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1
Manganga, Kudakwashe. "An Agrarian History of the Mwenezi District, Zimbabwe, 1980-2004." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2007. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_8947_1257321849.
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The thesis examines continuity and change in the agrarian history of the Mwenezi District, southern Zimbabwe since 1980. It analyses agrarian reforms, agrarian practices and development initiatives in the district and situates them in the localised livelihood strategies of different people within the Dinhe Communa Area and the Mangondi resettlement Area in Lieu of the Fast-Track Land Reform Programme (FTLRP) since 2000. The thesis also examines the livelihood opportunities and challenges presented by the FTLRP to the inhabitants of Mwenezi.The thesis contributes to the growing body of empirical studies on the impact of Zimbabwe's ongoing land reform programme and to debates and discourses on agrarian reform.
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Chimhanda, Christopher Chiedza. "ZAPU and the liberation struggle in Zimbabwe, 1957-1980." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/10235.
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Bibliography: leaves 185-195.The Unity Accord signed by PF (ZAPU) and ZANU (PF) in 1987 saw the emergence of a 'new' party called ZANU PF. ZAPU was 'swallowed' up by a party which was formed by people who broke away from ZAPU in 1963. ZAPU's failure to win a majority in the first democratic elections and its subsequent 'disappearance' in 1987 have an impact on the manner in which ZAPU's participation in the liberation struggle is presented by some people. This study traces ZAPU's contribution to the struggle for independence in Zimbabwe by taking a look at the history of the party from the time it was formed in 1961 until the attainment of independence in 1980. Official documents from ZAPU are not easy to come by. Post-independence tension and fighting between cadres from ZAPU and ZANU resulted in the confiscation, by the government, of ZAPU war records and other documents in 1982. These documents have not yet been returned and most likely will not be returned since the party does not exist anymore. Interviews with founding members of ZAPU and some ordinary cadres who participated in the struggle shed a light on the nature of ZAPU's participation in the struggle for independence. Significant figures in ZAPU like James Chikerema, the man who was in charge of ZAPU's first armed cadres, Dumiso Dabengwa, a member of ZAPU's first armed group and subsequently ZIPRA's chief of intelligence, and Welshman Mabhena, a founding member of ZAPU who remained within the country during the struggle, are among the active members of ZAPU who were interviewed for this study. Professor Ngwabi Bhebe, Professor Phenias Makurane, and Mr. Pathisa Nyathi bring in perspectives of people who had direct dealing,s with the party without being directly involved as cadres.
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Hendrich, Gustav. "Die geskiedenis van die Afrikaner in Rhodesie (1890 – 1980)." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/5406.
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Thesis (DPhil (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The discussion concerning the history of the Afrikaners as a white minority in Rhodesia is a purposeful attempt to historically investigate the presence and fundamental contributions of this particular population group. In methodological terms this study falls within the framework of diaspora and migration studies, movement of nations and the dynamics of minorities living in a host country. Since 1890 Afrikaners from South Africa, mostly as the result of the search for improved living conditions and job opportunities, gradually found their way to the territory north of the Limpopo River. The organised and individual treks, and the sporadic movement of Afrikaner immigrants to Rhodesia would lay the foundations of a self-supporting, though geographically straggling population group. In almost every terrain of life Afrikaners would participate in the provision of essential labour service. Since the Afrikaners mainly represented a rural population, they became very familiar with agricultural practices and surroundings. Predominantly, the Afrikaner farmers would in due time play a contributory role in the overall agricultural industry and economy of Rhodesia. The Afrikaner churches and cultural organisations in Rhodesia would decisively serve to unite Afrikaners religiously and socially, and to knit them together. The influence of Christian ministry and reformist mission work would not remain limited to Afrikaners, but would at the same time also include the Christianisation of black people. Politically, the Afrikaners lived in relatively friendly coexistence with the dominant English-speaking population of a British colony, although unsympathetic political attitudes, preconceived ideas and the fear of Afrikaner nationalism often hampered relations. The restrictive colonial immigration policies, compulsory military service and the rejection of Afrikaans as the second official medium of instruction by the Rhodesian authorities confirmed the political subjection of Afrikaners in Rhodesia. Mutual acceptance among Afrikaners and English-speaking Rhodesians would only emerge after the declaration of independence in 1965. Due to the aspiration of preserving their language and group and national identity, the Afrikaners would consequently not be politically assimilated into the mainstream of the English-speaking population.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die bespreking van die geskiedenis van die Afrikaners as blanke minderheid in Rhodesië is 'n doelbewuste poging om die teenwoordigheid en wesenlike bydraes van hierdie bepaalde bevolkingsgroep histories te ondersoek. In metodologiese terme ressorteer hierdie studie binne die raamwerk van diaspora- en migrasiestudies, volksverskuiwing en die dinamika van minderhede woonagtig in 'n gasheerstaat. Sedert 1890 het Afrikaners vanuit Suid-Afrika, merendeels weens die soeke na verbeterde lewensomstandighede en werksgeleenthede, geleidelik hul weg na die gebied noord van die Limpoporivier gevind. Die georganiseerde en individuele Afrikaner-trekke en die sporadiese verhuising van Afrikaner-immigrante na Rhodesië sou die fondamente van . selfonderhoudende, dog geografies wydverspreide bevolkingsgroep lê. Afrikaners sou op feitlik alle lewensterreine en in die verskaffing van noodsaaklike arbeidsdienste deelneem. Aangesien die Afrikaners in hoofsaak 'n landelike bevolking verteenwoordig het, het hulle goed vertroud geraak met die boerderypraktyk en -omgewing. Die Afrikaner-boere sou oorwegend met verloop van tyd 'n bydraende ontwikkelingsrol in die algehele Rhodesiese landboubedryf en ekonomie vervul. Die Afrikaner-kerke en -kultuurorganisasies in Rhodesie sou 'n deurslaggewende godsdienstige, sosialiserings- en saambindende funksie verrig om Afrikaners te verenig. Die invloed van Christelike bearbeiding en reformistiese sendingwerk sou nie tot Afrikaners beperk bly nie, maar terselfdertyd ook die kerstening van swart mense insluit. Polities het Afrikaners in relatief vriendskaplike naasbestaan met die dominante Engelssprekende bevolking van 'n Britse kolonie verkeer, hoewel onsimpatieke politieke houdings, vooropgestelde idees en vrees vir Afrikaner-nasionalisme dikwels verhoudinge belemmer het. Die beperkende koloniale immigrasiebeleide, verpligte militere diensplig en die afkeur van Afrikaans as tweede amptelike voertaal deur die Rhodesiese owerhede, was bevestigend van die politieke onderworpenheid van Afrikaners in Rhodesië. Wedersydse aanvaarding tussen Afrikaners en Engelssprekende Rhodesiers sou eers na die onafhanklikheidverklaring in 1965 na vore kom. Danksy die strewe om die behoud van hul taal, groepsidentiteit en volkseie sou die Afrikaners dus nie polities in die hoofstroom van die Engelssprekende bevolking geassimileer word nie.
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Manganga, Kudakwashe. "A historical study of industrial ethnicity in urban colonial Zimbabwe and its contemporary transitions : the case of African Harare, c. 1890-1980." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/86428.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.This thesis provides a critical and historical analysis of industrial ethnicity in African Harare between the 1890s and 1980. It examines the origins, dynamics and ambiguities of industrial ethnicity in urban colonial Harare (then Salisbury) and its attendant implications for socio-economic wellbeing and inter-group relations. It locates industrial ethnicity within broader questions of inequality and social difference, especially issues like affordability, materiality and power. The thesis pays particular attention to individuals and groups’ differential access to the ‘raw materials’ used in imagining and constructing forms of identification. The thesis is empirically grounded in a specific case study of industrial ethnicity among disparate African groups in urban colonial Zimbabwe, and in the context formed by factors that fomented ethnic enclaves in African Harare’s competitive labour markets during particular historical epochs. Such complex currents remain under-represented in current Zimbabwean historical literature. This is despite the salience and resonance of industrial ethnicity, as well as its multi-layered and ambiguous implications for inter-group relations, and its potential to create differential access to life chances for individuals and groups. The thesis contends that in crisis situations, people tend to identify with their ‘type’ and to use ethnic, kinship and other social ties in their scramble for socio-economic and political resources. This usually involves definitions and re-definitions of ‘selves’ and ‘others’; ‘insiders’ and ‘outsiders’; contestations and negotiations over identification; and how these varied identities are ‘materialised’. The ways in which migrant workers positioned themselves in the labour market depended on ensuing socio-economic inequalities and the use of social networks, which were indispensable conduits for the transmission of job information and local intelligence. The prevalence of ethnic enclaves and widespread ethnic clusters in colonial Harare’s labour market is explained in terms of a complex synergy of factors, including behavioural, historical, institutional and structural elements. Equally, industrial ethnicity, which had pre-colonial precedents, remained contested, fluid, and ambiguous, and was one among a range of forms of identification available to Salisbury’s African migrant workers. The thesis further situates African ethnicity in its political context by examining its ambivalent interaction with nationalist politics, gender and ‘othering’ work. It contends that African nationalism’s inherent underlying contradictions and tensions, and the subsequent dual categorisation of citizens into ‘patriots’ and ‘sell-outs’ set the stage for hegemonic (and counter-hegemonic) politics, ethnic competition and the politics of marginalisation in postcolonial Zimbabwe.
