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Journal articles on the topic 'Zimbabwe – History'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 4 March 2023

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1

Barure, Walter Kudzai, and Irikidzayi Manase. "Different narration, same history: The politics of writing ‘democratic narratives’ in Zimbabwe." Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 57, no. 2 (September 17, 2020): 48–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/tl.v57i2.6518.

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Over the past five decades, Zimbabwe’s political trajectories were characterised by a historiographic revision and deconstruction that revealed varying ideological perceptions and positions of political actors. This article reconsiders the current shifts in the Zimbabwean historiography and focuses on the politics of positioning the self in the national narrative. The article analyses three Zimbabwean political autobiographies written by political actors from the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), particularly Michael Auret’s From Liberator to Dictator: An Insider’s Account of Robert Mugabe’s Descent into Tyranny (2009), Morgan Tsvangirai’s At the Deep End (2011), and David Coltart’s The Struggle Continues: 50 Years of Tyranny in Zimbabwe (2016). It also discusses how writing in Zimbabwe is a contested terrain that is bifurcated between oppositional and dominant imaginaries of politics, the revolutionary tradition, and past performances of power.

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2

Stapleton, Timothy. "TThe Creation and Early Development of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF) 1980-93." Revista Tempo e Argumento 13, no. 32 (April 30, 2021): e0104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5965/2175180313322021e0104.

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Given the 2017 coup in Zimbabwe, a rare event in Southern Africa but sadly common in the rest of the continent, this paper discusses the beginnings of the politicization of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF) during the 1980s. At the end of the country’s war for independence in 1980, the ZDF formed as an amalgamation of former Rhodesian state military personnel and insurgents from the liberation movements of the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) and the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). Personnel from ZANU came to dominate Zimbabwe’s new military given the lack of a specific agreement over the integration process, their numerical superiority, and ZANU’s electoral success that gave it political power. During the ZDF integration exercise of the early 1980s, British advisors attempted to create a Western-style force but acted pragmatically while North Korean instructors helped create an overtly ZANU affiliated brigade and party militia. In addition, South African destabilization and the rapid departure of former Rhodesian officers gave way to the accelerated promotion of former insurgents mostly affiliated with the ZANU government. Lastly, the further ZANU-ization of the ZDF occurred within the context of operations in southwestern Zimbabwe where it eliminated ZAPU as an opposition political movement and committed atrocities, and in Mozambique where Zimbabwean troops cooperated with allies from overtly politicized armies of neighboring states

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3

Perman, Tony. "Muchongoyo and Mugabeism in Zimbabwe." African Studies Review 60, no. 1 (March 6, 2017): 145–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2017.4.

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Abstract:This article explores the influence of nationalism and modernity in contemporary Zimbabwe and on the musical lives of Zimbabweans through an examination ofmuchongoyo, the signature dance–drumming tradition of Zimbabwe’s Ndau communities. Invoking the concept of “Mugabeism,” it illustrates how Shona nationalism and expectations of modernity have partially reshapedmuchongoyoin the turmoil of contemporary Zimbabwe. As indigenous practices serve political ends, their values shift. Consequently, there are now twomuchongoyos: one rooted in the unique history and values of Zimbabwe’s Ndau community, the other emerging from decades of political employment of indigenous music for the sake of nationalist discourse.

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4

Hove, Godfrey. "A History of Zimbabwe." South African Historical Journal 69, no. 3 (July 3, 2017): 488–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2017.1358759.

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5

Magure, Booker. "The State, Labour and the Politics of Social Dialogue in Zimbabwe 1996-2007: Issues Resolved or Matters Arising?" African and Asian Studies 7, no. 1 (2008): 19–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921008x279307.

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AbstractDrawing on primary and secondary data, this paper explores the dynamics of the politics involved in the social dialogue process in Zimbabwe; more specifically the utility of the process as a tool to resolve socio-economic problems. The paper further seeks to demonstrate the relationship between failure to reform on the political policy front and economic problems thereby explaining why social dialogue in Zimbabwe fails to yield the intended results. It is the contention of this paper that as long as governance issues are not addressed by the ruling party, the Tripartite Negotiating Forum (TNF) will forever remain a "talk shop" and the Zimbabwean economy will not improve. In light of the "politicking" that characterises the social dialogue process in Zimbabwe, the paper came up with possible recommendations for the strengthening and improving of institutions of social dialogue based on the lessons learned from Zimbabwe.

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6

Knight, Virginia Curtin. "Zimbabwe." Current History 91, no. 565 (May 1, 1992): 219–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1992.91.565.219.

