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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Zimbabwe. Parliament. House of Assembly

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Academic literature on the topic 'Zimbabwe. Parliament. House of Assembly'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 3 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Zimbabwe. Parliament. House of Assembly"

1

Akram, Sidra, and Dr Mian Muhammad Azhar. "Legislations in Parliament of Canada and Pakistan: A Comparative Study of House of Commons and National Assembly." Journal of Law & Social Studies 2, no. 2 (2020): 58–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.52279/jlss.02.02.5865.

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Parliament is an exclusive and unique representative institution and performs key functions such as law-making, representation of constituents, amending laws, highlighting and aspirations their issues and through resolutions prescribe solutions to such key challenges faced by the polity. Parliament established on the behalf of people to represent their voice and provide them opportunities for more participatory and open governance. This research focused upon the performance of both lower Houses of Canada and Pakistan in 21st Century. The performance of the parliamentarian will also examine in

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2

Sylvester, Christine. "Whither Opposition in Zimbabwe?" Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 3 (1995): 403–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00021182.

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On 8 and 9 April 1995, Zimbabweans turned out for an election that mostly was not. As many as 55 of the 120 parliamentary seats open for contestation had already been decided for the Zimbabwe African National Union (Patriotic Front), because the six opposition parties of the moment did not put up candidates for them. ZANU PF could also count on another 30 parliamentarians: 12 non-constituency members, to be appointed by the President of Zimbabwe, as well as the eight provincial governors; and ten chiefs elected by local chiefs, all beholden to the ruling party for carrying forward traditional

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3

Bowen, Huw V. "The ‘Little Parliament’: The General Court of the East India Company, 1750–1784." Historical Journal 34, no. 4 (1991): 857–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00017325.

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The historical verdict on the General Court of the East India Company has often been an unfavourable one. The Court, the ultimate sovereign body within the company, has invariably been described in terms similar to those which used to be applied to the eighteenth-century house of commons: it has been seen as a corrupt, disorderly, and disreputable political institution. Macaulay set the general tone in 1840 when he painted a typically vivid picture of proceedings at the General Court in the mid-eighteenth century. ‘The meetings’, he wrote, ‘were large, stormy, even riotous, the debates indecen

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4

WEHLIYE, ADAN. "THE Foreign policy, National Assembly and the Hangovers of Colonialism; 1900 - 1978." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 7, no. 1 (2020): 595–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.71.7327.

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Globally, parliament’s role in influencing policies is immense. In Kenya, the role of the national assembly in determining the direction and results of foreign policies, although, blurred cannot be underestimated. Kenya became a British protectorate in 1895 with a limited representation of Africans in the legislative Council (LegCo). The role of this minority group in influencing foreign policy, though, rarely documented need not be underestimated. The group threw Kenya into the world map and between 1900-1963, major foreign policy debates in the Council revolved around when and how Kenya was

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5

DEWAN, TORUN, and ARTHUR SPIRLING. "Strategic Opposition and Government Cohesion in Westminster Democracies." American Political Science Review 105, no. 2 (2011): 337–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055411000050.

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Cohesive government-versus-opposition voting is a robust empirical regularity in Westminster democracies. Using new data from the modern Scottish Parliament, we show that this pattern cannot be explained by similarity of preferences within or between the government and opposition ranks. We look at differences in the way that parties operate in Westminster and Holyrood, and use roll call records to show that the observed behavior is unlikely to be determined by preferences on any underlying issue dimension. Using a simple variant of the agenda-setting model—in which members of parliament can co

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6

Malik, Rahat Zubair. "Parliament not-Parliaments: Legislature of Pakistan in the Hatching (1947-69)." Global Social Sciences Review II, no. I (2017): 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2017(ii-i).03.

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The evolution of parliamentary system in an ideological state, with two major units; miles apart on the globe, having multiple social and regional identities, and claiming being a federation has been a unique experience. After getting independence from the British, Pakistan decided to opt for a parliamentary form of government. The process was based on single house i.e. legislative assembly which was entrusted with dual responsibilities of framing the constitution and making legislation to run the state system. Initially, its membership was based on indirect elections through the elected repre

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7

Cottrell, Robert. "Russia’s Parliamentary and Presidential Elections." Government and Opposition 31, no. 2 (1996): 160–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1996.tb00602.x.

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In December 1995 General Elections Took Place in Russia for the lower house of parliament, the Duma. In constitutional terms the Duma is a relatively weak body, comparable with the French National Assembly. It initiates and enacts legislation, but must find a two-thirds majority if it is to override a presidential veto. The December elections were, however, of a disproportionate significance. The fact that they were taking place was important in itself. The Duma elected in December 1995 was only the second Duma to be elected in post-Soviet Russia, and the first to be elected in relatively norm

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8

Oliver Araujo, Joan. "Las Cortes en la Segunda República española: luces y sombras 85 años después // The Spanish Parliament in the 2nd Republic: lights and shadows after 85 years." Revista de Derecho Político 1, no. 102 (2018): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rdp.102.2018.22387.