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Mwatwara, Wesley. "A history of state veterinary services and African livestock regimes in colonial Zimbabwe, c.1896-1980." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/86424.
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Thesis (PhD)-- Stellenbosch University, 2014.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores the relationship between African traditional livestock regimes and state veterinary services in colonial Zimbabwe from the perspective of socio-environmental history. It offers a new direction both methodologically and empirically as few academic studies have used state veterinary services archives extensively as a lens to understanding the parameters of the interaction of veterinarians and African livestock owners during the colonial period. Though located in socio-environmental history, this study has applicability to the histories of medicine, conservation and land policy as it connects with the broader debate regarding the experiences of local healing practices under colonial administrations. It examines the complex, fluid and interactive interdependence of people, livestock and disease, and discusses how veterinary medicine, conservation policies, and introduced epizootics impacted on African traditional livestock regimes. It demonstrates how African livestock owners reacted to veterinary challenges, and how they understood veterinary and environmental arguments mobilized by the colonial state to justify segregation. It shows that state veterinary services were not limited to pharmacological drugs and the administration of inoculants but also extended to breeding and other livestock improvement activities such as pasture management. It argues that the provision of state veterinary services was largely influenced by the shifting, contradictory relationship involving the state, native commissioners and white settlers. Given the fractured nature of colonial administration in Southern Rhodesia, this thesis also discusses conflicts between colonial experts (veterinary and animal scientists) and African livestock owners over what type of cattle to rear, how they were to be pastured, and also how epizootics and enzootics could be eradicated or controlled. Key Words: conservation; African livestock regimes; veterinary medicine, local healing practices; dipping; therapeutics; acaricides; centralisation; socio-environmental history; liberation war; Zimbabwe; Southern Rhodesia; Rhodesia.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: This thesis explores the relationship between African traditional livestock regimes and state veterinary services in colonial Zimbabwe from the perspective of socio-environmental history. It offers a new direction both methodologically and empirically as few academic studies have used state veterinary services archives extensively as a lens to understanding the parameters of the interaction of veterinarians and African livestock owners during the colonial period. Though located in socio-environmental history, this study has applicability to the histories of medicine, conservation and land policy as it connects with the broader debate regarding the experiences of local healing practices under colonial administrations. It examines the complex, fluid and interactive interdependence of people, livestock and disease, and discusses how veterinary medicine, conservation policies, and introduced epizootics impacted on African traditional livestock regimes. It demonstrates how African livestock owners reacted to veterinary challenges, and how they understood veterinary and environmental arguments mobilized by the colonial state to justify segregation. It shows that state veterinary services were not limited to pharmacological drugs and the administration of inoculants but also extended to breeding and other livestock improvement activities such as pasture management. It argues that the provision of state veterinary services was largely influenced by the shifting, contradictory relationship involving the state, native commissioners and white settlers. Given the fractured nature of colonial administration in Southern Rhodesia, this thesis also discusses conflicts between colonial experts (veterinary and animal scientists) and African livestock owners over what type of cattle to rear, how they were to be pastured, and also how epizootics and enzootics could be eradicated or controlled. Key Words: conservation; African livestock regimes; veterinary medicine, local healing practices; dipping; therapeutics; acaricides; centralisation; socio-environmental history; liberation war; Zimbabwe; Southern Rhodesia; Rhodesia.
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Horn, Mark Philip Malcolm. ""Chimurenga" 1896-1897: a revisionist study." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002398.
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There were no "Rebellions" in 1896-7. The concept of "risings" which is to be found in the European perspective of the escalated violence has distorted an understanding of the complex nature of the events. The events of 1896-7 must rather be explained through an examination of the details of the conflict. European pressure on the African people prior to 1896 was minimal and cannot be assumed to be the "cause" of the first "Chimurenga". There was no planned, organised or coordinated "rebellion" in Matabeleland in March 1896. Further, no distinction can be made between a "March" rebellion in Matabeleland and a June "rebellion" in Mashonaland. A European war of conquest in 1896-7 evoked the responce known now as the first "Chimurenga". It was the war of conquest of 1896-7 which saw the ascendancy of the European perspective over the African and thereby established the psychological foundations of the Rhodesian colonial state. The complex nature of the events of 1896-7 is to be understood through an appreciation of the different perspectives of those who became embroiled in the conflict.
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Magure, Booker. "Civil society's quest for democracy in Zimbabwe: origins,barriers and prospects, 1900-2008." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003008.
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This thesis is a critical examination of the origins, barriers and prospects for a working class-led civil society as it sought to democratise Zimbabwe’s post-colonial state. It is an interdisciplinary but historically informed analysis of how advanced capitalist development promoted the emergence of social movement unionism with a potentiality to advance democracy in Zimbabwe. Despite occurring on a much smaller and thinner scale, the evolution of civil society in colonial Zimbabwe was akin to what happened in 19th century Britain where capitalist expansion presented a foundation for democratisation. However, big underlying barriers exist in Zimbabwe, resulting from various forms of authoritarian structures and forcible mobilisation strategies emanating from colonialism and the protracted war of liberation. ZANU PF’s violent reaction to memory contests by non-participants in the war of liberation seeking an alternative political agenda attest to the controversial and polemical nature of struggles over memory and forgetting in contemporary Zimbabwean politics. These structural impediments forestalled the organic growth of civil society in Zimbabwe, thereby explaining its inchoate status and the failure to significantly determine the course of public policy. While recognising the democratic aspirations and capacities of the working class in precipitating political change, this thesis takes into consideration the impact of other factors on state-society relations. These include deepening state barbarism, globalisation, and technological advances in communication, transnational civil society, a dysfunctional economy, migration and remittances. Finally this thesis presents an optimistic scenario about the prospects for civil society and democratisation in Zimbabwe. I argue that the revival of the productive sectors of the economy can possibly strengthen the labour movement and revive its capacities for ushering in a democracy.
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Chiweshe, Manase Kudzai. "Farm level institutions in emergent communities in post fast track Zimbabwe: case of Mazowe district." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003096.
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The thesis seeks to understand how emerging communities borne out of the Fast Track Land Reform Programme in Zimbabwe have been able to ensure social cohesion and social service provision using farm level institutions. The Fast Track Programme brought together people from diverse backgrounds into new communities in the former commercial farming areas. The formation of new communities meant that, often, there were 'stranger households'living next to each other. Since 2000, these people have been involved in various processes aimed at turning clusters of homesteads into functioning communities through farm level institutions. Fast track land reform precipitated economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe characterised by a rapidly devaluating Zimbabwean dollar, enormous inflation and high unemployment figures. This economic crisis has impacted heavily on new farmers who find it increasingly difficult to afford inputs and access loans. They have formed social networks in response to these challenges, taking the form of farm level institutions such as farm committees, irrigation committees and health committees. The study uses case studies from small-scale 'A1 farmers‘ in Mazowe district which is in Mashonaland Central Province. It employs qualitative methodologies to enable a nuanced understanding of associational life in the new communities. Through focus group discussions, in-depth interviews, narratives, key informant interviews and institutional mapping the study outlines the formation, taxonomy, activities, roles, internal dynamics and social organisation of farm level institutions. The study also uses secondary data collected in 2007-08 by the Centre for Rural Development in the newly resettled areas in Mazowe. The major finding of the study is that farmers are organising in novel ways at grassroots levels to meet everyday challenges. These institutional forms however are internally weak, lacking leadership with a clear vision and they appear as if they are transitory in nature. They remain marginalised from national and global processes and isolated from critical connections to policy makers at all levels; thus A1 farmers remain voiceless and unable to have their interests addressed. Farm level institutions are at the forefront of the microeconomics of survival among these rural farmers. They are survivalist in nature and form, and this requires a major shift in focus if they are to be involved in developmental work. The institutions remain fragmented and compete amongst themselves for services from government without uniting as A1 farmers with similar interests and challenges.
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Santos, Phillip. "Representing conflict: an analysis of The Chronicle's coverage of the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1983 and 1986." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002936.
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This research is premised on the understanding that media texts are discourses and that all discourses are functional, that is, they refer to things, issues and events, in meaningful and goal oriented ways. Nine articles are analysed to explicate the sorts of discourses that were promoted by The Chronicle during the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1982 and 1986. It is argued that discourses in the news media are shaped by the role(s), the type(s) of journalism assumed by such media, and by the political environment in which the news media operate. The interplay between the roles, types of journalism practised, and the effect the political environment has on news discourses is assessed within the context of conflictual situations. This is done using insights from the theoretical position of peace journalism and its critique of professional or mainstream journalism as promoting war/violence journalism. Using the case of The Chronicle's reportage of the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe, it is concluded that, in performing the collaborative role, state owned/controlled media assume characteristics of war/violence journalism. On the other hand, it is concluded that The Chronicle developed practices consistent with peace journalism when it both espoused the facilitative role and journalistic objectivity. These findings undermine the conventional view among proponents of peace journalism that in times of conflict, the news media should be interventionist in favour of peace and that they should abandon the journalistic norm of objectivity which they argue, promotes war/violence journalism.
