To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Zimbabwe – Politics and government – 1980-.
Journal articles on the topic 'Zimbabwe – Politics and government – 1980-'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Zimbabwe – Politics and government – 1980-.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Stapleton, Timothy. "TThe Creation and Early Development of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF) 1980-93." Revista Tempo e Argumento 13, no. 32 (April 30, 2021): e0104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5965/2175180313322021e0104.
Full textAbstract:
Given the 2017 coup in Zimbabwe, a rare event in Southern Africa but sadly common in the rest of the continent, this paper discusses the beginnings of the politicization of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF) during the 1980s. At the end of the country’s war for independence in 1980, the ZDF formed as an amalgamation of former Rhodesian state military personnel and insurgents from the liberation movements of the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) and the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). Personnel from ZANU came to dominate Zimbabwe’s new military given the lack of a specific agreement over the integration process, their numerical superiority, and ZANU’s electoral success that gave it political power. During the ZDF integration exercise of the early 1980s, British advisors attempted to create a Western-style force but acted pragmatically while North Korean instructors helped create an overtly ZANU affiliated brigade and party militia. In addition, South African destabilization and the rapid departure of former Rhodesian officers gave way to the accelerated promotion of former insurgents mostly affiliated with the ZANU government. Lastly, the further ZANU-ization of the ZDF occurred within the context of operations in southwestern Zimbabwe where it eliminated ZAPU as an opposition political movement and committed atrocities, and in Mozambique where Zimbabwean troops cooperated with allies from overtly politicized armies of neighboring states
2
Laakso, Liisa. "The politics of international election observation: the case of Zimbabwe in 2000." Journal of Modern African Studies 40, no. 3 (September 2002): 437–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x02003993.
Full textAbstract:
The example of Zimbabwe in 2000 shows that in a context of violent election campaigning, the role of international election observation is an ambiguous one. Unlike earlier elections organised by the Zimbabwean government, international donors wanted to observe its 2000 parliamentary election amidst a deepening crisis. They noted that the elections would not be free and fair in their view. Neighbouring countries with a more positive view joined the observation exercise. The government's discriminatory invitation and accreditation policy, the observers' emphasis on the peacefulness of the polling rather than free and fair elections, and the selective publication of their reports in various media, were affected both by the political agendas of the domestic players and by the governments which sent the observers. The difference between the Western view of the government, which had changed drastically since the 1980s and early 1990s, and the view of neighbouring governments, was crucial and may become significant elsewhere in Africa.
3
Munyede, Paradzai. "The Successes and Failures of the Local Government Associations of Zimbabwe since 1980." International Journal of Social Science And Human Research 05, no. 10 (October 25, 2022): 4644–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.47191/ijsshr/v5-i10-32.
Full textAbstract:
Since the attainment of political independence in 1980, Zimbabwe has made tremendous progress in instituting local government reforms such as institutional consolidations, and realignment of legal and policy frameworks. The Local Government Associations are one institution that emerged as the voice articulating policy and legal interests of local authorities through lobbying, representation, and advocacy. However, since 1980, their endeavors in the promotion and advancement of the Zimbabwean local government system have eluded serious scholarly inquiry. Therefore, the objective of this paper is to establish the contributions of the Local Government Associations to the Zimbabwean local governance system. This qualitative study adopted the case study research design and purposive sampling was used to identify respondents from former and current local government practitioners as well as civil society representatives. Primary data was collected through key informant interviews and documentary analysis was used in the collection of secondary data. Thematic analysis was used to make meaning from the themes that emerged from the data. The constitutionalisation of local government in 2013 ranks as the major achievement by the associations. Despite these achievements, the associations are faced with challenges like limited funding, political interference, and failure to conclude the issue of qualifications for councillors. Local Government Associations remain as key players in amplifying the voice of their members on local governance issues. Leadership capacitation is needed for them to remain relevant and effective.