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Resumen:En este trabajo se lleva a cabo un estudio jurídico de las Cortes de la Segunda República española —también denominadas Congreso de los Diputados—, a partir del análisis del título IV de la Constitución de 9 de diciembre de 1931 (que engloba los artículos 51 a 66), del Reglamento Provisional de las Cortes Constituyentes de 11 de julio de 1931 y del Reglamento (definitivo) del Congreso de los Diputados de 29 de noviembre de 1934. Junto a estos datos normativos, se han tomado en consideración los debates que se suscitaron en las Cortes Constituyentes, la práctica parlamentaria y las apor

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9

Murray, Colin RG, and Aoife O'Donoghue. "TOWARDS UNILATERALISM? HOUSE OF COMMONS OVERSIGHT OF THE USE OF FORCE." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 65, no. 2 (2016): 305–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589316000154.

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AbstractEngaging democratically elected assemblies in national decision-making over the extraterritorial use of force seemingly provides a secure check on executive abuses of power. Many liberal democracies therefore maintain constitutional requirements that their elected national assembly must authorize decisions to use military force. By comparison, the UK Parliament has historically played a limited and often indirect role in authorizing the use of force. From the vote on the Iraq War in 2003 onwards, however, the UK Parliament's role has increased to the point where, in August 2013, the de

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Nothomb, Charles-Ferdinand. "La rénovation du Parlement." Res Publica 31, no. 2 (1989): 175–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v31i2.18876.

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Although there is a consensus about the representative parliamentary system throughout Europe, it is in a state of crisis.To renovate Parliament means to restore the essential functions of that institution : budgetary power, legislative action and control of the government.In the field of budget a reform to institute a general budget on expenditure and to impose stricter rules on the funds as well as a very tight budgetary schedule for the government, beside the budget on revenues, was passed by the House at the end of March 1989.In the legislative sphere new approaches should be considered so

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Zimbabwe. Parliament. House of Assembly"

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Hasler, Arthur Richard Patrick. ""Us" and "them": disagreement over the meanings of terms, ambiguity, contestability and strategy in the Zimbabwean House of Assembly." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001600.

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This is a study of how certain value loaded political terms are used in Zimbabwean Parliamentary debate. Before 1980 it is argued that aspects of lexical choice and an individual's sociopolitical position were extremely closely related, especially in the case of "white Rhodesians". There was also a marked lack of ambiguity in the use of value loaded terms at this time. In contemporary Zimbabwean House of Assembly, however, terms which became popularized when the new government came to power in 1980 are used with considerable ambiguity and contestability in order to further specific strategies.

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Marumahoko, Sylvester. "Constitution-making in Zimbabwe : assessing institutions and processes." University of the Western Cape, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5470.

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Philosophiae Doctor - PhD<br>Since its conquest by Britain in 1890, Zimbabwe has witnessed a series of constitution-making projects. Spanning over 100 years, the question of constitutional development has continued to dominate public debate. The end of colonial rule did not see an end to the demand for a constitution that is legitimate and durable. The search for an enduring and good constitution continued into the 21st century. With the unveiling of the 2013 constitution-making project, however, it seemed as if a long lasting solution had been 'delivered' on the question of a legitimate and d

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Lancaster, Jonathan Charles Swinburne. "“Watch-dogs for an Economy” : a determination of the origins of the South African Public Accountants' and Auditors' Board – as the Regulator of the Profession – principally through an analysis of the debates and related reports to the House of Assembly of the Parliament of the Union of South Africa in the period 1913–1940." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1020876.

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This thesis concentrates upon a new field of research in South African accounting scholarship – this being, in general terms, accounting history and more specifically an analysis of the origins of the Public Accountants’ and Auditors’ Board as watch-dog in relation to: ● the South African economy in the period 1913–1940; and ● the changing political framework (also in the period 1913–1940). The integration of economy, politics and personal ambition on the part of early 20th Century accounting societies, led to a variety of responses, counter proposals, stalemates and unfocused activity which c

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Kouřimský, Jan. "Postavení československého Senátu v politickém systému První republiky." Master's thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-328279.

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The goal of this thesis is to show the life and functioning of the Senate of the National Assembly of Czechoslovakia. The upper house of the Czechoslovak Parliament functioned between 1920 and 1939 after which it was officially dissolved during the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. In the concerned period, the chamber was gradually saw 444 lawmakers of seven different nationalities. The biggest number consisted of Czechs and Germans. The functioning of the Senate is analyzed from multiple angles. First the debate accompanying the establishment of a second chamber before the adoption of the

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Hicks, Bruce M. "Societal cleavages and institutional change in Canada : retention, reform and removal of nominee councils." Thèse, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/6258.