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Muzondidya, James. "Sitting on the fence or walking a tightrope? : a political history of the coloured community in Zimbabwe, 1945-1980." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/7893.
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Includes bibliographies.This thesis examines the political history of the Coloured community of Zimbabwe, a group that has not only been marginalised in most general political and academic discourses but whose history has also been subject to popular misconceptions. The specific focus of the thesis is on the evolution of political ideologies and strategies among members of the Coloured community. The thesis opens by looking at the construction of Coloured identity from the early 1890s. In this section, through a detailed analysis of the various processes involved in the construction of Coloured identity, the study first challenges the notion that Coloured identity was imposed exclusively from above, by the colonial state.
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Lyons, Tanya. "Guns and guerrilla girls : women in the Zimbabwean National Liberation struggle." Title page, abstract and contents only, 1999. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phl9918.pdf.
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Bibliography: leaves 290-311. This study investigates the roles and experiences of "women warriors" in Zimbabwe's anti-colonial national liberation war, and reveals certain glorifications which have served to obscure and silence the voices of thousands of young girls and women involved in the struggle. The problems associated with the inclusion of women in an armed/military guerrilla force are discussed, and the (re)presentation of women in discourses of war, fictional accounts, public and national symbols and other multiple discursive layers which have re-inscribed the women back into the domestic examined. The Zimbabwean film Flame highlights the political sensitivity of the issues, including accusations of rape by male comrades in guerrilla training camps. An overview of women's involvement in Zimbabwean history, anti-colonial struggle, and the African nationalist movement provides the background for a critique of western feminist theories of nationalism and women's liberation in Africa. Historical records are juxtaposed with the voices of some women ex-combatants who speak their reasons for joining the struggle and their experiences of war. White Rhodesian women's roles are also examined in light of the gendered constructions of war.
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Tagwirei, Cuthbeth. "Should I stay or should I go : Zimbabwes white writing, 1980 to 2011." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/95815.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis finds its epistemological basis in two related motives: the re-conceptualisation of white writing in Zimbabwe as a sub-category of Zimbabwean literature, and the recognition of white narratives as necessarily dialogic. The first motive follows the realization that writing by Zimbabwean whites is systematically marginalized from “mainstream” Zimbabwean literature owing to its perceived irrelevance to the postcolonial Zimbabwean nation. Through an application of Even-Zohar’s polysystem theory, this thesis argues for a recognition of white writing as a literary sub-system existing in relation to other literary and non-literary systems in Zimbabwe’s polysystem of culture. As its second motive, the thesis also calls for a critical approach to white Zimbabwean narratives built on the understanding that the study of literature can no longer be left to monologic approaches alone. Rather, white narratives should be considered as multiple and hence amenable to a multiplicity of approaches that recognize dialogue as an essential aspect of all narratives. The thesis attempts, by closely reading nine white-authored narratives in Zimbabwe, to demonstrate that white Zimbabwean literature is characterized by multiplicity, simultaneity and instability; these are tropes developed from Bakhtin’s understanding of utterances as characterized by a minimum of two voices. To consider white writing in Zimbabwe as a multiplicity is to call forth its numerous dimensions and breadth of perceptions. Simultaneity posits the need to understand opposites/conflicts as capable of existing side by side without necessarily dissolving into unity. Instability captures the several movements and destabilizations that affect writers, characters and the literary system. These three tropes enable a re-reading of white Zimbabwean narratives as complex and multi-nuanced. Such characteristics of the literary system are seen to reflect on the experiences of “whiteness” in postcolonial Zimbabwe. The white narratives selected for examination in this thesis therefore exhibit crises of belonging that reflect the dialogic nature of existence. In sum, this thesis is meant as a dialogue, culminating in the proposition that calls for a decentred and redemptive literary experience.
AFRIKKANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis vestig sy epistemologiese basis in twee verwante motiewe: die herkonseptualisering van skryfwerk deur wit skrywers in Zimbabwe as ’n sub-kategorie van Zimbabwiese letterkunde, en die erkenning van wit narratiewe as onontkombaar dialogies in aard en wese. Die eerste motief volg die argument dat die skryfwerke van wit Zimbabwieërs stelselmatig gemarginaliseer is uit “hoofstroom” Zimbabwiese literatuur, as gevolg van dié skryfwerke se beweerde irrelevansie tot die koloniale Zimbabwiese nasie-staat. Deur Even-Zohar se polisisteem teorie toe te pas, pleit hierdie tesis vir die erkenning van letterkunde deur wit skrywers as ’n literêre sub-stelsel wat bestaan in verhouding tot ander literêre en nie-literêre sisteme in Zimbabwe se polisisteem van kultuur. As sy tweede motief, vra die tesis ook vir ’n kritiese benadering tot wit Zimbabwiese narratiewe, gebou op die verstandhouding dat die studie van letterkunde nie meer suiwer aan monologies benaderings oorgelewer behoort te word nie. Inteendeel, wit narratiewe moet as veelsydig beskou word, en dus vatbaar vir ’n verskeidenheid benaderings wat dialoog as ’n noodsaaklike aspek van alle verhale erken en verken. Deur nege wit outeurs se verhale in Zimbabwe noukeurig te lees, dui hierdie tesis aan dat wit Zimbabwiese literatuur gekenmerk word deur veelvuldigheid, gelyktydigheid en onstabiliteit; hieride is teoretiese konsepte wat ontleen is aan Bakhtin se begrip van uitsprake (“utterances”) as bestaande uit ’n minimum van twee stemme. Om wit lettere in Zimbabwe as veelvuldig te verklaar is om die talle dimensies en breedtes van persepsie in letterkundige korpus te erken. Gelyktydig postuleer die tesis die moontlikheid dat teenoorgesteldes/konflikte langs mekaar kan en móét bestaan, sonder om noodwendig in ’n eenheid te ontaard. Onstabiliteit, soos dit hier verstaan word, omvat die verskillende bewegings en ontstuimige roeringe wat skrywers, karakters en die literêre sisteem beïnvloed. Hierdie drie konsepte laat ’n herlees van wit Zimbabwiese verhale toe wat as kompleks en multi-genuanseerd bestempel kan word. Sulke kenmerke van die literêre sisteem moet in ag geneem word om die ervaring van “witheid” in post-koloniale Zimbabwe effektief uit te beeld. Die wit verhale wat gekies is vir herlees in hierdie tesis beeld dus krisisse van bestaan uit wat die dialogiese aard van die menslike bestaan omvat. Ter afsluiting is hierdie tesis bedoel as ’n dialoog wat kulmineer in ’n oproep vir gedensentraliseerde en verlossende ervarings van die letterkunde in sy geheel.
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Dube, Francis. "Colonialism, cross-border movements, and epidemiology: a history of public health in the Manica region of central Mozambique and eastern Zimbabwe and the African response, 1890-1980." Diss., University of Iowa, 2009. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/2694.
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This dissertation addresses one of the reasons for the lack of confidence in public health in Southern Africa. It examines the impact of intrusive colonial public health measures and colonial attempts to suppress indigenous healing practices in the Manica region. The dissertation asks whether invasive colonial public health interventions had unintended consequences, such as the continued existence of traditional medicine and the reluctance to accept biomedical arguments on the epidemiology of infectious and communicable diseases. While these intrusive colonial public health measures were constant and pervasive, they were not always effective, partly due to the border that colonialism created. The epidemiology of the Manica region is fundamentally affected by cross-border movements, which not only spread infections, but altered disease ecologies, complicating disease control efforts. Colonial efforts to monitor movements led to the disruption of life and caused much hardship to villagers and townsfolk.
Reflecting the dynamism of African societies, this dissertation argues that while Africans tended to dislike intrusive and discriminatory preventative public health policies, they were willing to experiment with new ideas, particularly treatment services. They were discouraged, however, by the failure of colonial governments to provide adequate treatment-based services for Africans, proving that the provision of health services for Africans was driven by European settler fears of infection and economic imperatives rather than the concern for Africans. However, most of these settler fears stemmed from misunderstandings of epidemiology, and were often grossly exaggerated and racist. Regardless of whether these theories were accurate or not, they still caused hardship. Although this project looks at the history of public health before the HIV/AIDS pandemic in Southern Africa, the legacy of colonial public health policies affects how people in Southern Africa comprehend this disease. Through the use of archival materials and oral histories, this dissertation concludes that the current reluctance to embrace biomedicine is connected to social memory and perceptions of the state, and its legitimacy. Had resentment of colonial public health not played a role, biomedicine would have been more readily integrated as an additional option into a repertoire of alternative therapies in Southern Africa.
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Samasuwo, Nhamo Wellington. "'There is something about cattle' : towards an economic history of the beef industry in colonial Zimbabwe, with special reference to the role of the State, 1939-1980." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/22560.