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7

Hodgkinson, Dan. "POLITICS ON LIBERATION'S FRONTIERS: STUDENT ACTIVIST REFUGEES, INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY, AND THE STRUGGLE FOR ZIMBABWE, 1965–79." Journal of African History 62, no. 1 (March 2021): 99–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853721000268.

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AbstractDuring Zimbabwe's struggle for national liberation, thousands of black African students fled Rhodesia to universities across the world on refugee scholarship schemes. To these young people, university student activism had historically provided a stable route into political relevance and nationalist leadership. But at foreign universities, many of which were vibrant centres for student mobilisations in the 1960s and 1970s and located far from Zimbabwean liberation movements’ organising structures, student refugees were confronted with the dilemma of what their role and future in the liberation struggle was. Through the concept of the ‘frontier’, this article compares the experiences of student activists at universities in Uganda, West Africa, and the UK as they figured out who they were as political agents. For these refugees, I show how political geography mattered. Campus frontiers could lead young people both to the military fronts of Mozambique and Zambia as well as to the highest circles of government in independent Zimbabwe. As such, campus frontiers were central to the history of Zimbabwe's liberation movements and the development of the postcolonial state.

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8

Togarasei, Lovemore. "HISTORICISING PENTECOSTAL CHRISTIANITY IN ZIMBABWE." Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 42, no. 2 (August 22, 2016): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-4265/103.

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This paper is a first attempt to systematically present a history of Pentecostal Christianity in Zimbabwe. The paper first discusses the introduction of the Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM) in Zimbabwe before moving on to discuss some of the Pentecostal churches born out of the AFM. This is followed by a discussion of the 1980s and 1990s explosion of American type Pentecostal churches and the current Pentecostal charismatic churches that seem to be sweeping the Christian landscape in the country. The paper acknowledges the difficulty of writing a history of Pentecostalism in the country due to a lack of sources. It identifies AFM as the mother church of Pentecostal movements in Zimbabwe, but also acknowledges the existence and influence of other earlier movements. It has shown that the current picture of Zimbabwean Christianity is heavily influenced by Pentecostalism in mainline churches, African Initiated Churches (AICs) and the various Pentecostal movements.

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9

Zembe, Christopher Roy. "Migrating with Colonial and Post-Colonial Memories: Dynamics of Racial Interactions within Zimbabwe’s Minority Communities in Britain." Journal of Migration History 2, no. 1 (March 22, 2016): 32–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00201002.

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Upon attaining independence on 18 April 1980, the Zimbabwean government was faced with the challenge of eradicating prejudices, which had been constructed during the colonial era. Whilst it is correct to accept that colonial Zimbabwe was beset with racial prejudices, which inhibited interracial interactions, it is also essential to recognise that post-colonial events triggered socialisation processes devoid of nation building. Therefore, by exploring the dynamics of interactions within Zimbabwe’s minority communities in Britain, the paper will unravel the impact of memories constructed during the different phases of Zimbabwe’s history. By focusing exclusively on Whites, Coloureds (mixed-race) and Asians, it will demonstrate that the Zimbabwean immigrant community in Britain is not a monolithic group of Blacks, but a racially diverse community. Analysing the diaspora interactions of communities considered more privileged than Blacks during the colonial era provides a perspective on the complexities of eradicating historically constructed racial prejudices.

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10

Yoshikuni, Tsuneo. "Urban History Research in Zimbabwe." Journal of African Studies 1994, no. 45 (1994): 69–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.11619/africa1964.1994.45_69.

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11

Windrich, Elaine. "Zimbabwe lives: autobiography as history." Third World Quarterly 28, no. 7 (October 2007): 1401–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436590701547202.

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12

Child, Graham. "Managing wildlife successfully in Zimbabwe." Oryx 29, no. 3 (July 1995): 171–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0030605300021098.

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Zimbabwe's approach to wildlife conservation started to change radically just over 30 years ago. Recognition of the fact that wildlife will only survive outside protected areas if the people who share the habitat are given responsibility for and derive benefits from wildlife has had positive effects for the conservation of the macrofauna. The author, the country's former Director of National Parks and Wild Life Management, describes the history of wildlife management in Zimbabwe and how the new approach is working.

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13

Maltz, Gideon. "Zimbabwe after Mugabe." Current History 105, no. 691 (May 1, 2006): 214–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2006.105.691.214.

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14

Rotberg, Robert I. "The Rape of Zimbabwe." Current History 109, no. 727 (May 1, 2010): 210–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2010.109.727.210.

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15

Shubin, Vladimir. "Zimbabwe: Isolation or Liberation?" South African Historical Journal 71, no. 3 (July 3, 2019): 365–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2019.1624077.

