Dissertations / Theses: 'Zimbabwe – Politics and government – 1980-'

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Jones, Indiana Baron. "The role & importance of democratic political institutions : Zimbabwe's regression towards authoritarianism." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96767.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis seeks to advance the understanding of Zimbabwe’s current political situation and how it has regressed towards authoritarianism. The assumption when initially embarking on this research assignment was that Zimbabwe’s political failures over the past three and a half decades since its independence in 1980 could be traced back to its original Constitution – the Lancaster House Constitution of 1979. The research in this thesis is guided by a central question: Has Zimbabwe’s failure to successfully institutionalise democratic institutions, in particular through the 1979 Constitution, contributed to its regression to authoritarianism, despite its initial democratic transition? This question is substantiated by way of four sub-questions: • What processes lead from democratic transition to authoritarianism? • What are the institutional prerequisites for democratic development? • How was Zimbabwe’s Lancaster Constitution negotiated? • Did Zimbabwe’s institutional framework set it up for failure? In order to answer the research questions, a descriptive and exploratory study with emphasis on a case study was conducted by drawing from both secondary as well as primary sources of data. The primary data examined is a compilation of original documents belonging to the late Leo Baron, former Acting Chief Justice of Zimbabwe (1983) and lawyer to Joshua Nkomo. These documents include a personal record and interviews previously conducted in 1983 for the national archives of Zimbabwe between Baron and the state, an original ZAPU document titled Proposals for a settlement in Southern Rhodesia as well as the original Lancaster House Constitution of 1979. This thesis used democratic consolidation as a theoretical framework to assess the processes that lead from democratic transition to authoritarianism as well as the institutional prerequisites for democratic development. By exploring the field of democratic consolidation, the author settled upon two analytical frameworks for this research assignment. The first is that of Kapstein and Converse, who argue that in order for a democracy to be effective the power of the executive needs to be successfully constrained. They contend that if the executive faces sufficient constraints only then is it accountable to the electorate. Secondly, this thesis focuses largely on the institutional framework developed by Dahl, which highlights a set of criteria underlining the political institutions necessary for a country to transition into a successful democracy. The key findings are that, firstly, Zimbabwe’s Lancaster Constitution was not the product of an inclusive and participatory process; instead it has been discovered that the process was one that lacked public participation and thus lacked wider legitimacy. It can thus be argued that the Lancaster House Conference, normally regarded as the platform upon which Zimbabwe’s negotiated transition to majority rule took place, was in fact not a negotiation at all; instead it resembled more of a handover of power with forced implications and unrealistic expectations. And secondly, that the Lancaster Constitution of 1979 did not sufficiently provide for a democratic political institutional framework for democratic development in Zimbabwe. Instead it failed to highlight the importance of, and make provision for, several important independent organs usually responsible for the smooth transition towards democratisation and the eventual consolidation of democracy.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis beoog om ‘n dieper begrip van Zimbabwe se huidige politieke situasie aan te bied, asook die reprogressie na outoritarisme. Die aanvanklike aanname met die begin van hierdie studie was dat Zimbabwe se politieke mislukkings oor die afgelope drie en ‘n half dekades, sedert Zimbabwe se onafhanklikheid in 1980, terugspoor na die oorspronklike Grondwet naamlik – die Lancaster House Grondwet van 1979. Die navorsing in hierdie tesis is deur ‘n sentrale vraag gelei: Het Zimbabwe se mislukking om suksesvol demokratiese instellings te institusionaliseer, in besonder die Grondwet van 1979, bygedrae tot die regressie na outoritarisme, ten spyte van die aanvanklike demokratiese oorgang? Hierdie vraag word gestaaf deur vier sub-vrae: • Watter prosesse is gelei van demokratiese oorgang na outoritarisme? • Wat is die institusionele voorvereistes vir demokratiese ontwikkeling? • Hoe was Zimbabwe se Lancaster Grondwet beding? • Het Zimbabwe se institusionele raamwerk homself vir mislukking opgestel? Om in staat te wees om die bogenoemde navorsingsvrae te beantwoord, was ‘n beskrywende en verkennende studie met die klem op ‘n gevalle studie gedoen, deur data van beide sekondêre sowel as primêre bronne te trek. Die primere data wat geondersoek is, was ‘n samestelling van oorspronklike dokumente uit die besit van oorlede Leo Baron, voormalige Waarnemende Hoof Regter van Zimbabwe en prokureur van Joshua Nkomo. Hierdie dokumente sluit in ‘n persoonlike rekord asook onderhoude gevoer in 1983 vir die nationale argiewe van Zimbabwe tussen Baron en die staat. Hiermee saam volg ‘n oorspronklike ZAPU dokument getiteld Proposals for settlement in Southern Rhodesia asook die oorspronklike Lancaster House Konstitusie van 1979. Hierdie tesis gebruik demokratiese konsolidasie as ‘n teoretiese raamwerk waardeer die prosesse wat gelei het van demokratiese oorgang na outoritarisme, asook die institusionele voorvereistes vir demokratiese ontwikkeling, beoordeel word. Deur die veld van demokratiese konsolidasie te verken, het die outeur haar studie op twee analitiese raamwerke gevestig. Die eerste is die van Kapstein en Converse wat argumenteer dat vir ‘n demokrasie om effektief te wees, moet die mag van die uitvoerder beperk word. Hulle beweer dat slegs indien die uitvoerder voldoende beperkinge het, die kiesers dit as verantwoordelik erken. Tweedens fokus hierdie tesis grootliks op die institusionele raamwerk wat deur Dahl ontwikkel is. Dahl beklemtoon ‘n stel kriteria wat die nodige politieke grondwette vir ‘n land onderstreep om ‘n suksesvolle oorgang na demokrasie te verkry. Die sleutel bevindings is dit, Zimbabwe se Lancaster Grondwet was nie die produk van ‘n insluitende en deelnemende proses nie; in stede was dit bevind dat dit ‘n proses was van gebrekkige publieke deelname en dus het weier legitimiteit ontbreek. Daar kan dus geargumenteer word dat die Lancaster House Konferensie, wat normaalweg beskou is as die platform waarop Zimbabwe se oorgang tot meerderheid oorheers geonderhandel is, was in werklikheid nooit ‘n onderhandeling nie; instede blyk dit meer in gestalte na ‘n oorhandiging van mag met geforseerde implikasies en onrealistiese vereistes. Tweedens, dat die Lancaster Grondwet van 1979 nie daarin voldoen het om ‘n suksesvolle politieke institutionele raamwerk vir demokratiese ontwikkeling in Zimbabwe neer te lê nie. Eerder het dit daarin misluk om die belangrikheid van verskeie onafhanklike noodsaaklike organe uit te lig, of te voorsien, wat normaalweg verantwoordelik is vir ‘n gladde oorgang tot demokrasie en uit eindelik konsolidasie van demokrasie.

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Hasler, Arthur Richard Patrick. ""Us" and "them": disagreement over the meanings of terms, ambiguity, contestability and strategy in the Zimbabwean House of Assembly." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001600.

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This is a study of how certain value loaded political terms are used in Zimbabwean Parliamentary debate. Before 1980 it is argued that aspects of lexical choice and an individual's sociopolitical position were extremely closely related, especially in the case of "white Rhodesians". There was also a marked lack of ambiguity in the use of value loaded terms at this time. In contemporary Zimbabwean House of Assembly, however, terms which became popularized when the new government came to power in 1980 are used with considerable ambiguity and contestability in order to further specific strategies. Though correlations between the choice of lexical units and individuals' positions in the social structure have been identified as "sociolinguistic variables" (Downes 1984, 75), it is argued that an analysis of this type of correlation should lead us to an analysis of how these lexical units or "terms" are used by individual speakers in a micro-political process. I hypothesize that the ambiguity and contestability which encompass certain key terms used in the Zimbabwean House contribute to their being used as strategies to achieve individual or party goals. I show that the terms are manipulated by individuals in various contexts, and that the normative connotations of terms, that is what the terms "ought" to mean, is not consistent with the ways in which they are used. This, in turn, has an effect on how people think the terms should be used. This process of language change exposes the interface between language usage and social life. Though not reducible to a single "correct" interpretation, it does provide rich material for the analysis of culture.

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Horn, Mark Philip Malcolm. ""Chimurenga" 1896-1897: a revisionist study." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002398.

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There were no "Rebellions" in 1896-7. The concept of "risings" which is to be found in the European perspective of the escalated violence has distorted an understanding of the complex nature of the events. The events of 1896-7 must rather be explained through an examination of the details of the conflict. European pressure on the African people prior to 1896 was minimal and cannot be assumed to be the "cause" of the first "Chimurenga". There was no planned, organised or coordinated "rebellion" in Matabeleland in March 1896. Further, no distinction can be made between a "March" rebellion in Matabeleland and a June "rebellion" in Mashonaland. A European war of conquest in 1896-7 evoked the responce known now as the first "Chimurenga". It was the war of conquest of 1896-7 which saw the ascendancy of the European perspective over the African and thereby established the psychological foundations of the Rhodesian colonial state. The complex nature of the events of 1896-7 is to be understood through an appreciation of the different perspectives of those who became embroiled in the conflict.

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Magure, Booker. "Civil society's quest for democracy in Zimbabwe: origins,barriers and prospects, 1900-2008." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003008.

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This thesis is a critical examination of the origins, barriers and prospects for a working class-led civil society as it sought to democratise Zimbabwe’s post-colonial state. It is an interdisciplinary but historically informed analysis of how advanced capitalist development promoted the emergence of social movement unionism with a potentiality to advance democracy in Zimbabwe. Despite occurring on a much smaller and thinner scale, the evolution of civil society in colonial Zimbabwe was akin to what happened in 19th century Britain where capitalist expansion presented a foundation for democratisation. However, big underlying barriers exist in Zimbabwe, resulting from various forms of authoritarian structures and forcible mobilisation strategies emanating from colonialism and the protracted war of liberation. ZANU PF’s violent reaction to memory contests by non-participants in the war of liberation seeking an alternative political agenda attest to the controversial and polemical nature of struggles over memory and forgetting in contemporary Zimbabwean politics. These structural impediments forestalled the organic growth of civil society in Zimbabwe, thereby explaining its inchoate status and the failure to significantly determine the course of public policy. While recognising the democratic aspirations and capacities of the working class in precipitating political change, this thesis takes into consideration the impact of other factors on state-society relations. These include deepening state barbarism, globalisation, and technological advances in communication, transnational civil society, a dysfunctional economy, migration and remittances. Finally this thesis presents an optimistic scenario about the prospects for civil society and democratisation in Zimbabwe. I argue that the revival of the productive sectors of the economy can possibly strengthen the labour movement and revive its capacities for ushering in a democracy.

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Dlamini, Tula. "Whither state, private or public service broadcasting? : an analysis of the construction of news on ZBC TV during the 2002 presidential election campaign in Zimbabwe." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008257.

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The study sets out to examine the television coverage of the 2002 presidential campaign in Zimbabwe by examining the extent to which the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation fulfilled the mandate of public service broadcasting. The primary objective of this study is to assess how ZBC television newscasts mediated pluralistic politics in the coverage of the country's presidential election campaign, in line with the normative public sphere principles. The thesis comprises seven chapters organized, first, with an introductory chapter, which provides the general background of the study. The chapter offers the rationale for the focus on TV rather than other media fomls . There are two theoretical and contextual chapters in which the use of both qualitative and quantitative methods is explained and findings are presented. Finally, the conclusion offers recommendations about the form broadcasting might take to fulfil a public service mandate and these include the strengthening of the public service broadcasting model along normative public sphere principles. The findings of the analysed election newscasts confirm that ZBC television election news was constructed in favour of ZANU PF at the expense of voices from other social and political constituencies.
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Knight, Kayla Christine. "Development NGOs : understanding participatory methods, accountability and effectiveness of World Vision in Zimbabwe with specific reference to Umzingwane District." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013135.

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Non-governmental Organizations (NGOs) have occupied a prominent role in the development of rural Zimbabwe since the time of its independence in 1980. NGO work in Zimbabwe currently takes place within the context of a tense and fluid political climate, an economy struggling to recover from crisis, international skepticism toward long-term donor investment in development, and global expectations about the methodologies and accountability measures carried out in intervention-based development work. In the light of the participatory methodologies and empowerment-based development frameworks that dominate the current global expectations for work within the NGO sector, this thesis focuses on the work of one particular NGO working in Zimbabwe, namely, World Vision. The main objective of the thesis is to understand and explain the participatory methods, accountability and effectiveness of World Vision in Zimbabwe (with particular reference to Umzingwane District) and, in doing so, to deepen the theoretical understanding of NGOs as constituting a particular organizational form. World Vision is a large-scale international NGO that has a pronounced presence in Zimbabwe and it is specifically active in Umzingwane District in Matabeleland South Province. The thesis argues that NGOs exist within a complex and tense condition entailing continuous responses to pressures from donors and states that structure their survival. Ultimately, in maneuvering through such pressures, NGOs tend to choose directions which best enable their own sustainability, often at the cost of the deep participatory forms that may heighten the legitimacy of their roles. World Vision Zimbabwe responds to donor trends, national and local expectations of the state and its own organizational expectations by building local government capacity in order to maintain the longevity and measureable outputs of its projects. In doing so, it redefines the concept of participation in pursuing efficient and practical approaches to ‘getting things done’. This compromises deep participatory methodologies and, in essence, alters the practices involved in participatory forms in order to maintain World Vision’s own organizational sustainability and presence in Zimbabwe.

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Vennard, Francisca Caroline. "Restoring democratic governance in Zimbabwe: a critical investigation of the internet as a possible means of creating new sites of struggle for positive democratic change by Zimbabwean media and activists in Zimbabwe." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003047.