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En concevant que toute société a deux clivages dominants, l’un social et l’autre partisan, cette thèse développe une théorie sur le changement institutionnel. L’hypothèse initiale, selon laquelle les groupes sociaux créés par le premier clivage agiront pour restreindre le changement institutionnel et que le changement aura lieu lors de l’émergence d’un groupe partisan capable de croiser le clivage social, fut testée par les processus traçant les changements qui furent proposés et qui ont eu lieu au sein des conseils nominés en Amérique du Nord britannique. Ces conseils furent modifiés un bon n

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Books on the topic "Zimbabwe. Parliament. House of Assembly"

1

Zimbabwe. Parliament. Parliamentary Reform Committee. Strengthening parliamentary democracy in Zimbabwe: A foundation report by the Parliamentary Reform Committee, Parliament of Zimbabwe. Parliament of Zimbabwe, 1998.

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2

Parliament, Zimbabwe. House of assembly standing orders: Public business. Parliament of Zimbabwe, 2005.

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Parliament, Zimbabwe. House of assembly standing orders: Public business. Parliament of Zimbabwe, 2005.

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4

A report on the parliamentary elections in Zimbabwe: Held on 31 March 2005. Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace in Zimbabwe, 2005.

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5

Zimbabwe. Parliament. House of Assembly. Standing orders: Public business. 2nd ed. The House, 1985.

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6

Commission, Zimbabwe Electoral Supervisory. Zimbabwe report of the Electoral Supervisory Commission on the general elections: April, 1995. The Commission, 1994.

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7

Makumbe, John Mw. Zimbabwe elections 1990: An overview. University of Zimbabwe, Dept. of Political and Administrative Studies, 1991.

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8

Secretariat, Commonwealth, and Commonwealth Observer Group, eds. The parliamentary elections in Zimbabwe, 24-25 June 2000. Commonwealth Secretariat, 2000.

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9

Boyce, P. J. Review of the proposal to restore the House of Assembly to 35 members. Parliament of Tasmania, 2011.

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10

Seminar, on Committees of the National Assembly (1999 Lilongwe Malawi). Seminar on Committees of the National Assembly: 14 and 15 August, 1999, New State House, Lilongwe. National Democratic Institute for International Affairs, 1999.

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Book chapters on the topic "Zimbabwe. Parliament. House of Assembly"

1

Makonese, Makanatsa. "How Zimbabwe’s 2013 Constitution Addresses Women’s Election and Participation in Parliament." In Democracy, Elections, and Constitutionalism in Africa. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192894779.003.0016.

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The 2013 Constitution of Zimbabwe has been hailed as a modern and progressive Constitution that addresses contemporary human rights issues, including gender equality and the promotion of women’s rights. It clearly provides for gender parity in public bodies, including in elective positions. The affirmative action provisions on a women’s quota in the National Assembly and gender equality in party lists for Senators have been useful in increasing the number of women in parliament. However, even with these improvements, the mere existence of the progressive Constitution has not led to gender parity in the Parliament of Zimbabwe or in other elective or public institutions such as local councils and cabinet. This is mainly because key actors and structures such as political parties, the government, and the successive Presidents of Zimbabwe have not fully adhered to the provisions of the Constitution regarding gender equality in public bodies, except where the Constitution provides explicit guidance on how to achieve this. The enactment of legislation to operationalize some of the less explicit provisions of the Constitution may therefore be useful in ensuring compliance with the gender equality provisions in relation to parliament and other public bodies in the country.

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2

Rosenblatt, Jason P. "Making Law and Recording It: Part II." In John Selden. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192842923.003.0006.

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John Selden’s historico-philological approach tends to prove that religious authority has its origins in civil institutions and their legal procedures, and to that extent his “literary” (philological) encounter with ancient texts helps determine the nature of law. Selden was an active member of the Long Parliament, chairing or serving on many committees, but there are very few transcripts of his speeches and none of his debates on the floor of the House of Commons. His only surviving debates from that decade took place in the Westminster Assembly of Divines, to which he was appointed by Parliament as a lay member. That makes them especially valuable. Even so, many of the transcripts are so lacunose that they are indecipherable as they appear in those volumes. This chapter is devoted to filling in the gaps and making the speeches coherent by finding their contexts in Selden’s scholarly works.

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3

Hertner, Isabelle. "Winners or losers? The parties in public office and the EU." In Centre-left parties and the European Union. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526120335.003.0007.

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Chapter 7 studies the role played by the party in public office in the formulation of European policies and the selection of EU specialists. It first analyses the House of Commons, the National Assembly and the Bundestag’s EU scrutiny powers and the internal organisation of EU affairs. Second, it investigates the parliamentary parties’ dealings with the EU. The chapter finds that MPs have delegated a large amount of policy-making power to their respective government and to MEPs, often without exerting much formal control. Especially when in power, MPs tended to leave EU policies to their government. Thus, whilst the party in public office has some advantages over the party in central office and the party on the ground (above all, policy expertise and resources) it is not the clear ‘winner’. Still, this chapter also identifies a number of differences, which can be explained by comparing the institutional structures; the ways in which the parties prioritised their EU expertise in parliament; and the parties’ general attitude towards the EU. Overall, centre-left MPs have not pulled their weight in the formulation of European policies, or the scrutiny of government and the Members of the European Parliament. This is a story of missed opportunities.

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