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16

Nyandoro, Mark. "Zimbabwe’s port-2000 elections: more hotly contested yet less democratic than in the past." Journal of African Elections 21, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 70–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2022/v21i1a4.

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This article investigates Zimbabwe’s post-2000 elections, why they have been more hotly contested than previously, and whether they have been undemocratic. The post-2000 period marked what is arguably the most turbulent phase in the electoral history of the country since independence in 1980, and Zimbabwe’s elections were de facto degraded, becoming a means of sustaining incumbents in power. The paper asserts that Zimbabwe’s elections are mainly a front for hoodwinking both the electorate and observers. They are not used to provide for the free expression of the will of the people, but to endorse the incumbents rather than effectively challenge them. To this extent, they are manipulated to produce a pre-determined outcome confirming the current leaders, irrespective of their performance. Supported by empirical data from interviews and primary sources together with statistical records from electoral institutions such as the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC), the Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency (ZIMS TAT), and Afrobarometer, the article concludes that elections are mainly for show, to entrench the incumbents.

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17

Gwekwerere, Gadziro. "Gospel Music as a Mirror of the Political and Socio-Economic Developments in Zimbabwe, 1980-2007." Exchange 38, no. 4 (2009): 329–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/016627409x12474551163619.

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AbstractThis paper explores, analyses and discusses Zimbabwean gospel song themes from 1980 up to 2007 in relation to the Zimbabwean political and socio-economic situations in the country. The history of the socio-economic and political development of Zimbabwe during 1980-2007 would certainly be incomplete without including gospel music. Until about the mid-1980s, the general atmosphere in the newly-independent state of Zimbabwe was characterized by liberation euphoria and great optimism for the future. Equally so, local gospel music during this period was largely celebrative and conformist as far as the political and socio-economic dispensation was concerned. Socio-economic hardships crept in as a result of the government's implementation of neo-liberal economic reforms under the guidance of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) during the early 1990s. The ruling party soon found itself confronted by a multitude of gospel musicians criticizing its policies and malpractices. Works of various gospel artistes will be used as evidence but due to issues of space, it has not been possible to cover all Zimbabwean gospel artists.

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18

Bhebhe, Sindiso. "Interrogating Thompsonâ€™s Community Approach to Oral History with Special Reference to Selected Oral History Programmes in Zimbabwe." Oral History Journal of South Africa 4, no. 2 (April 5, 2018): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2309-5792/687.

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Â Thompson (1998, 27) argued that â€œthere have been telling criticisms of a relationship with informers in which a middle-class professional determines who is to be interviewed and what is to be discussed and then disappears with a tape of somebodyâ€™s life which they never hear about againâ€”and if they did, might be indignant at the unintended meanings imposed on their words.â€ This is one of the criticisms that have been levelled at conventional oral history methodologies, especially those used by national institutions such as National Archives of Zimbabwe. It is Thompsonâ€™s argument that with the use of a â€œcommunity approachâ€ methodology, communities are empowered and then have confidence in writing their history which will be accessible to the public. This article will therefore interrogate Thompsonâ€™s concept using case studies of the Mafela Trust, the Tso-ro-tso San Development Trust and the National Archives of Zimbabwe to understand the positives and negatives of the community approach to oral history. The Mafela Trust is a private archival institution which deals with the memory of the Zimbabwe African Peopleâ€™s Union (ZAPU) whilst the Tso-ro-tso San Development Trust deals with the San Community of Zimbabwe. These institutions have used oral history as a tool to collect their oral testimonies; therefore this article will use oral history testimonies, some of which are archived, as its source of data. Document analysis will also be doneÂ

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19

Matshakayile-Ndlovu, T. "The literary history of isiNdebele of Zimbabwe." South African Journal of African Languages 23, no. 2 (January 2003): 120–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.2003.10587211.

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20

WILDING, RICHARD. "Zimbabwe: a country rich in geological history." Geology Today 9, no. 1 (January 1993): 25–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-2451.1993.tb00972.x.

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21

Kirkman, Bill. "Mugabeism? History, Politics, and Power in Zimbabwe." Round Table 105, no. 3 (April 25, 2016): 342–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2016.1175081.

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22

Masiyane, Eliah K. "Zimbabwe." Index on Censorship 14, no. 5 (October 1985): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228508533966.

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23

Karamaev, Sergey. "UK–Zimbabwean Relations: the Past and the Present." Contemporary Europe 107, no. 7 (December 31, 2021): 96–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope7202196104.