4
JENKINS, CAROLYN. "The Politics of Economic Policy-Making in Zimbabwe." Journal of Modern African Studies 35, no. 4 (December 1997): 575–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x97002589.
Full textAbstract:
There are two remarkable features of post-independence economic policy-making in Zimbabwe: the very limited nature of the changes made by the new government in 1980, and the complete reversal of policy announced in 1990. It was surprising that a more radical transformation had not been introduced soon after independence, since this had been achieved by a civil war prompted not only by the denial of even basic rights to the majority of the population, but also by an extremely inequitable distribution of economic resources. The volte-face in 1990 was also unexpected, because it required a repudiation of governmental rhetoric at a time when the economy was by no means in a state of crisis, even though under stress. This article attempts to understand these policy shifts.
5
Dr Shepherd Nyaruwata. "A Tourism Planning of Zimbabwe for 1980-2018: A Critical Assessment." Hospitality & Tourism Review 1, no. 2 (November 15, 2020): 14–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.38157/hospitality-tourism-review.v1i2.213.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose: The purpose of the study was to assess how far the government of Zimbabwe’s tourism policies and strategies have affected the development of the tourism and hospitality sector.
Methods: The study was based on a review of the literature on tourism development in Zimbabwe. A range of peer-reviewed papers, reports from the United Nations World Tourism Organization (UNWTO). reports from the Zimbabwe Tourism Authority (ZTA), and those of the Ministry of Environment, Tourism, and Hospitality Industry were consulted. The information offered a clear picture of how far the government had contributed to influencing the development of the tourism and hospitality industry during the period.
Results: The results of the study showed that for the period up to 2000 the government played only a facilitating role in the development of the sector. The results further showed that the government took a more proactive role in planning the development of the industry only when the persistent negative image of the country threatened the collapse of the sector.
Implications: It is recommended that the country effectively implements the National Tourism Master Plan and the National Tourism Sector Strategy which were launched in 2016 and 2018 respectively. A constant review of the National Tourism Sector Strategy will ensure an effective response to the global and national macro-economic, social and political changes that will occur during the plan period.
6
Gran, Thorvald. "Looking back: Government politics and trust in rural developments in Tanzania and Zimbabwe 1980–1990." Development Southern Africa 35, no. 4 (April 16, 2018): 450–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0376835x.2018.1461608.
Full text
7
KELETA-MAE, NAILA. "Workshop Negative: Political Theatre in Zimbabwe in the 1980s." Theatre Research International 44, no. 3 (October 2019): 262–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883319000300.
Full textAbstract:
In 1980 the Republic of Zimbabwe became recognized internationally as an independent state. This independence marked a shift from white minority rule to black majority rule in the form of ZANU–PF in a transition in government that was fraught with brutal violence, tense negotiations and tremendous hope for the democratic state that would emerge. This article begins with a brief overview of key political-theatre and public-arts funding practices that emerged in the newly independent Zimbabwe in the 1980s and continues with an examination of an influential political play from the era by Cont Mhlange entitled Workshop Negative (1986). This article's analysis of Workshop Negative considers how the economic pressures explored in the play mirror the precarious working conditions that arts-funding models placed on political-theatre practitioners in Zimbabwe at the time.
8
Manyika, Wellington, Laston Gonah, Apivat Hanvongse, Shepherd Shamu, and James January. "Health Financing: Relationship between Public Health expenditure and maternal mortality in Zimbabwe between the years 1980 to 2010." Medical Journal of Zambia 46, no. 1 (May 21, 2019): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.55320/mjz.46.1.228.
