikaners in Rhodesië.
Wedersydse aanvaarding tussen Afrikaners en Engelssprekende Rhodesiers sou eers na
die onafhanklikheidverklaring in 1965 na vore kom. Danksy die strewe om die behoud
van hul taal, groepsidentiteit en volkseie sou die Afrikaners dus nie polities in die
hoofstroom van die Engelssprekende bevolking geassimileer word nie.
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Manganga, Kudakwashe. "A historical study of industrial ethnicity in urban colonial Zimbabwe and its contemporary transitions : the case of African Harare, c. 1890-1980." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/86428.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.<br>This thesis provides a critical and historical analysis of industrial ethnicity in African Harare between the 1890s and 1980. It examines the origins, dynamics and ambiguities of industrial ethnicity in urban colonial Harare (then Salisbury) and its attendant implications for socio-economic wellbeing and inter-group relations. It locates industrial ethnicity within broader questions of inequality and social difference, especially issues like affordability, materiality and power. The thesis pays particular attention to individuals and groups’ differential access to the ‘raw materials’ used in imagining and constructing forms of identification. The thesis is empirically grounded in a specific case study of industrial ethnicity among disparate African groups in urban colonial Zimbabwe, and in the context formed by factors that fomented ethnic enclaves in African Harare’s competitive labour markets during particular historical epochs. Such complex currents remain under-represented in current Zimbabwean historical literature. This is despite the salience and resonance of industrial ethnicity, as well as its multi-layered and ambiguous implications for inter-group relations, and its potential to create differential access to life chances for individuals and groups. The thesis contends that in crisis situations, people tend to identify with their ‘type’ and to use ethnic, kinship and other social ties in their scramble for socio-economic and political resources. This usually involves definitions and re-definitions of ‘selves’ and ‘others’; ‘insiders’ and ‘outsiders’; contestations and negotiations over identification; and how these varied identities are ‘materialised’. The ways in which migrant workers positioned themselves in the labour market depended on ensuing socio-economic inequalities and the use of social networks, which were indispensable conduits for the transmission of job information and local intelligence. The prevalence of ethnic enclaves and widespread ethnic clusters in colonial Harare’s labour market is explained in terms of a complex synergy of factors, including behavioural, historical, institutional and structural elements. Equally, industrial ethnicity, which had pre-colonial precedents, remained contested, fluid, and ambiguous, and was one among a range of forms of identification available to Salisbury’s African migrant workers. The thesis further situates African ethnicity in its political context by examining its ambivalent interaction with nationalist politics, gender and ‘othering’ work. It contends that African nationalism’s inherent underlying contradictions and tensions, and the subsequent dual categorisation of citizens into ‘patriots’ and ‘sell-outs’ set the stage for hegemonic (and counter-hegemonic) politics, ethnic competition and the politics of marginalisation in postcolonial Zimbabwe.
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Mwatwara, Wesley. "A history of state veterinary services and African livestock regimes in colonial Zimbabwe, c.1896-1980." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/86424.
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Thesis (PhD)-- Stellenbosch University, 2014.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores the relationship between African traditional livestock regimes and state
veterinary services in colonial Zimbabwe from the perspective of socio-environmental history. It
offers a new direction both methodologically and empirically as few academic studies have used
state veterinary services archives extensively as a lens to understanding the parameters of the
interaction of veterinarians and African livestock owners during the colonial period. Though
located in socio-environmental history, this study has applicability to the histories of medicine,
conservation and land policy as it connects with the broader debate regarding the experiences of
local healing practices under colonial administrations. It examines the complex, fluid and
interactive interdependence of people, livestock and disease, and discusses how veterinary
medicine, conservation policies, and introduced epizootics impacted on African traditional
livestock regimes. It demonstrates how African livestock owners reacted to veterinary
challenges, and how they understood veterinary and environmental arguments mobilized by the
colonial state to justify segregation. It shows that state veterinary services were not limited to
pharmacological drugs and the administration of inoculants but also extended to breeding and
other livestock improvement activities such as pasture management. It argues that the provision
of state veterinary services was largely influenced by the shifting, contradictory relationship
involving the state, native commissioners and white settlers. Given the fractured nature of
colonial administration in Southern Rhodesia, this thesis also discusses conflicts between
colonial experts (veterinary and animal scientists) and African livestock owners over what type
of cattle to rear, how they were to be pastured, and also how epizootics and enzootics could be
eradicated or controlled.