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The author traces the stages of development of British–Zimbabwean relations over the past four decades. The work analyzes not only the history, but also the current state of relations between Great Britain and Zimbabwe and assesses the prospects for their development. The author set the task of showing how political cooperation between the former metropolis and its colony developed, the importance of the change of governments and the personality of the heads of state. A special attention is paid to the first president of Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe, who ruled the country for 37 years. An attempt has been made to identify the causes of the crisis in bilateral relations and to assess the attempts to overcome and to move in a progressive development. In addition, the author considers the problem of how the context of the colonial past, economic development, the land issue and the internal policy of Zimbabwe influenced the official London’s position in relation to Harare. Zimbabwe is one of the key states in southeast Africa, traditionally viewed by the UK as a sphere of its interests. Using itsexample, certain conclusions can be drawn about London's foreign policy approach to African countries, as well as the contradictions which become obstacles to the relations’ normalization.

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24

McClune, Caitlin. "Ubuntu Linux in Zimbabwe: the digital unhu in open source practices." Media, Culture & Society 40, no. 2 (December 4, 2017): 161–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443717745119.

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In this article, I argue for an alternative history of open source told from the perspective of the Southern African nation of Zimbabwe. This perspective on open source deviates from standard histories in that it reveals a more comprehensive relationship to technologies and its political possibilities by including the understudied region of Zimbabwe. I premise this analysis based on the concept of ‘digital unhu’, a concept that sketches out a Zimbabwean inflection of immaterial labor and contains three components of the fusion of new technologies with older traditions, an emphasis on collaborative practices, and a prominence placed on mobility. Examining this framework and these concepts through the aid of the case studies, Zim.doc, and the website Wild Forest Ranch, I provide evidence of the ways that open source practices are articulated to the local, historical, and political nuances of the region. I argue that the effort to disseminate information and skills to populations required to maneuver around the conditions of food scarcity, high levels of unemployment, and violent political repression existing under Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabwe particularly highlights digital unhu’s characteristic of mobility.

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25

Engelke, Matthew, and Frans J. Verstraelen. "Zimbabwean Realities and Christian Responses: Contemporary Aspects of Christianity in Zimbabwe." Journal of Religion in Africa 30, no. 4 (November 2000): 512. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1581596.

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26

Piotrowska, Agnieszka. "Who is the author of Neria (1992) – and is it a Zimbabwean masterpiece or a neo-colonial enterprise?" Journal of Screenwriting 11, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 287–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/josc_00034_1.

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This article focuses on the Zimbabwean film Neria (1992), arguably one of the most important films in the history of sub-Saharan Africa. Directed by the Black Zimbabwean Godwin Mawuru, it was the first feminist film in Zimbabwe and in the region, highlighting the plight of women who become the property of their brothers-in-law after their husbands die. The article addresses the issues of the origins of the story and the authorship of the screenplay. On the final reel of the film, the story credit names the accomplished Zimbabwean female novelist, Tsitsi Dangarembga; while the screenplay credit names Louise Riber. Riber served as the film’s White American editor and co-producer who, with her husband John Riber, managed the Media for Development Fund in Zimbabwe. The key question of this article is simple: who wrote the screenplay for Neria? Through the physical and metaphorical journey of this research, we discover that the story is based on the personal experiences of Anna Mawuru, the director’s mother. This is the first time that this fact has surfaced. As such, this article also offers some reflections on issues of adaption/translation, particularly in the context of postcolonial collaborations.

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27

Barnes, Teresa. "Democracy and Historiographies of Organized Labour in Zimbabwe." International Review of Social History 48, no. 3 (November 24, 2003): 457–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859003001159.

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Keep on Knocking: A History of the Labour Movement in Zimbabwe, 1900–97. Ed. by Brian Raftopoulos and Ian Phimister. Baobab Books on behalf of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions and the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, Harare 1997. xx, 164 pp. Striding Back: The Labour Movement and the Post-Colonial State in Zimbabwe 1980–2000. Ed. by Brian Raftopoulos and Lloyd Sachikonye. Weaver Press, Harare 2001. xxvii, 316 pp., £14.95; $24.95.

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28

Knight, Virginia Curtin. "Zimbabwe a Decade after Independence." Current History 89, no. 547 (May 1, 1990): 201–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1990.89.547.201.

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29

Johnson, R. W. "Zimbabwe: The Case for Intervention." Current History 106, no. 700 (May 1, 2007): 233–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2007.106.700.233.

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30

Groves, Zoë. "‘Zimbabwe is my home’: Citizenship and Belonging for ‘Malawians’ in Post-Independence Urban Zimbabwe." South African Historical Journal 72, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 299–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2020.1773521.