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This thesis examines the historical evolution of the beef industry in colonial Zimbabwe in the period between 1939-1980 with special reference to the role of the State. It analyses how the State's statutory marketing and pricing policies helped to develop the industry from its infancy to a stage where it became not just a major food producer but also an important earner of foreign currency for the country. Three major objectives inspired this study: first, to fill in a yawning gap in the post-war colonial economic, social and political historiography of Zimbabwe and to highlight the centrality of cattle to this; secondly, to make a contribution to the history of the country's food industry and, thirdly, to critically examine how the development of the beef industry affected the economic, social and political well-being of both Africans and white settlers and their relations with the State during what was, arguably the most eventful period in the country's colonial history. The thesis is divided into six chapters, all of which follow the known chronological contours of colonial Zimbabwean historiography, i.e. the period before the Second World War, 1890-1938; Second World War, 1939-1945; Post-war years, 1946-1953; Federal period, 1954-1964; UDI and the Second Chimurenga, 1965-1980. Chapter One gives a historical background to the whole study and analyses the origins, growth and factors which governed the development of the beef industry since the establishment of colonialism in the 1980's up to 1938. Chapter Two examines the impact of the Second World War on the beef industry's development, while Chapter Three examines the economic impact of post-war economic growth on the industry's capacity to satisfy increased domestic demand for beef. Chapter Four explores the strengths and weaknesses of Federal State policy in enabling the country to achieve self-sufficiency in beef. Chapter Five explores the impact of economic sanctions and the process of agrarian diversification on the industry's development during the first six years of UDI. Chapter Six is the last one in this study and examines the economic impact of the Second Chimurenga or War of Liberation on the industry from 1972- 1980.
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Sibanda, Lovemore. "Who is Who in Zimbabwe's Armed Revolution? Representation of the ZAPU/ZIPRA and the ZANU/ZANLA in High School History Textbooks Narratives of the Liberation War." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2019. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1505182/.
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The liberation war was a watershed event in the history of Zimbabwe. According to the ZANU PF (Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front) ruling elites, an understanding of the common experiences of the people during the liberation war provides the best opportunity to mold a common national identity and consciousness. However, the representation of important historical events in a nation's history is problematic. At best events are manipulated for political purposes by the ruling elites, and at the worst they are distorted or exaggerated. In Zimbabwe, the representation of the ZAPU/ZIPRA and the ZANU/ZANLA as liberation movements in high school history textbooks during the armed struggle is a hot potato. This study critically examined and explored the contested "representational practices" of the ZAPU/ZIPRA and the ZANU/ZANLA as liberation movements during the Zimbabwean armed revolution. By means of qualitative content analysis, seven high school history textbooks from Zimbabwe were analyzed. Drawing from postcolonial perspectives and insights, particularly Fanon's concept of the pitfall of national consciousness, the study unveiled the way in which Zimbabwean high school textbooks portrayed the ZAPU/ZIPRA and the ZANU/ZANLA as very different liberation movements whose roles and contributions were unequal. High school textbooks depicted the ZANU/ZANLA as a radical revolutionary and people-oriented liberation movement totally committed to the armed struggle and the ZAPU/ZIPRA as a moderate party not dedicated to the armed revolution. In a nutshell, the high school history textbooks glorified and celebrated the political and military achievements of the ZANU/ZANLA and suppressed while not completely ignoring those of the ZAPU/ZIPRA. Although the findings of this study will not solve the problem of high school textbooks (mis) representation of the roles and contributions of the ZAPU/ZIPRA and the ZANU/ZANLA in the armed struggle, the study can serve as a "tool of resistance" by exposing the continual abuse and misuse of history education by postcolonial ruling elites to preservice teachers, classroom teachers, teacher education programs and textbook publishers.
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Farnia, Navid. "National Liberation in an Imperialist World: Race and the U.S. National Security State, 1959-1980." The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1563474429728204.
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Maxwell, David James. "A social and conceptual history of North-East Zimbabwe, 1890-1990." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670267.
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Karekwaivanane, George Hamandishe. "Legal encounters : law, state and society in Zimbabwe, c1950-1990." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1aa6d7e5-2535-4a82-98c1-45a0203bee22.
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This study examines the role of law in the constitution and contestation of state power in African history. Using Zimbabwe as a case study, it analyses legal struggles between Africans and the state, and amongst Africans themselves between 1950 and 1990. In doing so it intervenes in a number of scholarly debates on the relationship between law, state power and agency in African history. Firstly, I examine the role of law in constituting state power by exploring the interplay between legitimation and coercion in long term perspective. Secondly, I interrogate legal centralism as an approach to understanding developments in the legal sphere in African history and make the case for legal pluralism as a more appropriate approach. I argue that during the period under study, Zimbabwe witnessed a process of evolving legal pluralism characterised by the mutual appropriation of forms, symbols and concepts between state law and the ‘customary law’. Thirdly, I contribute to the debate on African legal agency by demonstrating that its significance went beyond the utility of the law in specific social, economic and political struggles. I argue that it also gave expression to emergent political imaginaries, shifting ideas of personhood and alternative visions of the social and political order. Lastly, I argue that, by undertaking a historical examination of legal struggles, this study provides a useful foundation from which to analyse contemporary legal struggles in Zimbabwe and in Africa more generally. The findings presented here caution against being drawn in by the apparent novelty of contemporary legal struggles. In addition, they suggest the means by which human rights discourse in Africa might be reinvigorated.
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Charema, John. "An explanatory study into the rehabilitation of ex-freedom fighters in Gweru, Zimbabwe from 1990 to 1995." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1223.
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The purpose of the study was to explore the rehabilitation of ex-combatants who fought the Zimbabwe liberation war, thus to find out if these ex-combatants received counseling and were resettled or reintegrated within the period 1990 to 1995. In order to maintain focus the aims of the study were set out as follows: • to focus on rehabilitation which encompasses taking care of the ex-combatants who were disabled and or injured during the war, as well as counseling, reintegrating and resettling them and • to explore whether the ex-combatants who were demobilized and those who opted for a civilian life were rehabilitated. • to explore if the ex-combatants were reintegrated. • to understand how the ex-combatants were coping with their lives and • to discover how they perceived their support from the government at the time of their demobilisation. The study concentrated on ex-combatants in Gweru, who were to be rehabilitated from 1990 to 1995. In-depth face-to-face interviews were conducted to achieve the objectives set out for the study. The results of the study indicate that there was no rehabilitation, counseling, resettlement and real integration. The findings clearly indicate that these ex-combatants still think of being resettled, allocated good land for farming. They went on to suggest being paid pension by the government and to have their children employed, educated and supported by the government.
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Skagen, Kristin. "Liberation movements in Southern Africa : the ANC (South Africa) and ZANU (Zimbabwe) compared." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1984.
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Thesis MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008.Liberation movements came into being across the entire African continent as a political response to colonisation. However, Africa has in this field, as in so many others, been largely understudied, in comparison to revolutionary movements in South America and South East Asia. While many case studies on specific liberation movements exist, very few are comparative in nature. This study will do precisely that using the framework of Thomas H. Greene. The resistance movements in South Africa and Zimbabwe, then Rhodesia, consisted of several organisations, but the ones that emerged as the most powerful and significant in the two countries were the ANC and ZANU respectively. Although their situations were similar in many ways, there were other factors that necessarily led to two very different liberation struggles. This study looks closer at these factors, why they were so, and what this meant for the two movements. It focuses on the different characteristics of the movements, dividing these into leadership, support base, ideology, organisation, strategies and external support. All revolutionary movements rely on these factors to varying degrees, depending on the conditions they are operating under. The ANC and ZANU both had to fight under very difficult and different circumstances, with oppressive minority regimes severely restricting their actions. This meant that the non-violent protests that initially were a great influence for the leadership of both movements – especially with the successes of Mahatma Gandhi in South Africa and India, inevitably had to give way to the more effective strategies of sabotage and armed struggle. Like other African resistance movements, nationalism was used as the main mobilising tool within the populations. In South Africa the struggle against apartheid was more complex and multidimensional than in Zimbabwe. Ultimately successful in their efforts, the ANC and ZANU both became the political parties that assumed power after liberation. This study does not extend to post-liberation problems.
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Brownell, Josiah Begole. "Rhodesia's war of numbers : racial populations, political power, and the collapse of the settler state, 1960-1979." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.528441.
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Nhiwatiwa, Eben Kanukayi Reitan E. A. "Land policy in Zimbabwe and the African response from 1930 to independence, with an educational component." Normal, Ill. Illinois State University, 1988. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ilstu/fullcit?p8818719.
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Thesis (D.A.)--Illinois State University, 1988.Title from title page screen, viewed September 12, 2005. Dissertation Committee: Earl A. Reitan (chair), William W. Haddad, Gerlof D. Homan, Lawrence W. McBride, Richard J. Payne. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 162-172) and abstract. Also available in print.
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Schmidt, Heike. "The social and economic impact of political violence in Zimbabwe, 1890-1990 : a case study of the Honde Valley." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.339040.
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Callahan, Bryan Thomas. "Syphilis and civilization a social and cultural history of sexually transmitted disease in colonial Zambia and Zimbabwe, 1890-1960 /." [S.l. : s.n.], 2002. http://books.google.com/books?id=JQnbAAAAMAAJ.