Key Words: conservation; African livestock regimes; veterinary medicine, local healing
practices; dipping; therapeutics; acaricides; centralisation; socio-environmental history;
liberation war; Zimbabwe; Southern Rhodesia; Rhodesia.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: This thesis explores the relationship between African traditional livestock regimes and state
veterinary services in colonial Zimbabwe from the perspective of socio-environmental history. It
offers a new direction both methodologically and empirically as few academic studies have used
state veterinary services archives extensively as a lens to understanding the parameters of the
interaction of veterinarians and African livestock owners during the colonial period. Though
located in socio-environmental history, this study has applicability to the histories of medicine,
conservation and land policy as it connects with the broader debate regarding the experiences of
local healing practices under colonial administrations. It examines the complex, fluid and
interactive interdependence of people, livestock and disease, and discusses how veterinary
medicine, conservation policies, and introduced epizootics impacted on African traditional
livestock regimes. It demonstrates how African livestock owners reacted to veterinary
challenges, and how they understood veterinary and environmental arguments mobilized by the
colonial state to justify segregation. It shows that state veterinary services were not limited to
pharmacological drugs and the administration of inoculants but also extended to breeding and
other livestock improvement activities such as pasture management. It argues that the provision
of state veterinary services was largely influenced by the shifting, contradictory relationship
involving the state, native commissioners and white settlers. Given the fractured nature of
colonial administration in Southern Rhodesia, this thesis also discusses conflicts between
colonial experts (veterinary and animal scientists) and African livestock owners over what type
of cattle to rear, how they were to be pastured, and also how epizootics and enzootics could be
eradicated or controlled.
Key Words: conservation; African livestock regimes; veterinary medicine, local healing
practices; dipping; therapeutics; acaricides; centralisation; socio-environmental history;
liberation war; Zimbabwe; Southern Rhodesia; Rhodesia.
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Horn, Mark Philip Malcolm. ""Chimurenga" 1896-1897: a revisionist study." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002398.
Full textAbstract:
There were no "Rebellions" in 1896-7. The concept of "risings" which is to be found in the European perspective of the escalated violence has distorted an understanding of the complex nature of the events. The events of 1896-7 must rather be explained through an examination of the details of the conflict. European pressure on the African people prior to 1896 was minimal and cannot be assumed to be the "cause" of the first "Chimurenga". There was no planned, organised or coordinated "rebellion" in Matabeleland in March 1896. Further, no distinction can be made between a "March" rebellion in Matabeleland and a June "rebellion" in Mashonaland. A European war of conquest in 1896-7 evoked the responce known now as the first "Chimurenga". It was the war of conquest of 1896-7 which saw the ascendancy of the European perspective over the African and thereby established the psychological foundations of the Rhodesian colonial state. The complex nature of the events of 1896-7 is to be understood through an appreciation of the different perspectives of those who became embroiled in the conflict.
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Magure, Booker. "Civil society's quest for democracy in Zimbabwe: origins,barriers and prospects, 1900-2008." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003008.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is a critical examination of the origins, barriers and prospects for a working class-led civil society as it sought to democratise Zimbabwe’s post-colonial state. It is an interdisciplinary but historically informed analysis of how advanced capitalist development promoted the emergence of social movement unionism with a potentiality to advance democracy in Zimbabwe. Despite occurring on a much smaller and thinner scale, the evolution of civil society in colonial Zimbabwe was akin to what happened in 19th century Britain where capitalist expansion presented a foundation for democratisation. However, big underlying barriers exist in Zimbabwe, resulting from various forms of authoritarian structures and forcible mobilisation strategies emanating from colonialism and the protracted war of liberation. ZANU PF’s violent reaction to memory contests by non-participants in the war of liberation seeking an alternative political agenda attest to the controversial and polemical nature of struggles over memory and forgetting in contemporary Zimbabwean politics. These structural impediments forestalled the organic growth of civil society in Zimbabwe, thereby explaining its inchoate status and the failure to significantly determine the course of public policy. While recognising the democratic aspirations and capacities of the working class in precipitating political change, this thesis takes into consideration the impact of other factors on state-society relations. These include deepening state barbarism, globalisation, and technological advances in communication, transnational civil society, a dysfunctional economy, migration and remittances. Finally this thesis presents an optimistic scenario about the prospects for civil society and democratisation in Zimbabwe. I argue that the revival of the productive sectors of the economy can possibly strengthen the labour movement and revive its capacities for ushering in a democracy.