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31

Machingura, Francis. "The Significance of Glossolalia in the Apostolic Faith Mission, Zimbabwe." Studies in World Christianity 17, no. 1 (April 2011): 12–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2011.0003.

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This study seeks to look at the meaning and significance of Glossolalia 1 in the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe. 2 This paper has also been influenced by debates surrounding speaking in tongues in most of the Pentecostal churches in general and the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe in particular. It was the Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM) that brought Pentecostalism to Zimbabwe. 3 The paper situates the phenomenon of glossolalia in the Zimbabwean socio-economic, spiritual, and cultural understanding. The Pentecostal teachings on the meaning and significance of speaking in tongues have caused a stir in psychological, linguistics, sociological, anthropological, ethnographical, philological, cultural, and philosophical debates. Yet those in the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe argue that their concept of glossolalia is biblically rooted. Surprisingly non-glossolalist Christians also use the Bible to dismiss the pneumatic claims by Pentecostals. The emphasis on speaking in tongues in the AFM has rendered Zimbabwean ‘mainline’ churches like Anglicans, Catholics and Methodists as meaningless. This is the same with African Indigenous Churches which have also been painted with ‘fault-lines’, giving an upper hand to AFM in adding up to its ballooning number of followers. This is as a result of their restorationist perspective influenced by the history of the Pentecostal Churches that views all non-Pentecostal churches as having fallen from God's intentions through compromise and sin. The AFM just like other Pentecostal churches in Zimbabwe exhibit an aggressive assault and intolerance toward certain aspects of the African culture, which they label as tradition, 4 for example, traditional customs, like paying homage to ancestral spirits (Kurova Guva or bringing back the spirit of the dead ceremony), and marriage customs (polygamy, kusungira or sanctification of the first born ritual). The movement has managed to rid itself of the dominance of the male adults and the floodgates were opened to young men and women, who are the victims of traditional patriarchy. Besides glossolalia being one of the pillars of AFM doctrines, the following also bear some importance: personal testimonies, tithing, church weddings, signs/miracles, evangelism and prosperity theology.

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32

Bourgarel, Mathieu, Valérie Noël, Davies Pfukenyi, Johan Michaux, Adrien André, Pierre Becquart, Frédérique Cerqueira, et al. "Next-Generation Sequencing on Insectivorous Bat Guano: An Accurate Tool to Identify Arthropod Viruses of Potential Agricultural Concern." Viruses 11, no. 12 (November 28, 2019): 1102. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/v11121102.

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Viruses belonging to the Dicistroviridae family have attracted a great deal of attention from scientists owing to their negative impact on agricultural economics, as well as their recent identification as potential aetiological agents of febrile illness in human patients. On the other hand, some Dicistroviruses are also studied for their potential biopesticide properties. To date, Dicistrovirus characterized in African mainland remain scarce. By using High-Throughput Sequencing technology on insectivorous bat faeces (Hipposideros Caffer) sampled in a cave used by humans to collect bat guano (bat manure) as fertilizer in Zimbabwe, we characterized the full-length sequences of three Dicistrovirus belonging to the Cripavirus and Aparavirus genus: Big Sioux River Virus-Like (BSRV-Like), Acute Bee Paralysis Virus (ABPV), and Aphid Lethal Paralysis Virus (ALPV). Phylogenetic analyses of ORF-1 and ORF-2 genes showed a complex evolutionary history between BSRV and close viruses, as well as for the Aparavirus genus. Herewith, we provide the first evidence of the presence of Dicistrovirus in Zimbabwe and highlight the need to further document the impact of such viruses on crops, as well as in beekeeping activities in Zimbabwe which represent a crucial source of income for Zimbabwean people.

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33

Phiri, Calvin, Njabulo Bruce Khumalo, and Mehluli Masuku. "THE IMPACT OF THE 2000 LAND REFORM PROGRAMME ON THE CAPITAL BLOCK, POPULARLY KNOWN AS THE â€˜NEW MALAWIâ€™." Oral History Journal of South Africa 2, no. 1 (September 22, 2016): 15–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2309-5792/1580.