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This thesis is a reaction to the state of utter lawlessness and the abuse of human rights by those in power in Zimbabwe over the past two years and it investigates the possibility of restoring democratic governance in that country by increasing the freedom of expression and media freedom, which is considered to be one of the most valuable elements in advancing democratization. Its aim is to establish the Internet as the best means possible to increasing media freedom and creating new ‘sites of struggle’ for activists in a context where the substantive freedom of expression does not exist. This in turn is shown to advance levels of democracy. To this end, the value of the freedom of expression to media freedom and the value of the latter to increasing levels of democracy is developed and the lack of democracy in Zimbabwe at all levels of society is considered. The Internet is seen to increase the freedoms of speech and association in new and interesting ways and it is discussed in various examples in which it has already been instrumental in evading the censorship of the media and increasing the ability of activists to express themselves freely and to organize more efficiently. Finally, the resources that Internet technology makes available to African journalists and activists are considered along with lessons gleaned from international examples of successful Internet use and it is shown to already be of use to Zimbabwean journalists and activists as they create to new cyberspaces in which they can struggle for positive democratic change in Zimbabwe. The Internet is also shown to have tremendous potential for future use in that country.

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Sibanda, Nkanyiso. "Where Zimbabwe got it wrong - lessons for South Africa : a comparative analysis of the politics of land reform in Zimbabwe and South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/5217.

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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
Bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a comparative study of the politics of land reform in Zimbabwe and South Africa. Robert Cox’s critical theory is the theoretical framework used in carrying out the study. The particular focus of this thesis falls on the similarities and differences that exist in the two countries regarding the politics of land reform. Both countries share striking similarities, some of which include: In both countries, soon after the advent of democracy the majority of blacks lived in poor marginal areas where the land was/is less productive than the rich and fertile arable land owned by whites. In both countries, the minority whites are richer than the majority native black people; in both countries, land redistribution was a key national goal of the incoming governments immediately after independence; in both countries, land redress did not however happen as immediately as the incoming governments had promised. In Zimbabwe, the process only began some 20 years after independence while in South Africa, it is now 15years since 1994 when the ANC came into power and still, the racially skewed agricultural land ownership patterns are yet to be conclusively addressed. Some of the differences discussed in the study include; the types of governments in the two countries; land reform policies of the two countries; the type of societies as well as the relationship between Zimbabwe’s war veterans to the ZANU PF government. Steps are already underway to redress the distorted land ownership patterns in South Africa but is the process happening quick enough to prevent South Africa from facing the problems associated with inequitable land ownership patterns such as those that were faced by Zimbabwe? Where and how did Zimbabwe get her land redistribution process wrong? What lessons can South Africa learn from the case of Zimbabwe? Chapter two and three of the thesis will provide a general overview of the politics of land in the two countries, while chapter four will show the similarities and differences that exist. Chapter five will conclude by showing the lessons that South Africa can learn from Zimbabwe while also suggesting areas for further study.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is 'n vergelykende studie van die politiek van grondhervorming in Zimbabwe en Suid‐Afrika. Robert Cox se Kritiese Teorie is die teoretiese raamwerk wat gebruik word in die uitvoering van die studie. Die tesis fokus spesifiek op die ooreenkomste en verskille van hierdie twee lande wat betref die politiek van grondhervorming. Beide lande deel opvallende ooreenkomste, wat die volgende insluit: Kort na kolonisasie is die meerderheid swart mense in arm agtergeblewe gebiede geplaas, waar die land minder produktief is/was as die ryk en vrugbare akkerland in besit van blankes. In beide lande is die minderheid blankes ryker as die meerderheid inheemse swart mense. In albei lande is die herverdeling van grond 'n belangrike nasionale doelwit van die nuwe regerings onmiddellik na onafhanklikheid. In beide lande het die herverdeling van grond egter nie dadelik plaasgevind soos die nuwe regerings belowe het nie. In Zimbabwe het die proses eers 20 jaar na die land se onafhanklikheid begin. Dit is nou 15 jaar sedert 1994, vandat die ANC in Suid‐Afrika aan bewind gekom het, en nogsteeds is die ongelyke rasverdeelde grondeienaarskappatrone nie finaal aangespreek nie. Sommige van die verskille wat in die studie bespreek word sluit die volgende in: die tipes regeringstelsels wat die twee lande volg; grondhervormingsbeleid van die twee lande; die tipe samelewings, asook die verhouding tussen Zimbabwe se oorlogsveterane en die ZANU PF‐regering. Stappe is reeds geneem vir die regstelling van die ongelyke grondbesitpatrone in Suid‐ Afrika, maar is die proses besig om vinnig genoeg te gebeur om te verhoed dat Suid‐Afrika voor dieselfde uitdagings as Zimbabwe te staan kom? Waar en hoe het Zimbabwe se grondherverdelingproses verkeerd geloop? Watter lesse kan Suid‐Afrika leer uit die geval van Zimbabwe? Hoofstukke twee en drie van die tesis gee 'n algemene oorsig van die politiek van grond in die twee lande, terwyl hoofstuk vier ooreenkomste en verskille wat bestaan aantoon. Hoofstuk vyf sluit af deur aan te dui wat die lesse is wat Suid-afrika van Zimbabwe kan leer.

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Mason, Kirsten Zara. "Land reform in Southern Africa : a comparative study between South Africa and Zimbabwe." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/50005.

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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Land has been a revolutionary metaphor for wealth and power in the world. Ideally, land reform in Africa should contribute to social and economic progress and ultimately result in social equity, as well as increased agricultural productivity. This study is devoted to the history of the land ownership in Southern Africa, as well as the meaning and explanation of land reform programmes after the transition to democracy. Moreover, it is dedicated to familiarising the reader with the various meanings and issues concerning land reform, particularly in South Africa and Zimbabwe. The outcome of the study is to promote further discussion on the need and about the revival of land reform programmes in the region of Southern Africa. In this study, South Africa and Zimbabwe are discussed comparatively with regards to three main areas of land reform: restitution, redistribution and tenure reform. The goal of this study is to gauge the possibility of South Africa following in the footsteps of Zimbabwe in terms of land invasions supported by the government. Zimbabwe faces the painful reality that its political revolutions have only brought them halfway to true independence. The objective for Zimbabwe is to establish a functional socialist economy where decision-making would be under political control so as to bring about the drastic redistribution of wealth from whites to blacks. The fulfilment of the rule of law must become the first priority of the Zimbabwean government. If the government continues to belittle the rule of law, corrupt decisions benefiting only those in support of the government, will continually be made. The importance of land in Zimbabwe did not so much arise from the social and economic inequalities, but rather the inability to access land, accompanied by a growing overpopulation, landlessness, land deterioration and escalating poverty in the black areas. This was further paralleled with severe under-utilisation of land in the white farming areas. South Africa, on the other hand, did make space at an earlier stage of transition in their constitution, for organised and methodical land reform to occur. Unfortunately, this process has taken much slower than first predicted, which has led to unrest among the landless, and those who have made claims for the land. South Africa very recently made some decisions to speed up the land reform process through expropriation if negotiations fail. With the Zimbabwean situation, the issue may not so much be about land in itself, but may reflect the need for employment, especially regarding infrastructure and investment in industrialisation within the rural areas. This study concludes that South Africa, although showing many similar signs of a downward spiral, will not follow the route which Zimbabwe has taken. It would appear that the government of South Africa would not allow land invasions by the landless, organised under the banner the 'Landless Peoples Movement (LPM), as was seen in Zimbabwe with the war veterans. The reason for this is that the South African government has made continuous statements that land invasions will not be tolerated in South Africa, and that they will abide by the legislation set out, when it comes to land reform and restitution. The government has the power to enforce the rule of law if land invasions do start to occur. Although the LPM have a similar manifesto and goal as to the war veterans in Zimbabwe, they seem a lot less militant and ready to work with the government and the people to ensure the best for South Africa's land reform process. This study thus looks at land reform issues that face South Africa and Zimbabwe, and fleshes out ideas as to creating a regional procedure for the best method of land reform for implementation by the South African Development Community.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Gesien in die lig dat grond die revolusionêre metafoor van rykdom en mag in die wêreld is, sal dit ideaal wees as grondhervorming tot sosiale en ekonomiese bevordering in Afrika kan bydra en uiteindelik kan lei tot sosiale gelykheid en toename in produktiwiteit in die Landbou-sektor. Hierdie studie is toegewy aan die geskiedenis van grond-eienaarskap in Suider- Afrika, sowel as die betekenis en verduideliking van grondhervormingsprogramme na afloop van die transisie na 'n demokrasie stelsel. Die studie fokus ook daarop om die leser meer in te lig oor die verskeie menings en uitgangspunte rakende grondhervorming in die algemeen, maar meer speisfiek in Suid Afrika en Zimbabwe. Die doel van die studie is om verdere besprekings oor die behoefte en die heroplewing van grondhervormingsprogramme in Suider-Afrika. Suid-Afrika en Zimbabwe word in die studie op drie gronde met mekaar vergelyk: Die teruggawe van grondeiendom, die herverdeling van grondeiendom en die hervorming van besitreg. Die doel van die studie is om te bepaal of Suid-Afrika in die voetspore van Zimbabwe gaan volg. Zimbabwe staar die pynlike realiteit in die oë dat hul politieke revolusies hulle slegs halfpad tot ware onafhanklikheid gebring het. Die doel vir Zimbabwe was om 'n funksionele sosialistiese ekonomiese stelsel daar te stel waar besluitneming onder politieke beheer sou wees om sodanig drastiese herverdeling van rykdom vanaf blankes na swartes, asook onafhanklikheid van kapitaliste, te bewerkstellig. Die belangrikheid van grondbesit het nie werklik in die sosiale en ekonomiese ongelykhede gelê nie, maar in die onvermoë om grond te bekom tesame met 'n toenemende oorbevolkingsyfer, grondloosheid, grondverarming en toenemende armoede in swart gebiede. 'n Bydraende faktor was die groot mate van onderbenutting van grond in blanke boerdery gebiede. Aan die ander kant, het Suid Afrika baie vroeg in die oorgangsfase voorsiening vir 'n georganiseerde en stelselmatige grondhervormingsproses, in die grondwet gemaak. Ongelukkig het die proses baie langer gesloer as wat aanvanklik beplan is. Dit het tot onrustigheid onder die mense wat geen grondeiendom besit het nie en dié wat grondeise ingedien het, gelei. Suid Afrika het onlangs besluite geneem om die proses te bespoedig deur 'n paar belangrike besluite te neem, om die grondhervormings proses, vinniger te maak Dit word gedoen deur ekspropriasie as onderhandelinge onsuksesvol is. Soos in Zimbabwe, mag die werklike probleem nie slegs oor geondbesit gaan nie. Dit reflekteer die behoefte aan werkverskaffing, veral in die infrastruktuur van arm gebiede en die investering industrialisasie. Alhoewel dit lyk asof Suid-Afrika nie suksesvol in die herverdeling van grond is nie, kom die studie tot die slotsom dat die land nie in die spore van Zimbabwe sal volg nie. Dit kom voor asof die Suid-Afrikaanse owerheid nie sal toelaat dat mense sonder grondbesit, grond onregmatig inneem soos in Zimbabwe nie, omdat hulle 'n punt in die media daarvan gemaak het. Die owerheid het die mag om die wet toe te pas in situasies waar grond onregmatig ingeneem word. Alhowel die LPM ("Landless Peoples Movement") 'n soortgelyke manifes en doelstellings as die oorlogveterane van Zimbabwe het, blyk dit nie asof hulle so militaristies is nie en dat hulle gereed is om saam met die owerheid en mense te werk sodat die hervormingsproses in die beste belange van Suid-Afrika plaasvind. Hierdie studie kyk dus na die grondhervormingsproses in Zimbabwe en Suid Afrika en vorm idees rondom die skepping van 'n uniforme proses wat die beste hervormingsmetode is vir die gebruik van die Suid-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap.