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Ncube, Glen. "The making of rural health care in colonial Zimbabwe : a history of the Ndanga Medical Unit, Fort Victoria, 1930-1960s." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/11490.
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Includes abstract.Includes bibliographical references.
This thesis adopts a social history of medicine approach to explore the contradictions surrounding a specific attempt to develop a rural healthcare system in south-eastern colonial Zimbabwe (Southern Rhodesia) from the 1930s to the 1960s. Influenced by a combination of healthcare discourses and models, in 1930, the colony’s new medical director formulated the first comprehensive rural healthcare delivery plan, premised on the idea of ‘medical units’ or outlying dispensaries networked around rural hospitals. The main argument of the thesis is that the Ndanga Medical Unit, as this pioneer medical unit was known, was a variant of a typical colonial project characterised by tensions between innovative endeavours to control disease on the one hand, and the need to fulfil broader colonial ambitions on the other.
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Lowry, Daniel William. "The life and times of Ethel Tawse Jollie : a case study of the transference and adaptation of British social and political ideas of the Edwardian era to a colonial society." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001854.
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This is an appraisal of the career of Ethel Tawse Jollie (1876-1950), the first woman parliamentarian in Southern Rhodesia, and the British Empire overseas, prolific writer and leading intellectual of her political generation who played a key role in the achievement of responsible government in Southern Rhodesia in 1923. As the founder and principal organiser of the Responsible Government Association she imported from Britain a singular political philosophy which made a lasting impression on Rhodesia's political character and social identity. She was an influential figure in British imperialist circles and in the women's suffrage controversy. No other Rhodesian politician had achieved such prominence in the metropole, or possessed such a thoroughly formed, comprehensive ideology, and the propaganda skills necessary to give it effect. The study traces the formation of her ideas within the intellectual milieu of pre-1914 Britain and - through her - its subsequent adaptation in Rhodesia; how, through her marriage to Archibald Colquhoun - explorer, writer and Cecil Rhodes's first Administrator of Mashonaland - she became steeped in the ideology of the Edwardian Radical Right - that reaction to imperial decline denoted by the slogan 'National Efficiency'. By 1915. when she arrived in Rhodesia, she had come to believe that by 1915, when she arrived in Rhodesia, she had come to believe that the salvation of the Empire lay in its 'patriotic' periphery where it was possible to create new societies on Radical Right principles. Both in and out of parliament she gave to Rhodesian public policy and identity a distinct Radical Right hue, which she further enhanced by her involvement in various extra parliamentary pressure groups. It is a life and times study and considerable use is made of contemporary ballads and novels in the belief that immersion in the atmosphere of the period is particularly useful in an intellectual biography of this kind. Comparisons are also made with other British peripheries notably Ulster, Canada and New Zealand. The study challenges the traditional view of Rhodesia as a neo-Victorian intellectual backwater; seeing it rather as a society which continued to import selectively ideas from elsewhere in the Empire. It should interest Commonwealth and - because of its central character - women's historians.
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Mercier, Olivier. "La mobilisation de la violence à des fins politiques : la crise zimbabwéenne au regard du droit international des droits humains (2008-2013)." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/31528.
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Au pouvoir de 1980 à 2017, le président zimbabwéen Robert Mugabe a non seulement repoussé les limites de la longévité politique, mais le régime politique qu’il a présidé pendant près de 38 ans a également su défié certaines idées reçues en maintenant une légitimité certaine sur le plan international en dépit de violations massives et bien documentées des droits humains lui étant attribuées. En effet, malgré un bilan catastrophique sur le plan du droit international des droits humains, le régime Mugabe a su, dès les années 2000, se positionner en rempart contre l’impérialisme sur le continent africain en se dotant d’une légitimité idéologique renouvelée. Cette légitimité idéologique renouvelée a su être habilement utilisée contre ses opposants politiques, accusés d’être à la solde de forces impérialistes extérieures afin de banaliser, voire de justifier, les violations des droits humains commises à leur encontre, en particulier des droits civils et politiques, taxés de « non-africains » En plaçant au centre de son objet d’étude la mobilisation de la violence à des fins politiques à grande échelle lors de l’année électorale de 2008 et lors des quatre années subséquentes au Zimbabwe, ce mémoire s’intéresse au paradoxe de la légitmité certaine ayant permis au régime Mugabe de demeurer en place en dépit de violations massives très bien documentées des droits humains protégés par le droit international. Si l’ampleur des violences a été à l’origine de la mise en place d’un gouvernement d’unité nationale avec l’opposition, le résultat a plutôt bénéficié au régime Mugabe en lui permettant de demeurer au pouvoir sans trop le partager. En effet, les critiques lui étant adressées à propos de son traitement des droits civils et politiques ont accrédité son message de victime d’acharnement impérialiste auprès de certains acteurs régionaux, affaiblissant du même coup le rapport de force de l’opposition.In power from 1980 to 2017, Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe not only personally pushed the limits of political longevity, but the political regime he presided over for nearly 38 years also defied preconceived ideas about political survival by maintaining a certain level of international legitimacy, despite massive and well-documented human rights violations. Indeed, despite a catastrophic human rights record from the perspective of international human rights law, since the 2000s, the Mugabe regime was able to position itself as a bulwark against imperialism and neo-colonialism on the African continent with renewed ideological legitimacy. This renewed ideological legitimacy has been skilfully used against political opponents who were accused of serving external imperialist forces, in order to trivialize or even justify the human rights abuses committed against them; in particular abuses of civil and political rights, presented as being "non-African". By focusing on the large-scale mobilization of violence for political purposes in the 2008 election year and in the four subsequent years in Zimbabwe, this master's thesis focuses on the paradox of the legitimacy that allowed the Mugabe regime to remain in place despite massive and well-documented violations of human rights that are protected by international law. While the scale of the violence was at the origin of the establishment of a government of national unity with the opposition, the result benefited the Mugabe regime by allowing it to govern without genuinely sharing power. Indeed, criticism of his treatment of civil and political rights has accredited his stature as a victim of imperialist vilification to certain regional actors, thereby weakening the opposition's balance of power within the powersharing deal.
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Leroux, Pierre. "Figure christique et messianisme dans les oeuvres de Dambudzo Marechera et Tchicaya U Tam'si." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016USPCA048/document.
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La Bible est un des premiers livres traduits dans la plupart des langues d'Afrique subsaharienne et l'imagerie qui lui est associée a par conséquent joué un rôle essentiel dans la constitution des imaginaires littéraires propres à chaque région. Parmi toutes les figures de l'Ancien et du Nouveau Testament, le Christ occupe une place à part, car il est la source de toute rédemption et un personnage qui vaut par son ambivalence, au croisement du religieux et du politique. Représentation en creux construite par des discours multiples, il est à la fois ou successivement un révolutionnaire qui se bat contre l'impérialisme romain ou un collaborateur qui rend à César ce qui lui appartient. La résonance de cette figure dans les œuvres de Dambudzo Marechera (1952-1987) et Tchicaya U Tam'si (1931-1988) correspond donc à une réflexion sur les rapports qu'entretiennent la religion, la littérature et le politique pendant et au-delà de la période coloniale au Zimbabwe et au Congo. En effet, ces deux auteurs occupent une position surplombante dans leurs pays respectifs et, quoique considérés par certains comme hermétiques ou trop Européens, ils ont durablement marqué les générations suivantes qui ont vu en eux des précurseurs, voire le « père de notre rêve » pour Tchicaya. Dans cette perspective qui englobe la théorie et l'histoire littéraire, le messianisme comme dynamique qui fait naître des figures christiques entraîne une réflexion sur la place du personnage dans le temps et dans l'espace. Celle-ci, enfin, prend tout son sens grâce au choix d'un corpus qui englobe roman, poésie et théâtre, afin de relier différentes approches de la figure christique, pour mieux questionner le rôle de pivot qu'elle occupe dans les deux œuvresIn most African langages, the Bible is one of the first books ever translated. As a consequence, the images it conveys have played a prominent part in the literary imagery endemic to each region of the continent. Among all the various characters depicted in the Old and the New Testament, Jesus Christ is center stage, since he is the origin of all redemption, as well as an ambivalent character standing at the crossroads of religion and politics. As an implicit character constructed by various discourses, he represents simultaneously or successively a rebel fighting roman imperialism or a collaboraor who gives unto Caesar what belongs to Caesar. This character finds an echo in the works of Dambudzo Marechera (1952-1987) and Tchicaya U Tam'si (1931-1988) as he raises questions on the connexions between religion, literature and politics during and beyond colonial times in Zimbabwe and Congo. As a matter of fact, both authors occupy a prominent place in their respective literary landscape. Although they have been disparaged for being overly hermetic or European, they have left a lasting impression on the following generations of writers who consider them as precursors or even « father of our dream » as far as Tchicaya is concerned. Following this approach which combines literary theory and literary history, a reflection on the nature of characters is prompted by the conception of messianism as a dynamics which creates christ-like figures and positions them both in time and space. Finally, by chosing a syllabus including narratives, theatrical plays and poetry, we've attempted to give this type of character its full meaning while questioning the pivotal role it plays for both authors
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Ndlovu, Sikhumbuzo. "Challenges in the Seventh-Day Adventist Church in Zimbabwe in intergrating and evangelising minority groups after independence." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/13813.