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The 2000 land reform programme implemented by the government of Zimbabwe came with an initiative of acquiring enormous hectares of white-owned farmland and distributing it on a massive scale to small-scale farmers. Indeed the greater part of the land was taken from the white commercial farmers and distributed to the majority black Zimbabweans, leaving only a small share of the farmland in the hands of the whites. The land reform programme, undoubtedly, benefited Zimbabweans. In Zimbabwe, especially in mining areas, there are classes of Zimbabweans, those who originate from Zimbabwe, as well as those who are of foreign origin, but are Zimbabweans by birth. Zimbabweans by birth who are of foreign origin occupied an allocated A2 farm, Capital Block, located near a cement mining area, Colleen Bawn. Most of them were of Malawian origin, and the area is now popularly known as â€˜New Malawiâ€™. This study sought to investigate how Zimbabweans of foreign origin benefited from the 2000 land reform programme. The article further sought to reveal the diverse farming systems as well as Indigenous Knowledge (IK), which were passed on from the forefathers who were born in Malawi, but migrated to Zimbabweâ€™s mining areas in search for employment in the then Rhodesia around 1960. A qualitative methodology was used in this research, in which oral history interviews were conducted with the people living in the area of the â€˜New Malawiâ€™. The study revealed that most of the land was being used for farming purposes. Beneficiaries of the programme had become self-dependent. The study further revealed that there was knowledge sharing among the beneficiaries of different foreign origins including Zambia, Malawi, Mozambique, Botswana and those of Zimbabwean origin. Based on the findings of the study, it was concluded that the programme benefited a number of people of foreign origins who were now Zimbabweans by birth and Zimbabweans by both birth and origin were happy with these people benefiting, a situation which shows the extent to which Zimbabweans are tolerant of foreigners.

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34

Verstraelen, Frans J. "Two Books on Zimbabwe." Mission Studies 3, no. 1 (1986): 97–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338386x00169.

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35

Mandivenga, Ephraim. "Muslims and the pre‐colonial history of Zimbabwe." Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs. Journal 13, no. 1 (January 1992): 99–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02666959208716230.

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36

Beach, David. "Cognitive Archaeology and Imaginary History at Great Zimbabwe." Current Anthropology 39, no. 1 (February 1998): 47–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/204698.

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37

NDHLOVU, Alfred. "ZIMBABWE: CRITIQUING THE CHALLENGES OF CULTURAL AND RELIGIOUS CONCEPTS SUCH AS UBUNTU AND THE “FORGIVE AND FORGET” APPROACH TO THE GUKURAHUNDI GENOCIDE." Conflict Studies Quarterly, no. 39 (May 4, 2022): 52–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.39.4.

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This article explores the challenges which emanate from the discourse of reconciliation in Zimbabwe as it relates to the Gukurahundi atrocities of the post-independence Zimbabwean era. Since most of the efforts to address this nation’s ugly past have been inϐluenced mainly by cultural (African) and religious (Christian) concepts such as the Bantu concept of Ubuntu and the Christian religion approach to conϐlict resolution which is based on the “forgive and forget” concept, this article will critique these concepts, demonstrating their unviability in bringing reconciliation in Zimbabwe. The article argues that without legal frameworks which can facilitate justice as a primary vehicle to reconciliation, the cultural and religious approaches may not make much impact in reconciliation efforts in Zimbabwe. For instance, it is not clear how the cultural concept of Ubuntu/ Unhu should be implemented to establish a formal and structured way of dealing with the issue of Gukurahundi. Among other issues of concern, the “forgive and forget” approach also poses its own problems, one of them being a too simple and casual approach to a much disturbing issue which has affected thousands of lives up to this day. With the aid of an example of how the post-World War II West Germany under the leadership of Willy Brandt addressed the issue of reconciliation and the history of holocaust, this article argues that justice should be the primary vehicle of the transition to reconciliation. Keywords: Gukurahundi, Zimbabwe, Ubuntu, conflict resolution

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38

Hofmann, A., A. Kröner, L. M. Iaccheri, J. Wong, H. Geng, and H. Xie. "3.63 Ga grey gneisses reveal the Eoarchaean history of the Zimbabwe craton." South African Journal of Geology 125, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.25131/sajg.125.0005.

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Abstract Grey gneisses from the Tokwe and Rhodesdale terrains of the Zimbabwe craton have zircon ages of ~3.63, 3.52, and 3.34 Ga, validating the existence of Eo- to Palaeoarchaean crust. In-situ zircon Hf isotope compositions reveal the interplay between episodes of juvenile magma addition, crustal thickening and crustal differentiation. Starting from juvenile mafic crust (with chondritic composition) at ~3.9 Ga, the oldest nucleus of the Zimbabwe craton developed into a stable crustal block by ~3.35 Ga, following a tectonic and mantle evolution that is mirrored by other ancient terrains.

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Jameson, Jill. "The Digital Abyss in Zimbabwe." International Journal of ICT Research and Development in Africa 1, no. 3 (July 2010): 65–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jictrda.2010070104.