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Chiweshe, Manase Kudzai. "Farm level institutions in emergent communities in post fast track Zimbabwe: case of Mazowe district." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003096.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis seeks to understand how emerging communities borne out of the Fast Track Land Reform Programme in Zimbabwe have been able to ensure social cohesion and social service provision using farm level institutions. The Fast Track Programme brought together people from diverse backgrounds into new communities in the former commercial farming areas. The formation of new communities meant that, often, there were 'stranger households'living next to each other. Since 2000, these people have been involved in various processes aimed at turning clusters of homesteads into functioning communities through farm level institutions. Fast track land reform precipitated economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe characterised by a rapidly devaluating Zimbabwean dollar, enormous inflation and high unemployment figures. This economic crisis has impacted heavily on new farmers who find it increasingly difficult to afford inputs and access loans. They have formed social networks in response to these challenges, taking the form of farm level institutions such as farm committees, irrigation committees and health committees. The study uses case studies from small-scale 'A1 farmers‘ in Mazowe district which is in Mashonaland Central Province. It employs qualitative methodologies to enable a nuanced understanding of associational life in the new communities. Through focus group discussions, in-depth interviews, narratives, key informant interviews and institutional mapping the study outlines the formation, taxonomy, activities, roles, internal dynamics and social organisation of farm level institutions. The study also uses secondary data collected in 2007-08 by the Centre for Rural Development in the newly resettled areas in Mazowe. The major finding of the study is that farmers are organising in novel ways at grassroots levels to meet everyday challenges. These institutional forms however are internally weak, lacking leadership with a clear vision and they appear as if they are transitory in nature. They remain marginalised from national and global processes and isolated from critical connections to policy makers at all levels; thus A1 farmers remain voiceless and unable to have their interests addressed. Farm level institutions are at the forefront of the microeconomics of survival among these rural farmers. They are survivalist in nature and form, and this requires a major shift in focus if they are to be involved in developmental work. The institutions remain fragmented and compete amongst themselves for services from government without uniting as A1 farmers with similar interests and challenges.
9
Santos, Phillip. "Representing conflict: an analysis of The Chronicle's coverage of the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1983 and 1986." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002936.
Full textAbstract:
This research is premised on the understanding that media texts are discourses and that all discourses are functional, that is, they refer to things, issues and events, in meaningful and goal oriented ways. Nine articles are analysed to explicate the sorts of discourses that were promoted by The Chronicle during the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1982 and 1986. It is argued that discourses in the news media are shaped by the role(s), the type(s) of journalism assumed by such media, and by the political environment in which the news media operate. The interplay between the roles, types of journalism practised, and the effect the political environment has on news discourses is assessed within the context of conflictual situations. This is done using insights from the theoretical position of peace journalism and its critique of professional or mainstream journalism as promoting war/violence journalism. Using the case of The Chronicle's reportage of the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe, it is concluded that, in performing the collaborative role, state owned/controlled media assume characteristics of war/violence journalism. On the other hand, it is concluded that The Chronicle developed practices consistent with peace journalism when it both espoused the facilitative role and journalistic objectivity. These findings undermine the conventional view among proponents of peace journalism that in times of conflict, the news media should be interventionist in favour of peace and that they should abandon the journalistic norm of objectivity which they argue, promotes war/violence journalism.
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Muzondidya, James. "Sitting on the fence or walking a tightrope? : a political history of the coloured community in Zimbabwe, 1945-1980." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/7893.
Full textAbstract:
Includes bibliographies.<br>This thesis examines the political history of the Coloured community of Zimbabwe, a group that has not only been marginalised in most general political and academic discourses but whose history has also been subject to popular misconceptions. The specific focus of the thesis is on the evolution of political ideologies and strategies among members of the Coloured community. The thesis opens by looking at the construction of Coloured identity from the early 1890s. In this section, through a detailed analysis of the various processes involved in the construction of Coloured identity, the study first challenges the notion that Coloured identity was imposed exclusively from above, by the colonial state.
Books on the topic "Zimbabwe – History – 1980-"
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Kwashirai, Vimbai Chaumba. Green colonialism in Zimbabwe, 1890-1980. Cambria Press, 2009.
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Guerrilla veterans in post-war Zimbabwe: Symbolic and violent politics, 1980-1987. Cambridge University Press, 2003.
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Gledhill, Dick. One Commando: Rhodesian Light Infantry : "the Big Red". Covos Day Books, 2001.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Zimbabwe – History – 1980-"
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Mtisi, Joseph, Munyaradzi Nyakudya, and Teresa Barnes. "War in Rhodesia, 1965–1980." In Becoming Zimbabwe. A History from the Pre-colonial Period to 2008. Weaver Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvk3gmpr.13.
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Muzondidya, James. "From Buoyancy to Crisis, 1980–1997." In Becoming Zimbabwe. A History from the Pre-colonial Period to 2008. Weaver Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvk3gmpr.14.
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"History, Authority and the Law in Zimbabwe, 1950–2002." In Performing Power in Zimbabwe. Cambridge University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781009026826.002.
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Mlambo, A. S. "From the Second World War to UDI, 1940–1965." In Becoming Zimbabwe. A History from the Pre-colonial Period to 2008. Weaver Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvk3gmpr.11.
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