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The integration and evangelisation of the minority groups in Zimbabwe in general,
and in the Seventh-day Adventist Church in particular poses a challenge. The
situation has become more acute after independence. Evidently, the socio-political
atmosphere in Zimbabwe has not ameliorated the condition. Certainly, challenges
stem from issues concerning racial prejudice, finances, cultural differences, as well as
worship styles. While the efforts of the current multicultural ministries are
appreciated, the results of the survey indicate that a lot still needs to be done. First, the
organizational structure of the ministry needs to be reviewed. Such a review is
relevant in order to check and regulate the balance and distribution of power, control
and authority. Second, the need for the recruitment of leaders from within the
minority groups themselves especially from the white population was clearly
articulated. Third, it may be necessary to approach the whole issue from a social
standpoint, so as to formulate theological strategies. Apparently, the social distance is
more pronounced than the theological one. In addition, integration and evangelisation
specifically among the Coloured population is further compounded by the split, which
occurred in the early 1990s. Most of the Sabbath-Keeping Adventists from this group
anticipate challenges if they would opt to merge with the national Conference. Some
of the major barriers to such a step revolve around issues of properties, finances, and
positions as well as the general upkeep of the workers. Unless, these apprehensions
are clarified and the fears are allayed, integration seems enigmatic. Ecclesiological
unity and theological unity in diversity seem to be eclipsed by racial solidarity and
socio-economic and political expediency. Similarly, the reconciliation among the
black majority itself, also needs a close and deliberate attention from both the church
and society in Zimbabwe. For that reason, tribalism, racism, ethnicity, nepotism and
any other discrimination should not be tolerated, first and foremost by the church and
second, by all peace loving Zimbabweans (Gal 3:28). The reconstruction of the
cultural landscape in Zimbabwe demands an affirmation of the common destiny for
all Zimbabweans.Christian Spirituality, Church History & Missiology
D. Th. (Missiology)
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Ngwenya, Christopher. "The role of youths in Zimbabwe Liberation Struggle: A case study of Bulilima District, 1960-1980." Thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11602/885.
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PhD (History)Department of Development Studies
This study is about the involvement and participation of Bulilima youths in Zimbabwe’s national liberation struggle from 1960 to 1980. The study describes and explains how and to what extent Bulilima youths were involved and participated in Zimbabwean guerrilla war. Bulilima is a border district between Zimbabwe and Botswana which, from 1960 – 1980 became Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) guerrillas’ central and key strategic entry point into and exit out of Rhodesia (Zimbabwe). For the purposes of this study, the term youth refers to young people between the ages of twelve and twenty-five, born in Bulilima District between 1945 and 1967. During the guerrilla war, the use of the category youth was political, with biological and cultural aspects also taken into account. The study is primarily based on the war experiences of twenty-six women and twenty-six men who were youths during the time period of the study (1960 – 1980). It is qualitative and involves forty-eight open-ended interviews in the major villages of Bulilima District. The interviews are complemented by a survey of both primary and secondary sources. It is hoped that the results of this study will raise salient issues on the involvement and participation of Bulilima youths in Zimbabwe’s liberation struggle.
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Musanga, Terrence. "The depiction of migration and identity in Zimbabwean Literature from 1980-2010." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11602/317.
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Karanda, Crispen Zindoga. "Land reform in Zimbabwe: the narrative and counter-narrative of traditional leaders' role on land tenure and governance in rural and A1 model settlements- period 1980 to 2014." Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/21864.
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A research report submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science to the Faculty of Political Science, University of the Witwatersrand,
Johannesburg, 2016This project employs a narrative and counter narrative lens to seek an understanding of the changing roles of traditional leaders in an independent Zimbabwe. A historical context was necessary in order to highlight changes in traditional leadership roles prior to the independence era. This process of using the historical context facilitated a discussion that was divorced from biases associated with colonialism and independence. To achieve this, a study was undertaken of the period prior to the colonial era, within the colonial era and post colonial period. This resulted in a rich discussion of the changing roles within each period together with implications to traditional leadership in an independent Zimbabwe. The study undertook a detailed review that provided the basis for the placement into the historical context that was supported by academic literature. The use of theory further consolidated the placement of the study in an academic context. Data collection and analysis were placed in narrative and counter narrative contexts using a thematic approach to find meaning to the study while addressing assertions that were raised in the study. The findings proved that traditional leaders in Zimbabwe have lost their powers and are partaking of new modern roles slowly divorced from the traditional context of both the pre and colonial era. It also proved that traditional leaders are aware of the changing roles and might be enjoying the benefits of the modern system at the expense of both tradition and culture. The other argument however is that traditional role conflicts with democratic processes and may not really be representative of a democratic government as these leaders are not elected. The findings of this study should highlight to the traditional leaders of the irreversible changing roles which only stand to maintain what could be an oppressive system similar to the colonial era unless it is checked and controlled. The study may also help academics and other interested parties that may be advocating for a separation of African systems in place of Western influenced governance despite the globalised nature of the world that maybe considered a disadvantage to poor countries.
MT2017
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Gondongwe, Kennedy. "African ministers and the emergence of resistance to colonial domination : the development of indigenous clergy in the Wesleyan Methodist Church in Zimbabwe from 1891 to 1980." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/8022.
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This study is a critical assessment of the degree of political consciousness of the Zimbabwean Wesleyan Methodist indigenous ministers from 1891 to 1980. It documents the nature of the domination that the Wesleyan Methodist indigenous ministers experienced. It also documents and analyses how the indigenous ministers responded to the domination. The study relies upon primary documents from the National Archives of Zimbabwe, the Methodist Connexional Archives and other private archives. Information found in these archives includes minutes of synods, minutes of quarterly meetings, minutes of conferences, ministers' personal files and many other documents. The thesis also depends on interviews and other secondary material relevant to the study.
Additionally, this thesis explores the training of the indigenous ministers. It emerges that the theological training of the indigenous ministers brought about some form of political radicalism. This was strengthened by the fact that the stipends and working conditions were not attractive. This thesis argues that the indigenous ministers had no clear position with regard to the significance of African culture. They oscillated between its rejection and acceptance. When they were politically inspired they rejected African culture to embrace it when it seemed expedient to do. It is further observed that the indigenous ministers contributed immensely to the liberation struggle.
Using, Of Revelation and Revolution, Peasant Consciousness, Domination and the Arts of Resistance and Savage Systems as theoretical frameworks, this thesis concludes that the level of political consciousness of the indigenous ministers increased phenomenally in the second half of the 20th century. This was because of a number of reasons including the role played by mission churches in education, the impact of the Second World War, and adherence to certain constructions of John Wesley particularly those with liberation emphasis and many more. It also emerges that, although the political consciousness of the indigenous clergy was high, quite a number of them oscillated between two poles of patriotism and expediency. Put differently, the indigenous clergy were sometimes ambivalent in terms of what they adhered to. This was particularly so in cases to do with African culture.Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2011.
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Grundling, Okert Jakobus. "Konflikresolusie in 'n transformasiekonteks : 'n vredebouontleding van die Post-Lancaster House tydvak in Zimbabwe : 4 Maart 1980-2002." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/3536.
Full textAbstract:
Text in AfrikaansThis study aims to analyze the conflict resolution process in Zimbabwe after the Lancaster House Agreement and the subsequent elections from March 4, 1980 up until 2002. The objective is to determine what effect this process has had on all the people in Zimbabwe, both nationally and locally. It also endeavours to evaluate their attempts to transform from a violent culture of guerilla warfare, to an all-inclusive sustainable peaceful environment and culture. The reason for this specific time period of the study lies in the fact that the peace building process of the Zimbabwean conflict resolution process was supposed to be introduced during this time. This is the era during which the root of historic conflict, according to the peace building theory, has had to be transformed. It also implies the start of the implementation of the radical land reform process. From this perspective the following 5 key questions form the raison d‟être of the study and will be analyzed in the different chapters: 1. The requirements for sustainable peace, according to the conflict resolution and peace building theory, as developed by Galtung, Mitchell, Lederach, Burton and Anstey. 2. The characteristics of the historical conflict structure to be transformed during the post-1980 period. 3. An evaluation of the development of an all inclusive, multi-faceted and integrated program for the transformation of the historical conflict structure. 4. An evaluation of the international managers‟ contributions for laying the foundation for the integration of peace-making and the subsequent phases of the peace building process. It also questions the degree of reconciliation and peace building. 5. The lessons learnt from the Zimbabwean experience and its implications for conflict resolutions and peace implementation processes in Southern African societies. Included in this question is to seek clarification and to develop proposals about the roles and contributions of internal and external role players on all levels of society in such processes. Hence the conclusive finding that conflict resolution and peace building is an integrated multi-dimensional process. This conclusion is confirmed in the Zimbabwean situation. Conflict involves the entanglement of needs, unappeased perceptions and codes of conduct during the period of negotiations. In Zimbabwe the escalation and de-escalation of these influences are clearly observed. The evaluation and manipulation of the history of Zimababwe, of which the manipulation is still continuing, is harming the process of reconciliation and peace building. The absence of an inclusive raison d‟être for all parties involved (regarding differences and diversities on ethnical, social, economical and other levels) implies a strong escalating and de-escalating factor in the irreconcilability in Zimbabwe. The initiation of an integrated and multi-dimensional process, mechanism and framework of reconciliation and peace is strongly advised. This process, mechanism and framework has to have an integrated structure starting at international level (United Nations Peace Building Commission) decentralizing into regional, national, provincial and local government structures. The process and mechanism must be part of the establishment of conflict resolution and peace building as an generic management style and approach aimed at the political and governing processes of societies in transformation. This is especially important for the current Zimbabwean situation.