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Coetzee, Cari. "South Africa's foreign policy of quiet diplomacy towards Zimbabwe : constructivism as a framework to highlight the contradictory norms of human rights and African solidarity." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/50099.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The downward spiral of Zimbabwe under President Robert Gabriel Mugabe and the slide into lawlessness has excited international opinion. Perhaps even more controversial, has been South African President Thabo Mbeki's obvious reticence to condemn Mugabe's increasing authoritarianism and breach of human rights and democratic standards. South Africa's foreign policy of 'quiet diplomacy' towards Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe has received strong criticism. Whilst both domestic and international audiences expected South Africa to take a stronger stance towards Mugabe because of his increasing violation of human rights and democratic standards, President Mbeki has been notably reticent to publicly criticise Mugabe. Consequently, the South African government has been criticised for condoning Mugabe's behaviour, which in turn has raised questions as to South Africa's commitment to the advocacy of human rights and its attempts to establish a leadership position in Africa. Although both internal and external pressures have given rise to South Africa's strong commitment to the international norm of human rights in 1994, this commitment seemed to weaken as the years passed. The commitment to human rights, that was especially prominent during the Nelson Mandela presidency, has given rise to foreign policy tensions and contradictions within the South African government. South Africa's turn to multilateral mechanisms as the main vehicle for South Africa's principled commitment to human rights has been accompanied by a decline in the priority placed on this principle. This loss of ardour in the commitment to the human rights advocacy, moreover, has seemed to increase during the Mbeki presidency. President Mbeki's desire to playa leadership role in Africa and his vision for African renewal and rebirth have been accompanied by a stronger emphasis on African solidarity as a foreign policy principle. South Africa's commitment to the norm of human rights, however, has thwarted South Africa's attempts to strengthen African solidarity since it required a rejection of the norms of 'state sovereignty' and 'not to speak out against each other'. Since high priority is attached to these norms in Africa, contradictions arose between the norms of human rights advocacy and African solidarity. This study argues that South Africa's policy of 'quiet diplomacy' towards Zimbabwe can only be understood by focusing on the role of norms and identity on South Africa's policy. It aims to illustrate how South Africa's aspiration for continental leadership has constrained its commitment to human rights advocacy, as accentuated by the Zimbabwean crisis. This study explores the role of norms and identity in South Africa's foreign policy decisions towards Zimbabwe by drawing on constructivism as a theoretical framework. The international relations theory of constructivism provides a framework for analysing the potential influence of norms in international relations. Constructivism illustrates that South Africa's freedom of action has been determined by the interplay between policy actors and social forces with very different ideological convictions about the country in the world, the pressures incumbent upon it and the extent to which it can influence world affairs.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Zimbabwe se toenemende ekonomiese en politieke agteruitgang onder die presidentskap van Robert Gabriel Mugabe, asook die geleidelike oorgang na wetteloosheid, het internasionale veroordeling voortgebring. President Thabo Mbeki van Suid-Afrika se ooglopende teensinnigheid om Mugabe se toenemende outoriteit en skending van menseregte en demokratiese standaarde te veroordeel, was selfs meer omstrede. Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid van 'stille diplomasie' teenoor President Mugabe van Zimbabwe het dus sterk kritiek uitgelok. Terwyl beide binnelandse en internasionale sfere van Suid-Afrika verwag het om 'n sterker standpunt teenoor Mugabe in te neem in die lig van Mugabe se toenemende skending van menseregte en demokratiese standaarde, was President Mbeki merkbaar teensinnig om Mugabe openlik te kritiseer. Die Suid-Afrikaanse regering is gevolglik daarvan beskuldig dat dit Mugabe se gedrag verskoon, wat weer aanleiding gegee het tot die bevraagtekening van Suid-Afrika se verbintenis tot die bevordering van menseregte en pogings om 'n leierskapsposisie in Afrika te vestig. Alhoewel beide interne en eksterne druk tot Suid-Afrika se sterk verbintenis tot die internasionale norm van menseregte in 1994 bygedra het, het hierdie verbintenis mettertyd geleidelik vervaag. Hierdie verbintenis tot menseregte was veral prominent gedurende die Mandela presidentskap en het spoedig aanleiding tot spanning en teenstrydighede in Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid gegee. Suid-Afrika se wending tot multilaterale meganismes as voertuig vir die bevordering van menseregte, het dus gepaard gegaan met 'n afname in die prioriteit wat aan hierdie beginsel geheg word. Hierdie afname in Suid-Afrika se dryfkrag in hul verbintenis tot die bevordering van menseregte, het gedurende die Mbeki presidentskap vergroot. President Mbeki se begeerte om 'n leiersposisie in Afrika in te neem, asook sy visie vir Afrika hernuwing en herlewing, het dus gepaard gegaan met 'n sterker klem op die belang van Afrika solidariteit as 'n buitelandse beleidsbeginsel. Suid-Afrika se verbintenis tot menseregte het egter Suid-Afrika se pogings om Afrika solidariteit te bevorder, verhinder, aangesien 'n verbintenis tot menseregte die verwerping van die norme van 'staatsoewereiniteit' en 'nie teenoor mekaar uit te praat nie' vereis het. Aangesien hierdie twee laasgenoemde norme steeds voorrang geniet in die Afrika konteks, het daar teenstrydighede tussen die norme van menseregte en Afrika solidariteit ontstaan. Hierdie studie argumenteer dat Suid-Afrika se beleid van 'stille diplomasie' teenoor Zimbabwe slegs begryp kan word deur op die rol van norme en identiteit op Suid-Afrika se beleid te fokus. Daar word gepoog om te illustreer hoe Suid-Afrika se aspirasie om 'n leiersposisie in Afrika in te neem, beperk is deur die verbintenis tot die bevordering van menseregte, soos beklemtoon deur die krisis in Zimbabwe. Hierdie studie ondersoek dus die rol van norme en identiteit op Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleidsbesluite teenoor Zimbabwe met behulp van konstruktivisme as 'n teoretiese raamwerk. Die internasionale betrekkinge teorie van konstruktivisme bied 'n raamwerk vir die analise van die potensiële invloed van norme in internasionale betrekkinge. Konstruktivisme illustreer dat Suid-Afrika se vryheid van aksie bepaal word deur die wisselwerking tussen beleidsakteurs en sosiale kragte met verskillende ideologiese oortuigings oor die staat in die wêreld, die druk wat daarop inwerk en die mate waartoe dit wêreld gebeure kan beïnvloed.

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11

Chiweshe, Manase Kudzai. "Farm level institutions in emergent communities in post fast track Zimbabwe: case of Mazowe district." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003096.

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The thesis seeks to understand how emerging communities borne out of the Fast Track Land Reform Programme in Zimbabwe have been able to ensure social cohesion and social service provision using farm level institutions. The Fast Track Programme brought together people from diverse backgrounds into new communities in the former commercial farming areas. The formation of new communities meant that, often, there were 'stranger households'living next to each other. Since 2000, these people have been involved in various processes aimed at turning clusters of homesteads into functioning communities through farm level institutions. Fast track land reform precipitated economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe characterised by a rapidly devaluating Zimbabwean dollar, enormous inflation and high unemployment figures. This economic crisis has impacted heavily on new farmers who find it increasingly difficult to afford inputs and access loans. They have formed social networks in response to these challenges, taking the form of farm level institutions such as farm committees, irrigation committees and health committees. The study uses case studies from small-scale 'A1 farmers‘ in Mazowe district which is in Mashonaland Central Province. It employs qualitative methodologies to enable a nuanced understanding of associational life in the new communities. Through focus group discussions, in-depth interviews, narratives, key informant interviews and institutional mapping the study outlines the formation, taxonomy, activities, roles, internal dynamics and social organisation of farm level institutions. The study also uses secondary data collected in 2007-08 by the Centre for Rural Development in the newly resettled areas in Mazowe. The major finding of the study is that farmers are organising in novel ways at grassroots levels to meet everyday challenges. These institutional forms however are internally weak, lacking leadership with a clear vision and they appear as if they are transitory in nature. They remain marginalised from national and global processes and isolated from critical connections to policy makers at all levels; thus A1 farmers remain voiceless and unable to have their interests addressed. Farm level institutions are at the forefront of the microeconomics of survival among these rural farmers. They are survivalist in nature and form, and this requires a major shift in focus if they are to be involved in developmental work. The institutions remain fragmented and compete amongst themselves for services from government without uniting as A1 farmers with similar interests and challenges.

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12

Skagen, Kristin. "Liberation movements in Southern Africa : the ANC (South Africa) and ZANU (Zimbabwe) compared." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1984.

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Thesis MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008.
Liberation movements came into being across the entire African continent as a political response to colonisation. However, Africa has in this field, as in so many others, been largely understudied, in comparison to revolutionary movements in South America and South East Asia. While many case studies on specific liberation movements exist, very few are comparative in nature. This study will do precisely that using the framework of Thomas H. Greene. The resistance movements in South Africa and Zimbabwe, then Rhodesia, consisted of several organisations, but the ones that emerged as the most powerful and significant in the two countries were the ANC and ZANU respectively. Although their situations were similar in many ways, there were other factors that necessarily led to two very different liberation struggles. This study looks closer at these factors, why they were so, and what this meant for the two movements. It focuses on the different characteristics of the movements, dividing these into leadership, support base, ideology, organisation, strategies and external support. All revolutionary movements rely on these factors to varying degrees, depending on the conditions they are operating under. The ANC and ZANU both had to fight under very difficult and different circumstances, with oppressive minority regimes severely restricting their actions. This meant that the non-violent protests that initially were a great influence for the leadership of both movements – especially with the successes of Mahatma Gandhi in South Africa and India, inevitably had to give way to the more effective strategies of sabotage and armed struggle. Like other African resistance movements, nationalism was used as the main mobilising tool within the populations. In South Africa the struggle against apartheid was more complex and multidimensional than in Zimbabwe. Ultimately successful in their efforts, the ANC and ZANU both became the political parties that assumed power after liberation. This study does not extend to post-liberation problems.

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13

Santos, Phillip. "Representing conflict: an analysis of The Chronicle's coverage of the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1983 and 1986." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002936.

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This research is premised on the understanding that media texts are discourses and that all discourses are functional, that is, they refer to things, issues and events, in meaningful and goal oriented ways. Nine articles are analysed to explicate the sorts of discourses that were promoted by The Chronicle during the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1982 and 1986. It is argued that discourses in the news media are shaped by the role(s), the type(s) of journalism assumed by such media, and by the political environment in which the news media operate. The interplay between the roles, types of journalism practised, and the effect the political environment has on news discourses is assessed within the context of conflictual situations. This is done using insights from the theoretical position of peace journalism and its critique of professional or mainstream journalism as promoting war/violence journalism. Using the case of The Chronicle's reportage of the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe, it is concluded that, in performing the collaborative role, state owned/controlled media assume characteristics of war/violence journalism. On the other hand, it is concluded that The Chronicle developed practices consistent with peace journalism when it both espoused the facilitative role and journalistic objectivity. These findings undermine the conventional view among proponents of peace journalism that in times of conflict, the news media should be interventionist in favour of peace and that they should abandon the journalistic norm of objectivity which they argue, promotes war/violence journalism.

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Mugobo, Virimai. "Re-branding Zimbabwe : a transformative and challenging process." Thesis, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11838/2091.

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Thesis (DTech (Marketing))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2013.
During the past few decades, nation branding has emerged as one of the key strategies for national economic development. Many nations across the world, both developed and developing, have embraced the concept as they compete against each other for export markets, foreign direct investment, tourists, scarce human resources and international leverage and influence. Nation branding has now become one of the critical drivers for country differentiation and the creation of sustainable competitive advantages for nations. This thesis explores the concept of nation branding and investigates its applicability to Zimbabwe, a country which has been riddled with various socio-economic and political challenges during the past two decades. The main purpose of the thesis was to develop a model that can be used to re-brand Zimbabwe. This research study adopted a mixed-methods approach through the amalgamation of both qualitative and quantitative research methodologies. A survey questionnaire was administered to respondents who included Zimbabweans as well as people who are not Zimbabwean citizens. The qualitative phase of the research study consisted of depth interviews with various branding practitioners, managers in both the private and public sectors and academics inside and outside of Zimbabwe. Four summarised case studies were also carried out in order to draw lessons from cases of successful and unsuccessful nation branding programmes in different parts of the world. According to the research findings, Zimbabwe has a negative image on the global map. The country needs to be re-branded and the majority of Zimbabweans are willing to be part of this process. However, for the re-branding initiative to be successful there should be a comprehensive transformation of the country's socio-political, economic and legal systems in order to create an enabling environment that is conducive for the effective application of nation branding strategies. The findings further reinforce the notion that re-branding should be part of a broader national economic development strategy for the country. The thesis concludes with the propagation of two models viz, the transformative process model for the re-branding of Zimbabwe and the re-branding as a transformative learning process model.

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Gcoyi, Thembinkosi. "Explaining South Africa's quiet diplomacy towards Zimbabwe since 2000: the dilemma of a pluralist middle power." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002987.

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This study is a contribution to the literature on South Africa's foreign policy since 2000-2004. It provides a theoretical framework within which South Africa's foreign policy should be understood. It attempts to explain the contradictions that have been apparent in South Africa's foreign policy by looking at the constraints inherent in South Africa's position as an emerging middle power. It argues that South Africa's pluralist inclinations are constrained by Africa's evolving multilateral forums and that South Africa's preference for such undermines the realization and achievement of her foreign policy principles and goals. It also argues that as a realist middle power, South Africa is constrained the ambivalence shown by the region towards her exercising leadership in the region. This is due to South Africa's history of destruction in Southern Africa in the 1980's. South Africa's quiet diplomacy towards Zimbabwe provides the focal point for the study. The study argues that it is not the case that South Africa is not concerned with human rights abuses in Zimbabwe. Instead, this concern has been expressed in ways that do not tarnish South Africa's own image in Africa. This has been done by engaging Zimbabweans through multilateral forums. This study concludes that this strategy failed to bring about resolution to the Zimbabwean crisis.

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Charema, John. "An explanatory study into the rehabilitation of ex-freedom fighters in Gweru, Zimbabwe from 1990 to 1995." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1223.

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The purpose of the study was to explore the rehabilitation of ex-combatants who fought the Zimbabwe liberation war, thus to find out if these ex-combatants received counseling and were resettled or reintegrated within the period 1990 to 1995. In order to maintain focus the aims of the study were set out as follows: • to focus on rehabilitation which encompasses taking care of the ex-combatants who were disabled and or injured during the war, as well as counseling, reintegrating and resettling them and • to explore whether the ex-combatants who were demobilized and those who opted for a civilian life were rehabilitated. • to explore if the ex-combatants were reintegrated. • to understand how the ex-combatants were coping with their lives and • to discover how they perceived their support from the government at the time of their demobilisation. The study concentrated on ex-combatants in Gweru, who were to be rehabilitated from 1990 to 1995. In-depth face-to-face interviews were conducted to achieve the objectives set out for the study. The results of the study indicate that there was no rehabilitation, counseling, resettlement and real integration. The findings clearly indicate that these ex-combatants still think of being resettled, allocated good land for farming. They went on to suggest being paid pension by the government and to have their children employed, educated and supported by the government.