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Just as refugees fleeing to escape Zimbabwe have struggled to cross the crocodile-hungry waters of the Limpopo, so are Zimbabweans battling to find ways to traverse the abyss of a digital divide affecting their country. In 2008-09, Zimbabwe was rated third worst in the world for its national information communications technology (ICT) capability by the World Economic Forum, being ranked at 132/134 nations on the global ICT ‘networked readiness index’. Digital divide issues, including severe deficits in access to new technologies facing this small Sub-Saharan country, are therefore acute. In terms of global power relations involving ICT capability, Zimbabwe has little influence in any world ranking of nations. A history of oppression, economic collapse, mismanagement, poverty, disease, corruption, discrimination, public sector breakdown and population loss has rendered the country almost powerless in ICT terms. Applying a critical social theory methodology and drawing on Freirean conceptions of critical pedagogy to promote emancipation through equal access to e-learning, this chapter is written in two parts. In the first place, it analyzes grim national statistics relating to education and to the digital divide in Zimbabwe, situating these in the wider context of Africa; in the second part, the chapter applies this information in a practical fictional setting to imagine life through the eyes of an average Zimbabwean male farm worker called Themba, recounting through narrative an example of the impact on one person’s life that could result from, firstly, a complete lack of educational and ICT resources for adults in a rural farming situation and, secondly, new opportunities as a migrant to become engaged with adult and higher education, including ICT training and facilities. Access to education, to book publications, to ICT facilities, in dialogue with others during a long process of conscientization, are seen to open up democratising and liberating opportunities for Themba in South Africa. The powerful transformation that takes place Themba’s life and propels him towards many achievements as an e-learning teacher is inspired by Freire’s critical pedagogy: it provides a message of hope in an otherwise exceptionally bleak educational and technological situation, given the current difficult socio-economic and political situation that has resulted in a digital abyss in Zimbabwe.

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Hastings, Adrian, Carl Hallencreutz, and Ambrose Moyo. "Church and State in Zimbabwe." Journal of Religion in Africa 21, no. 2 (May 1991): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1580815.

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Fedo, Christopher M., Kenneth A. Eriksson, and Tom G. Blenkinsop. "Geologic history of the Archean Buhwa Greenstone Belt and surrounding granite–gneiss terrane, Zimbabwe, with implications for the evolution of the Limpopo Belt." Canadian Journal of Earth Sciences 32, no. 11 (November 1, 1995): 1977–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/e95-151.

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The Buhwa Greenstone Belt (BGB) of southern Zimbabwe is the only major greenstone belt in the Archean Zimbabwe Craton directly adjacent to the granulite-facies rocks that constitute the Northern Marginal Zone of the Limpopo Belt. The deformational history and assembly of the BGB shed light on the evolution of the Northern Marginal Zone – Zimbabwe Craton transition. Assembly of the region began with deposition of the dominantly sedimentary cover succession at ~3.0 Ga on banded gneisses of the ~3.5 Ga Tokwe segment. At ~2.9 Ga the northern margin of the greenstone belt experienced kilometres of ductile, oblique-slip, dextral shearing. This shear zone was later intruded by the granitic to tonalitic ~2.9 Ga Chipinda batholith. The remaining events recognized in the region occurred during the time span 2.9–2.5 Ga. Northwest-directed thrusting of the Northern Marginal Zone over the Zimbabwe Craton took place along a collection of discrete, typically metre-wide shear zones, which collectively form the tectonic break between the Zimbabwe Craton and the Northern Marginal Zone. In response to thrusting, the cover succession and surrounding granitoids were folded and underwent regional greenschist-facies metamorphism. Two suites of potassic granites were emplaced north and south of the greenstone belt towards the end of thrusting. Plutonism was followed by conjugate faulting and later filling of the fractures by the Great Dyke of Zimbabwe. The youngest events may have occurred between ~2.5 and ~2.0 Ga, and include sinistral shearing along the southern margin of the belt, transecting cleavage formation, and open folding as a result of northeast-directed crustal shortening.

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Charles Mazhazhate, Tapiwa C Mujakachi, and Shakerod Munuhwa. "Towards Pragmatic Economic Policies: Economic Transformation and Industrialization for Revival of Zimbabwe in the New Dispensation Era." International Journal of Engineering and Management Research 10, no. 5 (October 27, 2020): 75–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31033/ijemr.10.5.14.