Die oogmerk van die studie is „n ontleding van die konflikresolusie-proses in Zimbabwe sedert die Lancaster House-ooreenkoms en die daaropvolgende verkiesings van 4 Maart 1980 tot en met die jaar 2002. Die doelstelling is om te bepaal in watter mate en op welke wyse, daar op alle vlakke van die gemeenskap nasionaal en op plaaslike vlak, gepoog is om die geweldskultuur, wat kenmerkend van die guerrilla-oorlog was, te transformeer tot „n volhoubare inklusiewe vredesomgewing en -kultuur. „n Primêre motivering vir die keuse van die bepaalde navorsingstydperk is dat dit veronderstel is om die vredebou-periode van die Zimbabwiese konflikresolusie-proses in te lui. Dit is die era waartydens die bronne van die historiese konflik, ooreenkomstig die vredebou-teorie, getransformeer moes word. Dit sluit ook die era in waartydens die eerste stappe van die radikale grondhervormingsproses geïmplementeer is. In die lig hiervan word die onderstaande 5 kernvraagstukke as raison d‟être van die studie op „n hoofstukbasis ondersoek: 1. Wat is die vereistes vir volhoubare vrede, ooreenkomstig die konflikresolusie- en vredebouteorie soos veral ontwikkel deur Galtung, Mitchell, Lederach, Burton en Anstey? 2. Wat was die kenmerke van die historiese konflikstruktuur wat in die post-1980- periode moes transformeer? 3. Het daar in die post-1980-periode „n inklusiewe, multi-vlakkige en geïntegreerde program vir die transformasie van die historiese konflikstruktuur, ontwikkel? 4. Het die internasionale bestuurders van die proses die grondslag gelê vir „n integrering van vredevestiging met die verdere fases van vredebou? In watter mate was versoening en vredebou enigsins „n prioriteit? Indien nie, waarom nie? 5. Watter lesse kan vanuit die Zimbabwiese ervaring geleer word wat kan bydra tot 'n beter begrip van praktiese konflikresolusie en vredebou-implementeringsprosesse in veral Suider-Afrikaanse gemeenskappe? Watter bydraes kan en moet interne en eksterne rolspelers speel? Voortspruitend hieruit word daar ook aanbevelings aan die hand gedoen oor die integrasie van internasionale en nasionale (eerste, tweede en derde vlakke) rolspelers in hierdie verband. Teen hierdie agtergrond word samevattend bevind dat konflikresolusie en vredebou, „n geïntegreerde multi-dimensionele en multi-vlakkige proses is. Vanuit die Zimbabwe situasie word bevind en bevestig dat konflik uit „n geïntegreerde wisselwerking van behoefte- en doel-onversoenbaarheidspersepsies met voort-spruitende konflikterende gesindhede en gedragspatroon-verskynsels, bestaan. Daar word ook aangetoon dat daar duidelike eskalerende en de-eskalerende invloede teenwoordig is. Daar is ook bevind dat die wyse hoe die geskiedenis van Zimbabwe evalueer en hanteer is en steeds word, die bou van versoening en langtermyn vrede benadeel. Die afwesigheid van „n inklusiewe raison d‟être wat alle rolspelers inbind tot een Zimbabwiese sentiment, ten spyte van diepliggende verskille en diversiteite op etniese, stam, sosiale, ekonomiese, klas en ander terreine, is „n sterk eskalerende faktor en gevolg in hierdie verband. Die loodsing van „n diepliggende en veelvlakkige versoeningsproses, sal die identifisering van sódanige sentiment – die aorta van Zimbabwe se konstruktiewe, volhoubare voortbestaan – as primêre samebindende prioriteit moet neem. Teen hierdie agtergrond word „n geïntegreede versoenings- en vredebou meganisme en raamwerk ontwikkel en voorgestel. „n Meganisme en proses wat multi-vlakkige deelname vanaf „n internasionale (United Nations Peace Building Commission) tot en met „n streeks, nasionale, provinsiale en plaaslike fokusvlak, verseker. „n Proses en meganisme wat ook deel uitmaak van die meer prominente vestiging en institusionalisering van konflikresolusie en vredebou as „n generiese bestuurstyl en program in die politieke en regeerprosesse in oorgangsamelewings, maar veral ook in die Zimbabwe situasie.
Political Science
D. Litt. et Phil. (Afrika-Politiek)
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Pfukwa, Charles. "The function and significance of war names in the Zimbabwean armed conflict (1966-1979)." Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/3155.
Full textAbstract:
This study is a survey of war names adopted by guerrillas during the
Zimbabwean conflict (1966-1979). The study collects, describes and
analyses war names that were used by ZANLA guerrillas in the conflict. It
explores onomastic patterns and processes that influenced these war
names. Names collected from textual sources and from interviews of
former guerrillas are analysed and classified into nine categories. One of
the main findings is that the background of the namer influenced the
naming patterns and processes identified in the study. Another finding is
that most guerrillas named themselves and it was also observed that some
guerrillas have retained their names. The findings, analysed within the
theoretical framework developed earlier from the onomastic and identity
theories, indicate that the war name plays a vital role not only in
concealing the old identity of the guerrilla but also in creating new
identities, which were used as weapons for challenging the enemy and
contesting space. Onomastic erasure and resuscitation are proposed as
partial explanation for the creation of some war names. The study
contributes to onomastic research not only in that it has produced a large
corpus of war names that can be used for further research in that it is a
significant point of reference in onomastic research in Zimbabwe and in
southern Africa, especially in the area of nicknames and war names. It also
lays the foundation for further research on the role of naming patterns and
processes in peace building and conflict resolution in Zimbabwe, on the
southern African subcontinent and elsewhere.Thesis (D. Litt et Phil.)
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Jenjekwa, Vincent. "A toponymic perspective on Zimbabwe’s post-2000 land reform programme (Third Chimurenga)." Thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/25305.
Full textAbstract:
Text in EnglishThis qualitative study presents an onomastic perspective on the changing linguistic landscape of Zimbabwe which resulted from the post-2000 land reforms (also known as the Third Chimurenga). When veterans of Zimbabwe’s War of Liberation assumed occupancy of former white-owned farms, they immediately pronounced their take-over of the land through changes in place names. The resultant toponymic landscape is anchored in the discourses of the First and Second Chimurenga. Through recasting the Chimurenga (war of liberation) narrative, the proponents of the post-2000 land reforms endeavoured to create a historical continuum from the colonisation of Zimbabwe in 1890 to the post-2000 reforms, which were perceived as an attempt to redress the historical anomaly of land inequality. The aim of this study is to examine toponymic changes on the geo-linguistic landscape, and establish the extent of the changes and the post-colonial identity portrayed by these place names. Within the case study design, research methods included in-depth interviews, document study and observations as means of data generation. Through the application of critical and sociolinguistic theories in the form of post-colonial theory, complemented by geo-semiotics, political semiotics and language ecology, this study uncovers the richness of toponymy in exposing a cryptic social narrative reflective of, among others, contestations of power. The findings indicate that post-2000 toponymy is a complex mixture of pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial place names. These names recast the various narratives in respect of the history of Zimbabwe through the erasure of colonial toponyms and resuscitation older Chimurenga names. The resultant picture portrayed by post-2000 toponymy communicates a complex message of contested land ownership in Zimbabwe. There is a pronounced legacy of colonial toponymy that testifies to the British Imperial occupation of the land and the ideologies behind colonisation. This presence of colonial toponymy many years after independence is an ironic confirmation of the indelible legacy of British colonialism in Zimbabwe. The findings show a clear recasting of the discourses of violence and racial hostility, but also reveal an interesting trend of toponymic syncretism where colonial names are retained and used together with new names.
Linguistics and Modern Languages
D. Litt. et Phil. (Linguistics)
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Alexander, Pauline Ingrid. "A story that would (O)therwise not have been told." Diss., 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/1764.
Full textAbstract:
My mini-dissertation gives the autobiography of Talent Nyathi, who was born in rural Zimbabwe in 1961. Talent was unwillingly conscripted into the Zimbabwean Liberation Struggle. On her return to Zimbabwe, she has worked tirelessly for the education of her compatriots.
Talent's story casts light on subject-formation in conditions of difficulty, suffering and victimization. Doubly oppressed by her race and gender, Talent has nevertheless shown a remarkable capacity for self-empowerment and the empowerment of others.
Her story needs to be heard because it will inspire other women and other S/subjects and because it is a corrective to both the notions of a heroic Struggle and the `victim' stereotype of Africa.