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Murisa, Tendai. "An analysis of emerging forms of social organisation and agency in the aftermath of 'fast track' land reform in Zimbabwe." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003081.

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The fast track land reform programme resulted in a fundamental reorganisation of rural relations in Zimbabwe, changing the landscape in an irreversible way with people from diverse backgrounds converging on former white-owned farms. This thesis tells the story of how the newly resettled land beneficiaries are organising themselves socially in response to various economic challenges. It makes a contribution towards understanding how redistributive land reforms and local government restructuring influence rural social organisation and agency. Furthermore the study examines local perceptions on the meanings of the „farm‟ and „land redistribution‟. An utterance by one war veteran “what used to be your farm is now our land and you are free to take your farm but leave our land” provides an alternative rendition to contestations of restitution versus a purely farm productionist discourse. The study, through an analysis of primary and secondary data, provides a fresh understanding of the social outcomes of fast track. It traces the evolution of land and agrarian reforms in post-independence Zimbabwe and the political and social economic context that led to „fast track‟. Through an analysis of field findings the thesis is able to define the dominant social groups that were resettled during fast track and the challenges they face in utilising the land. The findings show that the majority of the land beneficiaries were from the customary areas, with limited agricultural experiences. Local cooperation within informal networks and local farmer groups has been identified as one of the ways in which social reproduction is being organised. These groups are responsible for enhancing production capacity but they face a number of constraints. The study derives its theoretical foundation from the post 1980s debates on rural society dominated by Mafeje (1993, 2003), Rahmato (1991) and Mamdani (1996). The debates centred on how institutions of inclusion, authority and cooperation such as the lineage groups, local farmer groups and traditional authority remain relevant in the organisation of post-independent rural African society especially in a context of increased commoditisation of rural relations of production. Using theoretical insights derived from analysing the role of the lineage groups in the allocation of critical resources such as land and the influence of traditional authority (indirect rule) as a form of local government, the study examines how social organisation is emerging in areas where neither lineage nor traditional authority are not dominant. The thesis of rural cooperation through local groups as advanced by Rahmato (1991) and Moyo (2002) provides partial insights into the response mechanisms that land beneficiaries invoke in this instance. It is not necessarily an autonomous space of organisation but rather the state is actively involved through various functionaries including extension officers who invariably advance a very productionist approach. The state‟s monopoly through its local functionaries hides its political cooptation effect by emphasising organisation for production without questioning the manner in which that production is externally controlled through limited rights over land, the state‟s monopoly over inputs supply and markets for commodities. Whilst land reform has been driven by local participation through land occupations, local government reform has been technocratically determined through Ministerial directives. There is however little innovation in the form of local government that is being introduced. It expands the fusion of authority between elected Rural District Councils and unelected traditional authority functionaries. The forms of social organisation and agency that have emerged remain subordinated to the state with no links to other networks of rural producers‟ associations and urban civil society organisations. These developments form part of a longheld tradition within the Zimbabwean state where the legitimacy of local organisation and authority is usurped to service the interests of the state. Thus whilst land reform has to a certain extent accommodated the majority poor, the ensuing local government and agrarian reforms are more focused on limiting their participation in broader processes of political engagement around distribution and accumulation and their own governance.

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18

Wales, Liezl Jo-Ann. "Land restitution : the experiences in Kenya and Zimbabwe compared : lessons for South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52912.

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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Land has been the revolutionary metaphor for wealth and power in the world and even more so in Africa. Ideally, land reform in Africa should therefore, contribute to social and economic progress and ultimately result in social equity as well as increased agricultural productivity. This study was devoted to the history of colonialism and the meaning and birth of land reform policies after colonialism. Moreover, to familiarise the reader with the various meanings and issues concerning land reform particularly in Kenya and Zimbabwe. The outcome of the study was to provoke further discussion on the need for land reform in other developing countries, especially South Africa, as well as to investigate whether colonialism created certain land ownership patterns that had harmful effects on the political and economic climate after independence in Kenya and Zimbabwe. Kenya has been unable to establish a sustainable land reform programme since independence. Ethnic clashes in the early 1990's were seen as a continuation of a battle to recognise the existence of property rights. The contributing factor to the conflict was the fact that the political leadership in Kenya was the direct beneficiary of land reform policies. Furthermore, the uncontrolled privatisation of public land only resulted in economic and agricultural decay. The Kenyan experience provides no evidence of increase in agricultural production, but inevitably resulted in social and economic inequalities and the emergence of significant landlessness, which was a result of the inadequacy of government, to provide credit as was initially proposed. Zimbabwe faces the painful reality that its political revolutions have only brought them halfway to true independence. The objective for Zimbabwe was to establish a functional socialist economy where decision making would be under political control in order to bring about the drastic redistribution of wealth from whites to blacks and to become independent form capitalists. The importance of land in Zimbabwe did not so much lie in the social and economic inequalities, but rather the inability to access land, accompanied by a growing overpopulation, landlessness, land deterioration and escalating poverty in the black areas parallel with severe under-utilisation of land in the white farming areas. This study concludes that African governmental land reform programmes have had mixed success. The complex nature of the liberation struggles in Africa, created diverse post-independence governmental systems. However, some former colonies illustrate certain common underlying issues such as the fact that years after independence, land remains one of the key unresolved issues in both Kenya and Zimbabwe, as well as in South Africa.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Gesien in die lig dat grond die revolusionêre metafoor van rykdom en mag in die wêreld, nog te meer in Afrika is, sal dit ideaal wees indien grondhervorming in Afrika kan bydra tot sosiale en ekonomiese bevordering en uiteindelik kan uitloop in sosiale gelykheid asook toename in landbou produktiwiteit. Hierdie studie was toegewy aan die geskiedenis van kolonialisme en die betekenis en oorsprong van grondhervormingsbeleide na kolonialisme, asook om die leser in te lig oor menings en uitgangspunte rakende grondhervorming, spesifiek in Kenya en Zimbabwe. Die doel van die studie was om verdere besprekings oor die behoefte vir grondhervorming in ander ontwikkelende lande, veral Suid-Afrika, uit te lok. Verder om te ondersoek of kolonialisme sekere grondeienaarskappatrone veroorsaak het wat negatiewe effekte op die politieke en ekonomiese klimaat in Kenya en Zimbabwe, na onafhanklikheidswording, veroorsaak het. Kenya is, sedert onafhanklikheidswording, nog nie in staat om 'n volhoudbare grondhervormingsprogram daar te stel nie. Etniese botsings in die vroeë 1990's was gesien as 'n voortsetting van 'n geveg om die bestaan van eiendomsregte te erken. Die bydraende faktor tot die konflik was die feit dat die politieke leierskap in Kenya direkte begunstigdes van die grondhervormingsbeleide was. Verder het onbeheerde privatisering van openbare grond ekonomiese en landbou verval tot gevolg gehad. Die Kenya ondervinding voorsien geen bewyse van toename in landbou produktiwiteit nie, maar het onvermydelik sosiale en ekonomiese ongelykhede en die ontstaan van merkwaardige grondloosheid tot gevolg gehad as gevolg van die onvermoeë van die regering om krediet te voorsien soos aanvanklik voorgestel was. Zimbabwe staar die pynlike realiteit in die oë dat hul politieke revolusies hulle slegs halfpad tot ware onafhanklikheid gebring het. Die doel vir Zimbabwe was om 'n funksionele sosialistiese ekonomie daar te stel waar besluitneming onder politieke beheer sou wees om sodanig drastiese herverdeling van rykdom vanaf blankes na swartes, asook onafhanklikheid van kapitaliste, te bewerkstellig. Die belangrikheid van grond het nie soveel in die sosiale en ekonomiese ongelykhede gelê nie, maar liewer in die onvermoë om grond te bekom tesame met 'n toenemende oorbevolking, grondloosheid, grondverarming en toenemende armoede in swart gebiede. 'n Bydraende faktor was die uiterse onderbenutting van grond in blanke boerdery gebiede. In samevatting wys hierdie studie dat grondhervormingsprogramme van regerings in Afrika gemengde sukses behaal het. Die kompleksiteit van die bevrydingstryde in Afrika het uiteenlopende post-onafhanklike regeringstelsels tot stand gebring. Nietemin, illustreer somige voormalige kolonies sekere algemene onderliggende uitgangspunte, onder andere die feit dat grond, jare na onafhanklikheid, steeds een van die belangrikste onopgeloste vraagstukke in beide Kenya en Zimbabwe, sowel as Suid-Afrika is.

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Baumann, Chiara Manina. "A legal and ethical analysis of the South African government’s response toward Zimbabwean immigrants." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4347.

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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a study of the South African government‘s response toward Zimbabwean immigration, focusing on the period from 2000 to July 2009. The aim is to shed light on why the government has acted in the manner that it has, using a human security framework. South Africa‘s legal obligations under international, regional, and domestic law are investigated and the ethical debate concerning issues of entrance and borders is explored. Concepts of morality, universality, and human dignity are central to this discussion. Against this backdrop, the Zimbabwean migration is briefly analysed in terms of push and pull factors and numbers; and the legal debate concerning the classification of Zimbabweans is explored. The challenges Zimbabweans face in South Africa and how the government has dealt with the Zimbabwean immigration is covered. Key actors from civil society and government are interviewed in an attempt to engage opinions about the government‘s response. The main opinions as to why the government has responded in the manner it has are then discussed and other factors are considered. Issues of solidarity, land reform, and South Africa‘s involvement in the Zimbabwean mediation process are some of the factors considered. The conclusion of this study is that the South African government has not succeeded in meeting its legal obligations nor acted ethically concerning Zimbabwean immigrants. The particular sentiments of ex-president Thabo Mbeki, the solidarity amongst national liberation movements, regional considerations, and the capitalist interests of some South Africans are factors that carry the most weight in explaining the South African government‘s response to the Zimbabwean crisis and its subsequent migrants.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is 'n studie van die Suid-Afrikaanse regering se reaksie op die immigrasie van Zimbabwiërs na Suid-Afrika, met die klem op die tydperk tussen 2000 en Julie 2009. Die doel is om lig te werp op die regering se optrede in dié tydperk aan die hand van 'n menslike veiligheidsnetwerk. Suid-Afrika se regsverpligtinge onder internasionale, streek- en plaaslike reg, sowel as die etiese debat rakende kwessies soos die binnekoms van immigrante en grense, word ondersoek. Konsepte van moraliteit, universaliteit en menslike waardigheid , staan sentraal tot hierdie bespreking. Teen hierdie agtergrond word die Zimbabwiese migrasie kortliks ontleed in terme van die stukrag-en-trefkrag faktore en getalle; en word die regsdebat oor die klassifisering van Zimbabwiërs onder die loep geneem. Die uitdagings wat Zimbabwiërs in Suid-Afrika in die gesig staar en hoe die regering Zimbabiese immigrasie hanteer het, word bekyk. Onderhoude is gevoer met sleutelspelers in die burgerlike samelewing en die regering in ‗n poging om agter die kap van die byl te kom met betrekking tot die regering se reaksie op Zimbabwiese immigrasie. Die belangrikste standpunte ten opsigte van die regering se optrede word dan bespreek in die lig van faktore soos solidariteit, grondhervorming, en Suid-Afrika se betrokkenheid by die Zimbabwiese mediasieproses. Die gevolgtrekking van hierdie studie is dat die Suid-Afrikaanse regering nie daarin geslaag het om sy regsverpligtinge na te kom nie, en nie eties korrek opgetree het nie met betrekking tot Zimbabwiese immigrante. Die sentimente van oudpres. Thabo Mbeki, die solidariteit onder die nasionale bevrydingsbewegings, en die kapitalistiese belange van sekere Suid-Afrikaners, is van die belangrikste faktore aan die hand waarvan die Suid-Afrikaanse regering se reaksie op die Zimbabwiese immigrasie-krisis verklaar word.

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Goodhope, Ruswa. "A study on the impact of governance on land reform in Zimbabwe." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2004. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_6187_1183989303.

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Land ownership, control and reform have been some of the most contentious issues in contemporary Zimbabwe. The land question has generated a lot of emotional debate and there is a general consensus that it represents a critical dimension to the crisis the country is going through. This thesis intended to offer some insights into the modus operandi and outcomes of land reform in the country.

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21

Tumbare, D. T. "Government of National Unity (GNU) as a strategy for democracy in Zimbabwe." Thesis, University of Limpopo, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/1248.

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Thesis (M.A. (International Politics)) --University of Limpopo, 2014
Debate on GNU centres around whether or not as a tool/plan/strategy it promotes, cultivates and fosters democracy in situations where there is lack there-of. In other words does a GNU create the conditions or environment necessary for the establishment of democracy? Various studies have shown that GNU is popular as a conflict-resolution tool and that in countries where it has been employed, it has resulted in the successful cessation of violent conflict. This study explores GNU to find out how successful it was in democratic entrenchment in Zimbabwe. It revealed through interviews and secondary sources that in Zimbabwe GNU managed to bring together antagonistic political contenders to work together for the restoration of peace and democracy and nation-building. GNU did not however, guarantee permanent solution of the crisis. In other words there were other significant issues which could not simply be resolved through a GNU. Finally the study further explored the different reasons for GNU inability to resolve those issues in Zimbabwe.