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Whilst literature has many monetary and economic policies that were enacted before and after the dawn of the New Dispensation in Zimbabwe the country still faces a downward trend in terms of economic recovery. This study reviews the various policies put in place by the government and their impact on socio-economic development of Zimbabwe. A review of Zimbabwe’s economic history shows that the country dropped from being one of the best economies in Sub-Saharan Africa and now ailing and characterised by hyperinflation, agricultural challenges, corruption, very high tax regime, huge domestic and foreign debts, increase in consumer prices and being a chief net importer of most goods or services. The study was underpinned by a case study survey from Singapore’s revival with both qualitative and quantitative instruments used. The study found out that even though the land reform had an impact on economic performance, corruption, party-power politics and absence of an economic institute eroded any necessary contribution to economic transformation and industrialization in Zimbabwe. The study also revealed that the bilateral and multi-lateral agreements that were enacted in the dawn of the new dispensation have not yielded the desired economic revival transformations. The study recommended establishment of an economic institute to direct policy as well as removal of unethical practices in both public and private sectors so as to ensure financial and economic discipline.

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Love, Alison, and Vincent Munyaradzi Vezha. "No way forward without consensus." Journal of Language and Politics 8, no. 3 (December 15, 2009): 433–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.8.3.06lov.

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This paper discusses a document produced in 2006 by church leaders which claimed to present a “vision” of “a way forward” in the ongoing crisis in Zimbabwe. We suggest that the document served rather to reinforce the status quo, specifically the hegemony of Mugabe’s government. We argue that, by insisting that the greatest problem in Zimbabwe is “lack of a national vision”, the document promoted consensus, which resonated with Mugabe’s own position. We suggest that four major strategies were used to achieve this: assertion of the primarily spiritual nature of Zimbabwe’s crisis; insistence on the shared responsibility of all Zimbabweans; obfuscation of agency for the crisis and delegitimization of political opposition as a route to change. Finally, we point out that these strategies failed, as the document in its original form was censored before its launch, illustrating the tendency for President Mugabe to give the impression of opening democratic space, only to close it off.

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Gundani, Paul H., and C. J. M. Zvobgo. "A History of Christian Missions in Zimbabwe 1890-1939." Journal of Religion in Africa 28, no. 4 (November 1998): 506. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1581566.

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Richards, Kimberly A. M., Athanas T. Zivave, Saunsuray M. Govere, Joyce Mphande, and Beatrice Dupwa. "Counseling in Zimbabwe: History, Current Status, and Future Trends." Journal of Counseling & Development 90, no. 1 (January 2012): 102–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1556-6676.2012.00014.x.

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Law, Kate. "Plundering the Past: History and Nation in Mugabe's Zimbabwe." Journal of Southern African Studies 40, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 217–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2014.877637.

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Rutherford, Blair. "Imagining a Nation: History and Memory in Making Zimbabwe." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 50, no. 3 (September 2016): 483–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2016.1225652.

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48

Stapleton, Tim. "The Composition of the Rhodesia Native Regiment during the First World War: A Look at the Evidence." History in Africa 30 (2003): 283–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003259.

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Several scholars of the First World War in Southern Africa have briefly looked at the composition of the Rhodesia Native Regiment (RNR), which was formed in Southern Rhodesia in 1916 and fought in the German East Africa campaign until the armistice in November 1918. According to Peter McLaughlin, who has written the most about Zimbabwe and the Great War, “[b]y 1918 seventy-five per cent of the 2360 who passed through the ranks of the regiment were ‘aliens;’ over 1000 came from Nyasaland. The Rhodesia Native Regiment had thus lost its essentially ‘Rhodesian’ character.” This would seem to suggest that because the RNR had many soldiers who originated from outside Zimbabwe, this regiment was somehow less significant to Zimbabwe's World War I history. While McLaughlin admits that “the evidence on the precise composition of the Rhodesia Native Regiment is not available”, he claims that “approximately 1800 aliens served in the unit.”In a recent book on Malawi and the First World War, Melvin Page agrees with McLaughlin's estimate that “probably more than 1000 Malawians joined the Rhodesian Native Regiment.” However, Page freely admits that the evidence on which this approximation is based is far from conclusive. By looking at the available evidence, particularly a previously unutilized regimental nominal roll in the Zimbabwe National Archives, it is possible to gain a clearer picture of the composition of the only African unit from Zimbabwe to have fought in the First World War. This analysis will not only deal with the nationality of the soldiers, which is what the two previous writers focused on, but also their ethnic/regional origin and pre-enlistment occupations.

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Onslow, Sue. "Zimbabwe: Land and the Lancaster House Settlement." Britain and the World 2, no. 1 (September 2009): 40–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2009.0104.

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50

Lloyd, Robert B. "Zimbabwe: The Making of an Autocratic “Democracy”." Current History 101, no. 655 (May 1, 2002): 219–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2002.101.655.219.

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Two decades after independence, the fruits of President Robert Mugabe's rule are a rapidly declining economy, the systematic dismantling of constitutional government, growing political violence, a costly war in Congo, and international condemnation.

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