Together with Talent's autobiography, my mini-dissertation offers extensive notes that situate her life story in the context of contemporary postcolonial, literary and gender theory and further draws out the significance of her individual `history-from-below'.English Studies
M.A.
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Chirombe, James. "The interface of music and politics : exposition of Tongai Moyo and Hosiah Chipanga's post 2000 music." Thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/25540.
Full textAbstract:
The research is an Afrocentric engagement that analyses selected songs by Tongai Moyo and Hosiah Chipanga in post-independence Zimbabwe. The study is informed by Afrocentricity, which provides the theoretical anchorage to the exposition and elucidation of the pursuit for independence, liberation and freedom of Zimbabweans in the post-independence era. The study analyses selected sungura songs composed and sung by Hosiah Chipanga and Tongai Moyo in post-2000 era. The study indicates that post-independence Zimbabwe of 2000 to
2010 reflects a decade of crisis. The exposition unfolds through a critical exegesis of selected songs by these sungura artists. The two sungura musicians are among the leading musical voices in Zimbabwe. The study is largely qualitative in nature and used interviews and questionnaires to solicit information from research participants. Respondents comprise musicians, music producers and academics in the Zimbabwe. The study stimulates more interest and research in sungura music as well as illuminating the significance of their messages to ongoing debates on the Zimbabwean crisis/crises thereby establishing the relationship between music and politics. This position is made against the backdrop of their commitment and courageous efforts by such protest musicians to comment on ‘big’ political and economic issues seriously affecting the performance of Zimbabwean economy. The study also establishes that cronyism, patronage and corruption have become major industries of the day in Africa. Through fighting for the voiceless masses, the study argues that Zimbabwe is faced by the crisis of governance and the nation has taken the medals of humiliating its own people. Pertaining to the leadership crisis in Zimbabwe, the study also shows that musicians who include Hosiah Chipanga and Tongai Moyo insinuate that the deep seated Zimbabwean challenges are a manifestation of a nation that is parentless. In their protest music, the artists reiterate that poverty, hunger, diseases and other forms of sufferings that the country encountered and continue to face are a sign of a country that is an orphan implying the dearth of people centred leadership. Additionally, findings from the study show that the land issue is one of the commonly identified factors that are ascribed to partial independence in Zimbabwe translating into crisis. The land question invited attention from Hosiah Chipanga as reflected in his post-2000 music where he suggests that Zimbabweans were to a larger extent betrayed by ZANU (PF) leadership.Linguistics and Modern Languages
D. Phil. (Languages, Linguistics and Literature)
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Moyo, Elitha. "Healing memories : a practical theological study of victims of violence with special reference to the Lutheran Churches in the Mberengwa District in Zimbabwe." Diss., 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/21005.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this study was to unveil what the Lutheran Church has done and could do to heal the wounded society of Mberengwa during the political violence of 2000-2009. The researcher interviewed six (6) selected informants who were all members of the Lutheran church. They shared their political violence experiences.
The methods used to collect data were the questionnaire and unstructured interviews. The study began with the general introduction, followed by various themes as indicated by various literatures on healing of memories, Pastoral Care and Counseling and the church’s mandate in crisis situations. After the data analysis the findings confirmed that the church failed the community during its time of need.
The study recommended that the church should come-up with a pastoral care model to the wounded community of Mberengwa. This model encompasses the Healing of memories and reconciliation as its basis.Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology
M. Th. (Practical Theology)
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Govo, Nicholas. "The conflict between tradition and modernity : the histoy of the relationship between the state and traditional leaders Gutu District, Zimbabwe from 1960-2010." Diss., 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11602/269.
Full text
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Mangani, Dylan Yanamo. "Changes in the Conception of Nationalism in Zimbwabwe: A Comparative Analysis of ZAPU and ZANU Liberation Movements 1977-1990." Thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11602/1525.
Full textAbstract:
PhD (Political Science)Department of Development Studies
No serious study into the contemporary politics of Zimbabwe can ignore the celebrated influence of nationalism and the attendant role of elite leaders as a ‘social force’ in the making of the nation-state of Zimbabwe. This study analyses the role played by nationalism as an instrument for political mobilisation against the white settler regime in Rhodesia by the Zimbabwe African People Union (ZAPU) and the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). Therefore, of particular importance is the manner in which the evolution and comprehensive analysis of these former liberation movements, in the political history of Zimbabwe have been viewed through the dominant lenses of nationalism. Nationalism can be regarded as the best set of beliefs and the worst set of beliefs. Being an exhilarating force that led to the emergence of these nationalist movements to dismantle white minority rule, nationalism was also the same force that was responsible for dashing the dreams and hopes associated with an independent Zimbabwe. At the centre of this thesis is the argument that there is a fault line in the manner in which nationalism is understood as such it continued to be constructed and contested. In the study, nationalism has been propagated as contending political narratives, and the nationalist elite leaders are presented as a social force that sought to construct the nation-state of Zimbabwe. Thus, the study is particularly interested in a comparative analysis of the competing narratives of nationalism between ZAPU and ZANU between the period of 1977 and 1990. This period is a very important time frame in the turning points on the nationalist political history of Zimbabwe. Firstly, the beginning of this period saw the struggle for the liberation of Zimbabwe climax because of concerted efforts by both ZAPU and ZANU. Secondly, the conclusion of this period saw the death of ZAPU as an alternative to multi-party democracy within the nationalist sense and the subsequent emergence of a dominant socialist one-party state. Methodologically, a qualitative approach has been employed where the researcher analysed documents.
NRF
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Smith, Neville James. "Theorizing discourses of Zimbabwe, 1860-1900 : a Foucauldian analysis of colonial narratives." Thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/8668.
Full textAbstract:
This study seeks to understand colonial narratives of Zimbabwe 1860-1900
as a locus of transgression and opposition. I investigate the range and
complexity of discourses within the imperial project open to both European
male and female writers, their shifts over time or within one or more texts.
Narratives of the explorer, missionary, hunter and soldier are examined as a
literary genre in which attempts were made to re-imagine the Western self
through an encounter with Africans. I consider how positions from which
the European in the colonies could speak and write were reformulated. This
study will employ Foucauldian discourse theory in an analysis of the British
'civilizing mission' in Central Southern Africa.
The Introduction examines existing historical and theoretical
approaches in this field and argues for a particular use of Foucualt's insights
and vocabulary. Chapter One is concerned with the way European explorers
constituted notions of 'civilized nations' in Europe and 'primitive tribes' in
Africa . I then question how this process of division and exclusion was
reinforced by the mythography of an EI Dorado in the African interior. In
Chapter Two I consider how Colonial Man was constituted in different ways
by Victorian discourses of adventure, travel and conquest. I also attempt to
account for the effects that followed the activation, within colonial culture,
of structures of exclusion and division based on race or class. Chapter
Three focuses on the economic dimension of a dissident LMS missionary and
the sustained resistance to Western philanthropy among the Ndebele. I also
examine the later Mashonaland mission where the missionary-administrator
became instrumental in the division and control of Africans. In the final
chapter I consider discursive formations which sought to constrain African
resistance during the 1896-7 Chimurenga and the institutionalization of a
settler order in the post-Chimurenga era.Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1998.
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Mbatha, P. "A feminist analysis of Tsitsi Dangarembga's Nervous conditions (1988)." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/477.
Full text
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Musodza, Archford. "An investigation of the process of indigenisation in the Anglican Diocese of Mashonaland, (1891 - 1981), with special emphasis on the ministry of indigenous Christians." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/1323.
Full textAbstract:
This study considered indigenisation to involve a process of making the local people `feel at home' in their Church. The ministry of early catechists such as Bernard Mizeki and Frank Ziqubu was crucial in showing the fact that the Anglican Church was not necessarily a church for Europeans only, but for the indigenous people as well. After this first generation of catechists there were numerous indigenous catechists who also ministered in the Diocese of Mashonaland by way of preparing people for the different sacraments found in the Anglican Church.
On the other hand the training of the indigenous people for the ordained ministry was also another significant step in the process of indigenisation in the Diocese of Mashonaland. In this regard theological institutions such as St Augustine's Seminary in Penhalonga Manicaland, St Peter's Seminary Rossettenville in Johannesburg and St John's Seminary in Lusaka provided the much needed training.
This study also revealed that although the Diocese of Mashonaland had an indigenous person at its helm in 1981, it remained European in several facets of its life. Although translations as a form of indigenisation started from the beginning of the Diocese of Mashonaland and continued right up to 1981, it seems it actually crippled the local indigenous peoples' innovativeness and ingenuity. In addition indigenous musical instruments also took sometime before they could be accepted in divine worship. On the other hand local art and décor as well as local architectural expressions took time to be incorporated into the Diocese of Mashonaland. However few early European missionaries such as Arthur Shirley Cripps and Edgar Lloyd tried to implement local architecture and décor in their churches in Daramombe and Rusape respectively. This study has also established that although the Anglican Diocese of Mashonaland got indigenous leadership by 1981, its liturgy, theology as well as its Acts and Canons remained European.Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology
D. Div. (Church History)