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Timmer, Sanne. "Causal factors of election violence in Africa : a comparative analysis of Kenya´s 2007 elections and Zimbabwe´s 2008 elections." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20394.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Africa has made tremendous progress over the past decades in its transition to democratic regimes. When evaluating the leverage such an enormous change has, and the haste Africa was in when making this change, the continent has been able to achieve a considerable amount of revision in their regimes. One fundamental aspect of a democracy is competitive Presidential elections. This has however shown to be a problem in Africa as many cases of violent elections have been reported on, with Nigeria’s 2011 elections being the latest example. The focus of this thesis is on the causal factors behind electoral violence in African democracies. More specifically, a comparative analysis of Kenya’s 2007 Elections and Zimbabwe’s 2008 elections is presented. The five possible causal factors under analysis are 1) free and fair elections, 2) international assistance, 3) political/electoral systems and 4) socio-economic factors and 5) ethnicity. Additionally, background information on the history of Kenya and Zimbabwe is presented. The research is conducted around the framework of one of the foremost African scholars in the field, Gilbert Khadiagala. His typology suggests two angles ‘In the first order of causes, electoral violence is the outcome of events and circumstances that emanate from broader political conflicts, particularly in societies that are beset by ethnic, communal and sectarian fissures. In the second category, electoral violence is a consequence of imperfect electoral rules; imperfections that allow some parties to manipulate elections through electoral fraud, vote buying, and rigging’ (Khadiagala, 2010:17). Next to this a discussion on Khadiagala’s fourth wave of democracy is analysed which proves of major importance for Kenya and Zimbabwe to prevent election violence. Not only because of the fact that the contemporary form of their democracies clearly show major flaws, but also because a democracy has proved to encourage socio-economic development. Firstly, the findings suggest that the people are fed up with stolen elections and they are demanding the free and fair conduct of elections. The use of violence is the means to express this ‘demand’. Furthermore, in both Kenya and Zimbabwe, the land occupation of colonizers caused the start of deep social cleavages and ethnic tensions. In Kenya it is concluded that the cause of violence was not purely the flawed election process, this was merely a trigger for underlying ethnic tensions. In Zimbabwe in turn, the violence was mainly sparked by President Mugabe’s government who used extreme means to gain votes. The system was highly manipulated and due to weak institutions and electoral rules, President Mugabe was able to rig the elections. The role of international assistance is discussed and proves to be of little influence towards election violence. In the case of Zimbabwe, no international observers were invited, in the case of Kenya, international observers were invited and present. In both cases violence broke out. The establishment of a stronger socio-economic society proves vital for the development of a democracy. The connection between ethnic, social and economic differences to the electoral system recognizes that further deepening and strengthening of the democratic institutions needs to become a reality in order to conduct more peaceful elections. The elections are far from free and fair and as a result of weak democratic institutions the possibility of rigging is created. With the underlying ethnic tensions and broader political cleavages, Kenya and Zimbabwe proved prone to violence.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Wanneer daar in ag geneem word dat Afrika onder moeilike omstandighede en in ‘n baie kort tydperk, beweeg het van meerderheid autokratiese state na demokrasieë, is dit regverdig om te argumenteer dat Afrika ‘n kenmerkende vordering gemaak het in die laaste dekades om ‘n demokratiese samenleving te berwerkstellig. Helaas, n fundamentele aspek van n demokrasie is die beoefening van gereelde en kompeterend verkiesings. Oor die jare is daar bewys dat verkiesings n problematiese aspek van demokrasie is in meeste Afrika state, meerderheid van verkiesings in Afrika is geneig om uit te loop in konflik en geweld. Dus is die fokus van die studie op die faktore wat bydra tot konflik gedurende n verkiesings tydperk in jong Afrika demokrasieë. Meer spesifiek sal daar n vergelykende studie gedoen word van die 2007 verkiesing in Kenia en die 2008 verkiesing in Zimbabwe. Die vyf faktore wat bydra tot konflik gedurende verkiesings is : 1) vry en regverdige verkiesings, 2) internasionale hulpvelening, 3) politiese en verkiesingsstelsels, 4) sosio-ekonomiese faktore, 5) etnisiteit, word elk bespreek. Ook word die agtergrond van beide die verkiesings in Zimbabwe en Kenia bespreek. Die teoretiese aspekte van die studie is gebaseer op die werk van Gilbert Khadiagala, n hoogs ge-respekteerde kenner op die gebied. Sy teorie veronderstel dat konflik plaasvind as gevolg van politiek konflikte en etniese verskille. Tweedens, beweer hy dat verkiesingskonflik n produk is van foutiewe verkiesingsstelsels, veral waar een groep die ander groep kan manipuleer en waar bedrog moontlik is. Langs dit is 'n bespreking oor Khadiagala se vierde golf van demokrasie ontleed en bewys dit van groot belang vir Kenia en Zimbabwe om verkiesings geweld te voorkom. Nie net as gevolg van die feit dat die demokrasieë duidelik groot foute toon nie, maar ook en meer belangrik, omdat 'n demokrasie sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkeling aanmoedig. Daar word gevind dat meeste mense eenvoudig keelvol is met ‘gesteelde’ verkiesings en dat hulle begin aandring op vry en regverdige verkiesings en konflik en geweld is die enigste manier om hulle wense te verwesenlik. Ook, in beide Kenia en Zimbabwe het kolonialiseerders n groot skeuring veroorsaak tussen verskillende etniese groepe in beide lande, wat vandag voordurende etniese spanning veroorsaak. In Kenia blyk dit dat dit die etniese verskille was wat gelei het tot die verkiesingsgeweld in 2007 eerder as foutiewe verkiesingsstelsels. In Zimbabwe was dit verkiesingskorrupsie en President Robert Mugabe se oneerlike wyse van stemme werf wat gelei het tot konflik. Dit is aangetoon dat die aanwesigheid van internationale hulp min invloed het op verkiesings geweld. In die geval van Zimbabwe, is daar geen internasionale waarnemers genooi nie en in die geval van Kenia, is daar wel internasionale waarnemers is genooi en was hulle daadwerklik aanwesig. In beide gevalle het geweld uitgebreek. Daar word gevind dat ‘n sterke sosio-ekonomiese sameleving belangrik is vir demokratiese ontwikkling van ‘n land. Verder word daar geargumenteer dat sterk en onafhanklik politieke en demokratiese instansies bevorder moet word ten einde meer vreedsame verkiesings te hou. Tans in Afrika is verkiesings ver van vry en regverdig, gesamentlik met etniese spanning kan dit n plofbare situasie veroorsaak soos bewys in Kenia en Zimbabwe.

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Chimange, Mizeck. "Implementation of the Zimbabwe National Orphan Care Policy: implications of partnership between government and civil society." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1007188.

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The study focused on the exploration of the implication of partnership between the government and civil society organizations in the implementation of the Zimbabwe National Orphan Care Policy (ZNOCP). The study was carried out in Masvingo District in Zimbabwe to explore on the feasibility of inter-organizational interaction in policy implementation and how it affects the service delivery system. The study incorporated government departments, civil society organizations and ward councillors who stood as the custodians of the people. The study was intended on unveiling the different contextual aspects that exist between government departments and civil-society organizations (CSOs) as individual and separate entities and how the compromising of their values would affect the partnership. Looking at the hierarchical and bureaucratic features of government institutions, the study also intended to understand how this could be concealed and compromised with CSOs‟ open agendas in public policy implementation to ensure effective service delivery to the people. The 5C protocol, critical variables in policy implementation which are policy content, context, capacity, commitment of those entrusted with the implementation process and also clients and coalitions were used as the yardsticks. These variables acted as a yardstick on which to analyze the partnership between the Zimbabwean government and the civil society in the implementation of the Z.N.O.C.P, their different attitudes, bureaucratic settings, organizational culture, values, norms, and how their readjustments or failure affect the service delivery system. It also became imperative to look at the government legislations that govern the CSO space of operation and financial aspects to understand the implications of partnership between government and civil society. An understanding of these aspects leads to an increased understanding of the feasibility of state-CSO partnerships and its implications on policy implementation.

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Nkomana, Nqaba. "Good governance and democracy as political conditionalities for foreign aid: the case of Zimbabwe." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&amp.

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This study was an investigation of the relationship between political conditionality and self-determination using Zimbabwe as a case study. The Zimbabwean land issue illustrates the challenges posed by external influences on supposedly autonomous domestic policy decision-making processes.

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Musona, Mambo. "An exploration of the causes of social unrest in Omay communal lands of Nyami Nyami district in Zimbabwe: a human needs perspective." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1372.

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One of the responsibilities of every government is to make provisions of basic needs for its citizens. The situation in Omay resembles people living during the dark ages when there was no constitutional government. The government should in accordance with the priorities of its people be seen to be improving the lives of its citizens by providing health, education, roads, communication facilities, and participation in decision making especially on issues that have a bearing on their lives. The human needs theory postulates that one of the most ideal ways of resolving protracted conflicts is by helping people meet their needs. Human needs are not for trading according to conflict scholar John Burton, implying that if one does not meet his or her needs he/she might do anything to strive to meet them. The people of Omay have been deprived of their needs in all facets; first the previous government relocated them to create Lake Kariba for the hydroelectric plant. They were not compensated. They were dumped on very arid, tsetse fly infested mountainous areas adjacent to game reserves and national parks where they have to make do with wildlife; some that destroy their few crops (elephants) and others that kill them or their animals (lions). As a minority group they have been engaged in social unrest and small skirmishes with government and other, bigger ethnic groups as a form of resistance. A deliberate affirmative action to channel funds towards raising their living standards and develop their area so that they meet their needs could be the panacea to the social unrest.

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Chabal, Emile. "Republicanism, liberalism and the search for political consensus in France, c.1980-c.2010." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610454.

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Mcakuvana, Malibongwe Patrick. "From abundance to bondage : an investigation of the causes of the political crisis in Zimbabwe from 1995 to 2005." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1069.

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This study investigates the main causes of the present political crisis in Zimbabwe with particular reference to the crisis as a direct result of a crisis of authority or governance. The economy and the political environments in the former Rhodesia have been in a healthy state until the early 1990s when the ruling ZANU-PF had its rule under siege when the economy dwindled and the opposition became rife. The broad questions that the study sought to answer were: What have been the primary reasons for the political crisis in Zimbabwe between 1995 and 2005? What role has the political elite played in the country’s development? What contribution did the Economic Structural Adjustment Programme make to the economic development of Zimbabwe? Are there any other important factors that have played a role in the development process of Zimbabwe? As a way of investigation, this study uses qualitative research techniques to make a clinical examination of the main causes of the political crisis that has reduced the formerly self-sustaining and democratically highly rated country to a pariah citizen (state) of the world. A number of primary sources have been used and have had their responses/input supplemented by relatively reliable secondary sources that gave authenticity to the argument of the research. This study makes a ten year review of the political and economic situation in Zimbabwe, as this is the period whence the political crisis became apparent and restricts its investigation of the causes of the political crisis to this period albeit some of these reasons are connected to the past i.e. the period from 1980 to 1995. Since this is a deductive scholarly account, the study tests the theory of organic crisis as an explanation for state collapse in Africa with particular reference to Zimbabwe. Finally the study reveals that the major causes of the political crisis in Zimbabwe are the colonial legacy which seems to have had its negative on the politics of the country just ten years into democracy; the crisis of governance which led to political and economic decay as the ruling party tried by all means to solicit political support; the Lancaster House agreement and the land question which are related to the question of colonial legacy and among the primary reasons Zimbabwe has reached political impasse; the crisis of elites which this directly links to the political crisis; structural adjustment programmes and corruption and fraud.

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Anyia, Albert Ethasor. "Religion and politics in Nigeria : the role of religious actors in government decision making, 1980-2009." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.590126.

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In this thesis, I examine the role of religion in Nigerian government decision-making from 1980 to 2009, providing a clear and concise account of the ways in which selected Nigerian religious actors, such as the Christian Association of Nigeria and the Nigeria Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs interacted with government policy actors on two key policy issues: membership of the Organisation of Islam Conference (OIC; international policy) and the adoption of Sharia law (domestic policy). Demographically, Nigeria is equally divided between Christians and Muslims and religious belief is widespread and has no clear boundaries within the country's domestic politics and international relations. Religion and politics mix freely. playing significant roles in the individual's political and social relationships at all levels of society. Nigeria claims to have a secular constitution, but religion has become increasingly important in the public sphere and this thesis is primarily concerned with the political influence of religious actors in the Nigerian government decision-making process. Emphasis is put on investigating organizational access by religious interest groups to policy makers and their influence over policy outcome within the political process. If said groups and policymakers share religious allegiance, are these allegiances reflected in policy outcome? i.e .• when and how do specific religious actors seek to influence the political outcomes of government decision-making? The finding of this thesis suggests that religious groups have a significant role in government decision-making, especially in relation to the impact that superior Muslim religious actors have within the policy-making structure in Nigeria on both OIC policy, and on the three arms of government in Muslim-dominated Sharia states. This study argues that such influence probably enhanced and promoted favourable policy outcomes for religious interest groups, especially Muslim groups.

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Ndlovu, Lindani Bornfirst Ziyapapa. "The system of protection and industrial development in Zimbabwe : an analysis of the incentive and efficiency effects of government policies towards the manufacturing sector 1980-1989." Thesis, University of Bradford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.357217.

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Chigudu, Simukai. "'State of emergency' : the politics of Zimbabwe's cholera outbreak, 2008/09." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:59eb2383-2caa-49c6-912c-a8b34506ef02.

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This thesis examines the politics of Zimbabwe's catastrophic cholera outbreak in 2008/09, which caused an unprecedented 98,000 cases and over 4,000 deaths. Epidemiologically, the outbreak can be explained by the breakdown of the country's water and sanitation systems. Such a reading, however, belies the byzantine political, economic and historical processes that precipitated the dysfunction of the water systems, that delineate the socio-spatial pattern of the outbreak and that account for the fragmented and inadequate response of the national health system. The complex causal factors and the far-reaching consequences of the outbreak indicate that cholera is a unique prism through which to view different political phenomena including the dilemmas and contradictions of political change, bureaucratic order, humanitarianism, crisis and citizenship in Zimbabwe. Drawing on extensive field research, I make three inter-locking arguments in this thesis. First, I argue that Zimbabwe's cholera outbreak was a 'man-made' disaster. It was the final stage of both path-dependent and contingent processes rooted in questions of political economy such as the collapse of public health infrastructure, failing livelihood strategies and violent repression. Second, I argue that cholera reproduced and exacerbated a multiplicity of socio-political crises pertaining to the legitimacy of the Zimbabwean state, the nature of structural inequalities in Zimbabwean society and fundamental flaws in the global humanitarian response to epidemics. Third, I look at the myriad meanings, memories and narratives the epidemic has left in its wake across public institutions and in civic life. I argue that cholera has been committed to historical memory as a health crisis, a political-economic crisis, and a social crisis as well as a crisis of expectations, history and social identity.

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Mushohwe, Knowledge. "An analysis of selected cartoons published during Zimbabwe's 2008 elections." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1609.

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During Zimbabwe’s 2008 harmonised elections the country’s media laws had a direct impact on the way editorial cartoonists expressed themselves. Although the online newspapers were unregulated and the print media published under Zimbabwe’s media laws, Public Order and Security Act and Access to Information and Protection of Privacy act - the editorial cartoons from both sources show deliberate bias towards one candidate and contempt towards the main rival. The study contextualises the understanding of the editorial cartoon, as practised in an environment of freedom of speech and defined by the four categories identified by Press (1981) and Manning and Phiddian (2004), and delineates the effect of media laws on the newspaper industry in Zimbabwe. The four categories of editorial cartoons identified are descriptive editorial cartoons, laughing satirical editorial cartoons, destructive satirical editorial cartoons, and savage indignation editorial cartoons. The study reviews eight editorial cartoons, read using a semiotic framework investigating non-verbal communication, as defined and suggested by Du Plooy (1996), and a text and language grid, as suggested by Leech (1974), according to the criteria of symbols/metaphors, exaggeration/distortion, stereotypes, caricature, irony, captions, and background knowledge, as developed by Fetsko (2001). A comparative analysis of the cartoons reveals that objectives and functions of the unregulated zimonline.co.za and the regulated the Herald newspapers are the same. They constitute propagandistic representations of Zimbabwean politics that are more an extension of political ideology than they are a reflection of the country’s sociopolitical landscape.

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Ndawana, Duduzile. "The role of the judiciary in protecting the right to freedom of expression in difficult political environments: a case study of Zimbabwe." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/99.

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The right to freedom of expression is with no doubt one of the most important rights in all democratic societies. The southern African sub-region is however lacking when it comes to the protection of this right. There are either highly repressive laws which result in the right being practiced but to a limited extent. In other cases the media is owned by the elite in society which results in the majority not being represented in the independent media and at the same time, the public media is often abused by the governing elite. The scene is therefore that both the public media and private media are representative of the elite. The research seeks to explore the protection of human rights, particularly the right to freedom of expression in politically volatile environments. The research focuses on Zimbabwe but comparative analysis has also been drawn with other jurisdictions moreso South Africa. It is important to note that Zimbabwe has ratified both the International Covenant on Civil Political Rights and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ rights both of which protect the right to freedom of expression. It is however not enough that states ratify international and regional instruments without domesticating the instruments at the national level. The domestication of the international and regional instruments is meant to ensure that individuals enjoy these rights. Freedom of expression is highly volatile in Zimbabwe. The legislature has been accused of taking away the right which has been granted to citizens by the Constitution through its highly repressive laws. The Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA), the Public Order and Security Act (POSA), and the Official Secrets Act are some of the laws which have been put under spotlight in Zimbabwe. There is therefore a conflict between the legislature, the press and individuals in Zimbabwe. In Zimbabwe like many democratic states, there is separation of powers between the legislature, the executive, and the judiciary. The legislature is the decision making structure that enacts policies in their capacity as representatives of the people; the judiciary is the mediating body that adjudicates decisions between the organs of state as well as between those organs and individuals and the executive enforces decisions. The findings of the research are that despite the ratification of international and regional instruments dealing with the right to freedom of expression and the protection of the right to freedom of expression in the constitution, there still exist repressive laws in Zimbabwe which to a great extent limit the right to freedom of expression. These laws in light of the prevailing environment in Zimbabwe are often used to deprive citizens and journalists of information and their right to freedom of expression. The judiciary finds itself in a difficult position as the executive does not comply with its rulings. The independence of the judiciary, in light of the environment is also compromised by the threats to the judges, the appointment process and ‘gifts’ given to the judges for example, farms. The research analyses the history and theories of freedom of freedom of expression in Zimbabwe, the laws regulating the right and the case law dealing with this right. Finally there is a comparison between Zimbabwe and South Africa and conclusions and recommendations are made based on the discussion in the dissertation. Among the recommendations is that civil society should be involved in educating individuals especially journalists about the right to freedom of expression. Further, the judiciary should also take a more proactive approach in the protection of the right.

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Njoloma, Eugenio. "A study of intra-African relations an analysis of the factors informing the foreign policy of Malawi towards Zimbabwe." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003028.

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There has been only limited scholarly analysis of Malawi’s foreign policy since its independence in 1964 with key texts focusing primarily on the early years of the new state. Perhaps due to its relatively small stature – economically, politically and militarily – in the region, very little attention has been paid to the factors informing Malawi’s apparently uncritical foreign policy response to the Zimbabwe crisis since it began in the late 1990s. This thesis addresses this deficit by locating its understanding of Malawi’s contemporary foreign policy towards Zimbabwe in the broader historical and contemporary context of bilateral relations between the two states and the multilateral forum of SADCC and SADC. It is argued that the Malawi’s long-standing quest for socio-economic development has forced it to manoeuvre a pragmatic but sometimes contentious foreign policy path. This was also evident until the end of the Cold War and the concomitant demise of apartheid in South Africa in the early 1990s. Malawi forged deliberate diplomatic and economic relations with the region’s white-ruled Zimbabwe (then Southern Rhodesia) and South Africa in pursuit of its national economic interests while the majority of southern African states collectively sought the liberation of the region by facilitating the independence of Zimbabwe and countering South Africa’s apartheid and regional destabilization policies. In the contemporary era, there has been a convergence of foreign policy ambitions in the region and Malawi now coordinates its regional foreign policy within the framework of SADC, which itself prioritizes the attainment of socio-economic development. However, to understand Malawi’s response to the Zimbabwe crisis only in the context of SADC’s “quiet diplomacy” mediation efforts obscures important historically rooted socioeconomic and political factors that have informed relations between Malawi and Zimbabwe and which cannot, it is argued, be ignored if a holistic understanding of Malawi’s position is to be sought. This study argues that the nature of historical ties between Malawi and Zimbabwe and the role of Malawi’s leaders in driving its long-standing quest for socioeconomic development have not only informed its overall foreign policy behaviour in the region but underpin its contemporary relations with Zimbabwe.

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Turam, Berna. "Between Islam and the state : politics of engagement : the engagements between Gulen Community and the secular Turkish state." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=37911.

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The key to understanding Islam and civil society is the state. However, this key issue has been decentered due to the prevailing focus in the literature, that is the compatibility/incompatibility between Islam and civil society. The findings of this thesis reveal emergent Islamic sensibilities and capacities that lead to transitions in state-Islam interaction. These findings call for a rethinking of the theories on civil society and Islam.
The study is based on an extended empirical research project undertaken in Turkey and Kazakhstan between 1997--1999. It focuses on the leading Islamic community-movement in Turkey, Gulen Community, which is not only national(ist) but also internationally organized in numerous countries. Gulen Community aims to reconcile Islamic ways of lives and faith with the secular institutional milieu. Gulen accomplishes its goal mainly (yet not only) through education, i.e., its numerous high schools and universities in Turkey and all around the world.
The main finding of my research contrasts with the juxtaposition of Islam and the state in the literature: Gulen creates the alternative pathways of engagements with the state. The engagements range from domestic symbolic politics and negotiations to international alliances. The thesis examines the engagements in three distinct spheres, i.e., the national education, international undertakings and the gender order. As ethnographic research in Istanbul and Almati revealed, the domestically uneasy interactions between Gulen and the state take the form of overt alliances at the international level. I argue that Gulen's strong identification with the 'nation as the state' facilitates its engagements with the is Republic. Moreover, Gulen's inheritance of the gender strategies of the founding fathers of the nation contributes further to the congruence between Gulen and the state.
My argument is that the engagements can largely be explained by the elective affinities between Islam and the nation-state, which are analyzed at three levels: identity, state and the international world order. The thesis reveals that further research has to be done on the following question: Is the Turkish state in the process of creating a nationalist, non-threatening and pro-state Islam?

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Kenrick, David William. "Pioneers and progress : white Rhodesian nation-building, c.1964-1979." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a9e3ff0d-dfca-4e19-8adc-788c3e7faf9f.

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The thesis explores the white Rhodesian nationalist project led by the Rhodesian Front (RF) government in the UDI-period of 1965 to 1979. It seeks to examine the character and content of RF nation-building, arguing that it is important to consider the context of wider global and regional trends of nationalism at the time. Thus, it places the white Rhodesia within wider 'British World' studies of settler societies within the British Empire, but also compares it to other African nationalist movements in the 1960s and 1970s. It studies white Rhodesian nationalism on its own terms as a sincere, albeit unrealistic, alternative to majority-rule independence, and considers how the RF adapted over the period in its continuing attempts to justify minority-rule in an era of global decolonisation. Two thematic sections examine the RF's nation-building project in systematic detail. The first section, on symbolism, considers Rhodesia's processes of 'symbolic decolonisation'. This involved white Rhodesians creating new national symbols not associated with Britain or the British Empire. Processes by which new national symbols were chosen are used as a lens to explore white Rhodesian debates about their 'new' nation after the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) was taken in 1965. They reveal the ambiguities and complexities at the heart of the RF's nation-building project; a project that was frequently exclusionary and hotly contested at every opportunity. The second section explores how history was used to help create and defend the nation, adding to studies of the use of history in nationalist projects. It considers a range of non-professional sites of history-making, demonstrating the complicated relationships between these different sites and the state's wider nationalist agenda. It also explores how history was invoked to justify and defend minority-rule independence both before and after UDI.

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Longino, Elizabeth. "People power in struggling cities : pressure groups in Liverpool and Baltimore, 1980-1991." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ed16425c-212f-4e4a-b396-2ceaab825fca.

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Liverpool and Baltimore in the 1980s were amongst the poorest cities in the United Kingdom and the United States, respectively. Since the 1960s, the ports on which they had built their economies and their reputations had all but collapsed and thousands of manufacturing jobs had been relocated or slashed. Property-led regeneration did more for the investors behind projects and the tourists who enjoyed them than for the cities' working classes. In such cities, battered by forces largely beyond their control, what could people disadvantaged by race and/or economic status do to compete for the resources necessary to improve their living conditions and wield power on a citywide level? This thesis explores the capacity of poor and middle-income people's pressure groups to successfully accomplish their goals in Liverpool and Baltimore during the 1980s. To do so, it examines three case study groups in Liverpool, the Merseyside Community Relations Council, the Eldonian Community Association, and the Anti-Cuts Campaign; and one in Baltimore, Baltimoreans United in Leadership Development. It follows their trajectories under unusually authoritarian local political regimes, the Militant Tendency-directed Labour city council in Liverpool and the Schaefer mayoral administration in Baltimore, through local elections in 1987, and finally under the more open local political regimes following those elections. Their success depended on three sets of factors. First, strong leadership and an animating cause were necessary conditions for groups to cohere, but were not sufficient to ensure their success. That further depended on a group's goals and the distribution of resources necessary to accomplish those goals, which in turn shaped the strategies each group chose to pursue its agenda. Third and finally, the effectiveness of those strategies depended on the group's ability to access and influence the resource-holders identified and, finally, on the scope for action of those resource-holders themselves.

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Seibert, Anita 1969. "From Matka Polka to new Polish woman : women and restructuring in Poland." Monash University, School of Geography and Environmental Science, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/7642.

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Aydinli, Ersel. "Political globalization versus anarchy : an operationalization of the transformationalist approach through the Turkish case." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=82825.

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This study asks how national power capacity and state structures are reconfigured when faced simultaneously with the power diffusion impact of political globalization---defined as a consensus of ideas and subsequent pressure on states for further democratization and liberalization---and the power maximization demands of internal and external security dilemmas. Hypothesizing a resulting bifurcation of such state structures, this study identifies and explores the transformation dynamics of states being pressured by these two forces through an in-depth analysis of the Turkish case. First, the roots of the two pressures are explored from the late Ottoman and early Republican eras, and a pendulum period is observed, in which the incompatibility of the two drives becomes accepted. As the inevitability of the transformation from more authoritarian to more liberal regimes is realized, a resulting gradual development and institutionalization of a dual state structure into hard and soft agendas and, eventually, realms is shown. Within such a structure, a compromised governance system emerges, in which both a form of democracy and democratization is maintained for legitimacy purposes, and a strong power-holding mechanism, unaccountable to the public, is preserved as an ultimate guard to maintain control over the transformation process. An analysis of changes in the Turkish constitutions is used to reveal traceable reflections of the gradual expansion and consolidation of the hard realm. The actual workings of a dual state structure, revealing the realms' actors, their domestic and external allies, their positions, arguments and rhetoric, is provided by focusing on the clash in the Turkish case over the issue of minority rights in relation with the country's application process for European Union membership. The study identifies the new security dilemma of these countries as being the challenge of securing the inevitable transformation, including the

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Blatt, David. "The resurgence of the extreme-right in France : political protest and the party system in the 1980's." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61980.

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Savelli, Mat. "Confronting the problems of the individual and society : psychiatry and mental illness in Communist Yugoslavia (1945-1991)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669947.

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Bennett, Andrew Peter Wallace. "20th century Bannockburn : Scottish nationalism and the challenge posed to British identity, 1970-1980." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ29481.pdf.

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Tsampiras, Carla Zelda. "Politics, polemics and practice: a history of narratives about, and responses to, AIDS in South Africa, 1980-1995." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001653.

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The ongoing urgency of addressing AIDS in South Africa has kept academics and activists focussed primarily on the immediate crises of AIDS ‘in the present’. This thesis, covering the period 1980 – 1995, examines narratives about, and responses to, AIDS ‘in the past’ and explores the interplay between these narratives and elites in medical and political communities trying to address AIDS during a period of political transition. The thesis begins by examining the hegemonic medico-scientific narratives about AIDS that featured in the South African Medical Journal, an important site of enquiry as AIDS was primarily conceived of as a ‘medical issue’. The SAMJ narratives, which often relied on constructed ‘AIDS avatars’, framed understandings of the syndrome and influenced responses to it by medical and political communities. The first community that the thesis explores is the African National Congress (ANC) in exile, which had to address AIDS in exile communities and prepare health strategies for ‘the new South Africa’. Secondly, the thesis analyses government responses to AIDS and argues that four phases of response can be identified. These phases were characterised by minimum concerns about obtaining information and providing health advice; efforts to gather infection data while exploiting political and public fear; attempts to extend health education and (belatedly) encourage broader engagement; and finally, consultative, democratic ideals. The thesis then examines the National Medical and Dental Association (NAMDA) a progressive medical organisation that worked with the ANC on influential health (and AIDS) strategies. NAMDA members ‘crossed over’ between various medical and political communities and both reinforced and challenged hegemonic AIDS narratives. Finally, the thesis moves from the abstract, via the practical, to the personal and concludes with a detailed account of the experiences of two sexuality activists at the intersections of these communities and narratives. By focussing on these medical and political communities, and analysing the relationships between these communities, the existing AIDS narratives, and individuals, the thesis also reveals the constructions of morality, ‘race’, gender, and sexuality that infused them. In doing this it shows how polemic and politics combined to influence practical responses to, and personal experiences of, AIDS.

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Masuku, Elisa. "School principals' experiences of the decentralisation policy in Zimbabwe." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1490.

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Thesis (PhD (Education Policy Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The decentralisation of power in education is part of a global process that has become part of the education reform policies of most countries. Decentralisation, which is typified by the redistribution of power to local levels, is claimed to serve a variety of ends from democratization to efficiency, empowerment of stakeholders to improved quality of education. It is, however, a complex process that is difficult to capture as power is seen to manifest in multiple ways. During the nineties Zimbabwe, against the background of a massive increase in enrolments, for a variety of reasons including the improvement of the quality of education, embarked on the re-distribution of administrative and financial power in the Ministry of Education, Sport and Culture. The implementation of this policy revealed major discrepancies between the intentions of government and the way it translated in educational sites. The aim of this study is to explore how the intentions of decentralisation in education as a policy aimed that the improvement of the quality of education is experienced by school principals. An interpretative methodology with in depth interviews, focus groups, some observations and document analysis were employed to engage in the debates about decentralisation. Although this was a small study the findings concurred with studies of decentralisation in other countries where it was found that the re-distribution of power in education manifests differently in different contexts in the same country. In countries such as Zimbabwe where resource limitations and restructuring concomitantly took place the experience of principals revealed that conditions arose that could not be seen to be conducive to the improvement of the quality of education such as the ambiguity of the meaning of who is responsible for what, the power struggles as government was seen to recentralise crucial roles, increased workloads of principals due to the devolving of administrative and supervisory functions to school level, loss of teachers and other specialist functionaries conducive to a drop in standards and the challenge to parents who had to contribute increasingly to enable schooling of their children. These findings are indicative of the claims from studies in other countries that decentralisation as a policy for whatever reason is seldom more than political rhetoric to decentralise conflict. Exploring the intersection between the literature on decentralisation and parental involvement of education, however, revealed the opening up of other spaces that enabled local power relations to develop in creative ways as parents got increasingly involved in schools. Apart from the challenges related to the redistribution of power as authority delegated, devolved or deconcentrated from government, this study revealed that power manifests in relations and interactions not necessarily ascribed to the intentions of policy, neither as a substance or function only.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die desentralisering van mag in die onderwys maak deel uit van ŉ wêreldwye proses van onderwyshervorming. Desentralisasie, wat deur die herverspreiding van mag na plaaslike vlakke gekenmerk word, is veronderstel om aan ŉ verskeidenheid doele te beantwoord – van demokratisering tot die verhoging van doeltreffendheid, die bemagtiging van belanghebbendes, en die verbetering van onderwysgehalte. Desentralisasie is egter ‘n komplekse proses waaraan moeilik uitvoering gegee kan word, aangesien mag in verskeie gedaantes voorkom. In die negentigerjare het Zimbabwe, teen die agtergrond van ŉ drastiese toename in inskrywings, die herverspreiding van administratiewe en finansiële mag in die Ministerie van Onderwys, Sport en Kultuur onderneem. Dié stap is aan verskillende redes toegeskryf, waaronder die verbetering van onderwysgehalte. Die toepassing van die beleid het egter groot teenstrydighede aan die lig gebring tussen die regering se voornemens, en hoe dié voornemens uiteindelik prakties in onderwysinstellings ten uitvoer gebring is. Die doel van hierdie studie is om skoolhoofde se ervaring van onderwysdesentralisasie as beleid te ondersoek. Die studie is vanuit ‘n interpreterende benadering gedoen met diepte-onderhoude, fokusgroepe, ŉ paar waarnemings sowel as dokumentontleding. Ongeag die beperkte omvang van die studie, stem die bevindinge ooreen met dié van navorsing oor desentralisasie in ander lande, waar bevind is dat herverspreiding van mag in dieselfde land in verskillende kontekste verskillend realiseer. In lande soos Zimbabwe, waar herstrukturering te midde van hulpbronbeperkinge plaasgevind het, het skoolhoofde bepaalde omstandighede ervaar wat nié die verbetering van onderwysgehalte sou kon bevorder het nie. Dít sluit in onsekerheid oor die onderskeie partye se verantwoordelikhede; die magstryd toe die regering kernrolle sentraal beheer; swaarder werklaste vir skoolhoofde nadat administratiewe en toesigfunksies na skoolvlak afgewentel is; ŉ verlies aan onderwysers en ander spesialisamptenare, wat op sy beurt standaarde laat daal het, en ouers se groter verantwoordelikheid om al hoe meer by te dra ten einde hulle kinders se opvoeding te verseker. Hierdie bevindinge strook ook met dié van studies in ander lande, naamlik dat desentralisering as ŉ beleid om watter rede ook al selde meer is as politieke retoriek ten einde konflik te desentraliseer. Nadere ondersoek van die verband tussen navorsing oor desentralisasie, en dié oor ouerbetrokkenheid by onderwys het egter daarop gedui dat desentralisering wel nuwe moontlikhede kan ontsluit vir die skeppende ontwikkeling van plaaslike magsverhoudinge namate ouers al hoe meer by skole betrokke raak. Buiten die uitdagings met betrekking tot die herverspreiding van mag namate regeringsgesag gedelegeer, afgewentel of gedekonsentreer word, dui dié studie daarop dat mag soms ook in verhoudinge en wisselwerkings geopenbaar word wat nie noodwendig met die voornemens van die beleid verband hou nie, en dit mag voorts nie as net substansie of net funksie tot uiting kom nie.

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Harrison, Isabel D. "State and labour in the U.S. : the Carter administration and the AFL-CIO, 1976-1980 : political strategy and the National Accord." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:61edc432-a93d-4892-9c4b-a1c90591fb8c.

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The Accord was a political exchange whereby the labour leadership participated in the wage restraint programme in return for consultative rights and specific quid pro quo policies, including countercyclical measures to offset fiscal austerity. The President subsequently sustained a policy of fiscal and monetary restraint despite the approaching election and the increasing protests of organized labour. However, in the face of strong opposition from some of Carter's senior economists, the labour leaders secured significant modifications to the second year of the pay standard. The 1980 presidential election renewed incentives for continuing cooperation when economic policy otherwise jeopardized relations.

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Matsilele, Trust. "The political role of the diaspora media in the mediation of the Zimbabwean crisis : a case study of The Zimbabwean - 2008 to 2010." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85723.

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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: After a decade long multi-faceted political crisis, political parties in Zimbabwe signed the Global Political Agreement (GPA) of 2008 following the Southern African Development Community’s (SADC) mediated talks culminating in the formation of an inclusive government. This study sought to investigate the political role, if any, played by the diasporic media in mediating the Zimbabwean crisis. This research focused on diasporic media using as a case study The Zimbabwean newspaper considering that during the research period it was circulating both in the country and diaspora communities in Western Europe, the USA and SADC countries. Diasporic media in Zimbabwe is a phenomenon associated with the rise of robust political opposition to the former ruling ZANU PF regime. Accordingly, such media operated outside the purview of the contemporary legislative and legal regime although the newspaper circulated in Zimbabwe. A number of anti establishment news media sprouted to challenge and offer resistance in the cyberspace and on shortwave and in print media. The Social Responsibility Theory was employed with the aim of establishing whether or not The Zimbabwean observed the journalistic ethics of reporting with truthfulness, accuracy, balance and objectivity. The Social Responsibility Theory’s thrust is on de-sensationalising reportage, promotion of media ethics and self regulation. This study employed both qualitative and quantitative research methods. The research established that The Zimbabwean newspaper played, to a larger extent, an active role in challenging the ZANU PF-led government and gave a platform to the oppositional Movement for Democratic Change. The conclusion arrived at in this study was that just like the state media, which promoted the government’s propaganda, The Zimbabwean did the same for the opposition parties in Zimbabwe.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Politieke partye in Zimbabwe het ná ’n lang politieke krisis met vele fasette die Global Political Agreement (GPA) van 2008 geteken. Dit het gevolg op die Suid-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG) se mediëring wat gelei het tot die vorm van ’n inklusiewe regering. Hierdie studie het probeer om die politieke rol, indien enigsins, van die diaspora-media in die mediëring van die Zimbabwiese krisis te ondersoek. Die navorsing het op diaspora-media gefokus deur ’n gevallestudie van die koerant The Zimbabwean te doen. Dié blad is gedurende die navorsingstyd in die land sowel as onder die Zimbabwiese diaspora in Europa, die VSA en SAOG-lande versprei. Diaspora-media in Zimbabwe is ’n fenomeen wat geassosieer word met die opkoms van ’n robuuste politieke opposisie teen die ZANU (PF)-regime. Dié media opereer dus buite die grense van die juridiese en wetgewende gesag van die land. ’n Verskeidenheid antiestablishment media het in die kuberruim, kortgolfradio en drukmedia ontwikkel wat beide uitgedaag en weerstand gebied het. Die Sosiale Verantwoordelikheidsteorie is gebruik om vas te stel of The Zimbabwean joernalistieke etiek nagekom het deur waarheidsgetrou en akkuraat, sowel as met balans en objektiwiteit, te rapporteer. Die teorie fokus om reportage te desensasionaliseer en om media-etiek en selfregulering te bevorder. Die studie het kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe navorsingsmetodes gebruik. Die navorsing het vasgestel dat The Zimbabwean tot ’n groot mate ’n aktiewe rol gespeel het om die ZANU (PF)-regering uit te daag en ’n platform te bied aan die Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)-groepering. Die slotsom is dat, net soos die staatsmedia regering-propaganda bevorder het, The Zimbabwean dit vir die opposisiepartye in Zimbabwe gedoen het.

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Jacobs, Chantal, and Chantal Rowena Jacobs. "Attitudes towards Gender Equality and the Representation of Women in Parliament: A comparative study of South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4053.

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Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Although gender equality is evident in many spheres in African countries, the entry of women into political institutions has often been described as slow and unequal. In sub-Saharan African countries this trend is particularly associated with social, cultural and historical barriers within political spheres that hinder gender equality in political leadership and an equal representation of women in parliament. The issues of gender equality and the representation of women in parliament have long been hotly contested debates on the continent and in sub-Saharan African countries more specifically, largely as a result of different cultural heritages and countries‟ being poised at varying phases within the democratic consolidation process. It is necessary to evaluate attitudes towards gender equality in order to determine whether a populace embraces the principles of gender equality. Of equal significance is the evaluation of the percentage of women represented in parliament as an important indicator of whether gender equality is perceived by the populace to be an important principle in practice. In order to gauge the levels of gender equality and the representation of women in parliament in sub-Saharan Africa, this study evaluates attitudes towards gender equality and a number of its dimensions, namely women in leadership positions, equal education and the economic independence of women; it also investigates the representation of women in parliament by examining the actual numbers of women representatives in parliament in South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe. This in an attempt to determine whether there is a link – either directly or indirectly – between attitudes towards gender equality and the number of women represented in parliament. For comparative purposes the attitudinal patterns and trends towards gender equality, as measured in the World Values Survey 2001, are evaluated amongst respondents in South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe. This study also identifies four independent variables, namely gender, level of education, residential status (urban vs. rural) and age in an attempt to explain some of the differences in attitudes towards gender equality between the three samples. iii The main findings include, amongst others, that: the South African sample has by and large the most positive attitudes towards gender equality in comparison to its Ugandan and Zimbabwean counterparts; and that a higher percentage of women are represented in the South African parliament in contrast to Uganda and Zimbabwe. The independent variables prove to be fairly good predictors of the varying attitudes towards gender equality across the three samples. This study concludes that in sub-Saharan Africa positive attitudes towards gender equality can indeed be linked to a higher percentage of women represented in parliament; however, the inverse – that negative attitudes towards gender equality can be linked to low percentages of women represented in parliament – is not substantiated.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Alhoewel geslagsgelykheid sigbaar is in baie sfere in Afrika lande word die toegang van vroue tot politieke instellings dikwels beskryf as stadig en ongelyk. In sub–Sahara Afrika-lande word hierdie neiging in besonder geassosieer met sosiale, kulturele en historiese hindernisse binne politieke instellings wat geslagsgelykheid in politieke leierskap en gelyke verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement belemmer. Die kwessie rondom geslagsgelykheid en die verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement is ŉ sterk debat op die Afrika kontinent en meer spesifiek in sub-Sahara Afrika-lande, hoofsaaklik as gevolg van verskillende kulturele tradisies en verskille in die fases van demokratisering. Dit is nodig om die houdings ten opsigte van geslagsgelykheid te evalueer om te bepaal of ŉ bevolking die beginsels van geslagsgelykheid aanvaar. Hiermee saam is die evaluering van die persentasie van vroue verteenwoordiging in die parlement ŉ belangrik aanwyser van die feit dat geslagsgelykheid deur die bevolking as ŉ belangrike beginsel beskou word. Ten einde die vlakke van geslagsgelykheid en die verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlemente in sub-Sahara Afrika te meet, bespreek hierdie studie die houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid en ŉ aantal van sy dimensies, naamlik vroue in leierskap posisies, gelyke opvoeding en die ekonomiese onafhanklikheid van vroue. Dit bestudeer ook die vroue verteenwoordiging in die parlemente in Suid-Afrika, Uganda en Zimbabwe. Hierdie studie poog verder om te bepaal of daar ŉ verbintenis - direk of indirek - bestaan tussen die houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid en die aantal vroue verteenwoordigers in die parlemente van die lande onder bespreking. Die studie se doel is om vas te stel of positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ŉ hoër persentasie van vroulike verteenwoordigers in die parlement. Vir vergelykende doeleindes, is die houdingspatrone en neigings teenoor geslagsgelykheid, soos gemeet in die die Wêreld Waardes Opname, ondersoek tussen die respondente in Suid-Afrika, Uganda en Zimbabwe. Die studie identifiseer ook vier onafhanklike veranderlikes, naamlik geslag, opvoedingvlak, woongebied (stedelik vs plattelands) asook ouderdom, in ŉ poging om sommige van die verskille in houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid tussen die drie lande te verduidelik. v Die vernaamste bevindings sluit onder meer in dat: Suid-Afrika by verre die sterkste positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid het in vergelyking met Uganda en Zimbabwe; en, dat daar ŉ hoër persentasie van vroue verteenwoordiging in die Suid-Afrikaanse parlement is, in vergelyking met Uganda en Zimbabwe. Die onafhanlike veranderlikes blyk redelike goeie voorspellers te wees van die verskille in houdings teenoor geslagsykheid regoor die drie lande. Die studie kom tot gevolgtrekking dat binne hierdie drie lande, positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ŉ hoër persentasie van verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement, maar dat die teenoorgestelde - dat negatiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ŉ laer persentasie van verteenwoordiging van vroue in parlement – nie ondersteuning in die data kry nie.

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Mosia, Serame R. "Post apartheid politics and issues of race : the views and position of political parties in South Africa on the crisis in Zimbabwe." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53554.

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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Race has been used as an instrument of domination and separation of the South African population for a long time. The dawn of the democratic dispensation in 1994marked a shift from the policy of racial separation to the creation of the non-racial democratic South Africa. However, political parties in this country have constantly re-politicised race in the post apartheid era mainly for political gain. The purpose of this study will be to describe, explain and analyse how political parties in South Africa use the crisis in Zimbabwe to racialise politics in this country. The study will show that the dilemma facing political parties in South Africa is that they cannot avoid focusing on racial issues. The focus is on four main political parties, the ANC, the PAC, the NNP and the DA. The study specifically looked at the following issues in Zimbabwe: the Land crisis, the 2003 March presidential elections and the economic crisis to see how they have influenced political discourse in South Africa. As anticipated, predominantly black parties have shown some empathy with Robert Mugabe's government, while predominantly white parties have called for a more confrontational measure against Mugabe's government. Nonetheless, this study found no conclusive evidence to suggest that the crisis in Zimbabwe has fuelled race conflict in this country. But that race is politicised by parties in South Africa for political gain.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In Apartheld-Suid-Afrika was rasse verskille gebruik as 'n instrument van onderdrukking en skeiding van die bevolking. Met die totstandkoming van demokrasie in 1994 het 'n verskuiwing van 'n rasse-beleid na 'n nie-rassige, demokratiese Suid-Afrika gelei. Politieke partye politiseer egter steeds ras in post-Apartheid Suid-Afrika vir politieke gewin. Die doel van hierdie studie is om te beskryf, verduidelik en te analiseer hoe politieke partye die krisis in Zimbabwe gebruik om politiek in Suid-Afrika steeds gebonde ras te hou. Hierdie studis al aandui dat politieke partye in Suid-Afrika nie die fokus van ras identiteite kan vermy nie. 'n Moontlike rede hiervoor is dat politieke partye in Suid-Afrika 'nsolidariteit met hul kiesers wil behou. Die studie fokus op vier van die mees prominente politieke partye in Suid-Afrika naamlik: ANC, PAC, NNP en die DA. Om elke party se stand-punt op hierdie onderwerp te verstaan, gaan die studie fokus op die volgende punte in Zimbabwe: grondhervorming, die 2003Presidensiële verkiesing en die impak wat die ekonomiese krisis in Zimbabwe op die politieke gebied gehad het. Soos verwag, het partye met histories oorheersende swart oortuigings empatie met Robert Mugabe se regering betoon. Mugabe word gesien as 'n slagoffer van onsimpatieke wit settelaars wat vasklou aan hul eertydse voorregte. Terwyloorwegende wit partye vra vir strenger optrede teenoor die regering van Robert Mugabe. Nie te min, het hierdie studie geen uitsluitende bewyse gevind wat aandui dat die krisis in Zimbabwe konflik rasse in Suid- Afrika aangespoor het nie. Dit is egter belangrik om in ag te neem dat die politisering van ras grootliks deur partye gebruik word om ondersteuning te werf.

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Aknur, Müge. "Civil-military relations in Turkey : analysis of civilian leaders." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=85113.

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This dissertation seeks to contribute to our understanding of the role played by civilian leaders in the consolidation of democracy examining changes in levels of military influence over politics. This study departs from typical military-centric civil-military relations literature by employing a civilian-centric analysis. In particular, it shows how the former's focus on changing levels of internal threat cannot account for variations in the levels of civilian control over the military. The study instead adopts a framework that focuses on the incentive structure of civilian leaders as determined by competitive elections; the political capacity of leaders as reflected in their parliamentary majority, political experience and the effectiveness of their economic policies; and institutional rules, such as the system of government and organization of the parties. The thesis argues that, depending on their incentive structure and political capacity, the civilian leaders will either challenge a politically powerful military or ally with that military by adopting its preference structures. The relevance of this model for understanding civil-military relations in the aftermath of a transition to democracy is explored in the Turkish case by examining the shift from low to high levels of military influence between late 1980s and mid-1990s. The thesis identifies this shift by looking at the incentive structure and the political capacity of two civilian leaders: Prime Minister/President Turgut Ozal and Prime Minister Tansu Ciller.

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Paker, Hande. "Social aftershocks : rent seeking, state failure, and state-civil society relations in Turkey." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=85026.

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This research emerged from the belief that merely economic explanations of rent seeking were too narrow and an interdisciplinary approach was needed to understand historical structural factors that contribute to particularistic exchanges. Rent-seeking and particularistic ties are almost always explained from a strictly neoclassical perspective which tend to be reductionist approaches that fail to explain why some states will be rent-seeking while others will not. Moreover, other frameworks that analyze state-civil society interaction do so without taking into account particularistic state-civil society interaction. Thus, there is a need to explain such particularistic ties in a comparative institutional framework. My dissertation research was undertaken on two associations in Turkey, namely the Turkish Red Crescent (Kizilay) and AKUT (a search and rescue team), in order to understand the dynamics of the relationship between a particularistic state and civil society associations. The TRC was chosen because it was involved in particularistic exchanges and functioned as an institution of the state, which meant that it partook in the state failure the state in Turkey faced in the aftermath of a devastating earthquake in 1999. The Marmara earthquake was devastating not only physically in terms of the damage it caused, but also socially in terms of the extent of the failure of state institutions it exposed and the extent of criticisms it unleashed. The immediate chaos that ensued in the aftermath of the earthquake was marked by the "absence of the state". The failure of the state provoked an unprecedented civil reaction and mobilization. AKUT, the second case of the research, also became the focus of public attention, albeit for completely the opposite reason. It was revered for the successful rescue work it carried out in the earthquake while the TRC was severely criticized for its failure to deliver services.
My dissertation research has shown that in cases of state failure, the state can only establish particularistic ties creating a multilevel chain system of particularized exchanges and fails to deliver public goods and services universally. Thus, the state co-opts a civil society organization into this chain system, demonstrated both by the TRC and AKUT. Furthermore, in cases of state failure, a civil society organization that has developed independently of the state becomes over-missionized with filling the gap created by state failure (AKUT), with public expectations and demands from AKUT far exceeding their self-defined goals and capabilities. Thus, ineffectiveness of the state does not translate into well-working civil society organizations. The absence of a capable state affects the nature of civil society organizations adversely. This finding is a direct contribution to the more general debate on the effectiveness of state institutions and the voluntary sector. More importantly, my research effectively shows that much of the dichotomous discussion of the state on the one hand, and civil society on the other, needs to be discarded. Such dichotomous thinking does not capture the complex interactions between the state and civil society organizations, as I have shown in the case of Turkey.

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Corvetto, Piero. "Non-party governments: The recruitment of personnel in the relationship between the government and the governing party in Peru (1980-2011)." Revista de Ciencia Política y Gobierno, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/48646.

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The paper studies the relationship between governments and political parties in Peru from 1980 to 2011 Specifically, it aims to analyze the partisanship of government: the participation at government of the political organization with the one the president won the elections First, it orders the Peruvian governments around four types of partisanship: (i) the governing party, (ii) the government without a party (or government of the Messiah), and the coalition government in any of its two versions; that is (iii) the government of hegemonic coalition and (iv) the pluralist coalition government Second, it aims to explain the two types of partisanship found in this country: on one hand, hegemonic coalition governments such as Fernando Belaunde (19801985) and Alan Garcia (1985-1990), and on the other hand, the non-party governments like those of Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000), Alejandro Toledo (2001-2006) and Alan Garcia (20062011) To do this, it discards explanations focused on the type of political regime and those who focus solely on party institutionalization or only on personalism In contrast, it suggests that the combination of the last two factors explains the type of partisanship found in each case
El artículo estudia la relación entre los gobiernos y los partidos de gobierno en el Perú entre 1980 y 2011 Específicamente, se propone analizar el partidismo del gobierno: la participación en el gobierno de la organización política con la que el presidente ganó las elecciones En primer lugar, ordena los gobiernos peruanos alrededor de cuatro tipos de partidismo: (i) el gobierno de partido, (ii) el gobierno sin partido (o «gobierno del mesías»), y el gobierno de coalición en cualquiera de sus dos versiones; es decir, (iii) el gobierno de coalición hegemónica y (iv) el gobierno de coalición pluralista En segundo lugar, se propone explicar los dos tipos de par- tidismo encontrados en el país: por un lado, los gobiernos de coalición hegemónica como los de Fernando Belaúnde (1980-1985) y Alan García (1985-1990) y, por otro lado, los gobiernos sin partido como los de Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000), Alejandro Toledo (2001-2006) y Alan García (2006-2011) Para ello, descarta explicaciones enfocadas en el tipo de régimen político y aquellas que se centran únicamente en la institucionalización partidaria o únicamente en el personalismo Por el contrario, propone que la combinación de los últimos dos factores explica el tipo de partidismo encontrado en cada caso
O artigo estuda a relação entre os governos e os partidos de governo no Peru entre 1980 e 2011Especificamente, este artigo propõe analisar o partidismo do governo: a participação no governo da organização política com ao que presidente ganhou as eleições No primeiro lugar, ordena os governos peruanos ao redor de quatro tipos de partidismo: (i) o governo do partido, (ii) o governo sem partido («governo do messias»), e o governo de coligação em suas dois versões; que podem ser (iii) o governo de coligação hegemônica e (iv) o governo de coligação pluralista No segundo lugar, este artigo propõe explicar os dois tipos de partidismo encontrados no país: os governos de coligação hegemônica como o governo Fernando Belaúnde (1980-1985) e o governo do Alan Garcia (1985-1990) e, por outro lado, os governos sem partido como o governo de Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000), o governo do Alejandro Toledo (2001-2006) e Alan García (2006-2011) Para isso, descarta as explicações centralizadas no tipo de regime político e aqueles que só centralizam na institucionalização partidária ou só no personalismo Pelo contrario, este artigo propõe que a mistura dos últimos dois fatores explicam o tipo de partidismo encontrado em cada caso

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Zimbabwe – Politics and government – 1980-'

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