Full textAbstract:
Health care expenditure in Zimbabwe has fallen below budgetary allocations since 2000. Health care financing in Zimbabwe rely more on donor funding and private expenditure than on government resources. These expenditures are unsustainable and inadequate considering the huge health care burden in Zimbabwe. The study sought to examine the association between government health expenditure and maternal mortality, and make policy recommendations. Association was examined using survey and annual expenditure data from Zimbabwe between 1980 and 2011. The study used multiple regression analysis to find the association between government health expenditure and maternal mortality while controlling for potential confounding variables. Government health expenditure had a statistically significant association with maternal mortality, with less expenditure associated with high rates of maternal mortality. This substantiates the proposition that government health expenditure is a major determinant of maternal mortality in Zimbabwe. Increasing government health expenditure will contribute to significant reduction in maternal mortality. Institutional delivery and the proportion of people living below the Total Consumption Poverty Line (TCPL) were negatively correlated with maternal mortality. The association of maternal mortality and other socio-economic determinants of health were examined. These included political and economic factors, isolationism, hyper-inflation, household income versus household expenditure and allocation of resources.
9
Hove, Mediel, and Vincent Chenzi. "‘Prophets of Doom’: The Zimbabwean Christian Community and Contemporary Politics." Insight on Africa 9, no. 2 (July 2017): 173–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087817710054.
Full textAbstract:
Since Zimbabwe’s independence in 1980, the Christian community was largely silent about Zimbabwe’s economic and political quagmire. However, the country’s growing political and economic turmoil drew the Zimbabwean Christian community into direct confrontation with Mugabe’s administration. The community experienced political awakening after decades of political indifference, passivity and silence. In 2016, several Christian leaders and their denominations publicly challenged the government on several occasions calling for Mugabe to step down and demanded economic reforms. In response, the Mugabe regime employed different tactics to silence and undermine the Christian community.
10
Nyazema, Norman Z. "The Zimbabwe Crisis and the Provision of Social Services." Journal of Developing Societies 26, no. 2 (June 2010): 233–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0169796x1002600204.
Full textAbstract:
Historically, health care in Zimbabwe was provided primarily to cater to colonial administrators and the expatriate, with separate care or second-provision made for Africans. There was no need for legislation to guarantee its provision to the settler community. To address the inequities in health that had existed prior to 1980, at independence, Zimbabwe adopted the concept of Equity in Health and Primary Health Care. Initially, this resulted in the narrowing of the gap between health provision in rural areas and urban areas. Over the years, however, there have been clear indications of growing inequities in health provision and health care as a result of mainly Economic Structural Adjustment Policies (ESAP), 1991–1995, and health policy changes. Infant and child mortality have been worsened by the impact of HIV/AIDS and reduced access to affordable essential health care. For example, life expectancy at birth was 56 in the 1980s, increased to 60 in 1990 and is now about 43. Morbidity (diseases) and mortality (death rates) trends in Zimbabwe show that the population is still affected by the traditional preventable diseases and conditions that include nutritional deficiencies, communicable diseases, pregnancy and childbirth conditions and the conditions of the new born. The deterioration of the Zimbabwean health services sector has also partially been due to increasing shortages of qualified personnel. The public sector has been operating with only 19 per cent staff since 2000. Many qualified and competent health workers left the country because of the unfavourable political environment. The health system in Zimbabwe has been operating under a legal and policy framework that in essence does not recognize the right to health. Neither the pre-independence constitution nor the Lancaster House constitution, which is the current Constitution of Zimbabwe, made specific provisions for the right to health. Progress made in the 1980s characterized by adequate financing of the health system and decentralized health management and equity of health services between urban and rural areas, which saw dramatic increases in child survival rates and life expectancy, was, unfortunately, not consolidated. As of 2000 per capita health financing stood at USD 8.55 as compared to USD 23.6, which had been recommended by the Commission of Review into the Health Sector in 1997. At the beginning of 2008 it had been dramatically further eroded and stood at only USD 0.19 leading to the collapse of the health system. Similarly, education in Zimbabwe, in addition to the changes it has undergone during the different periods since attainment of independence, also went through many phases during the colonial period. From 1962 up until 1980, the Rhodesia Front government catered more for the European child. Luckily, some mission schools that had been established earlier kept on expanding taking in African children who could proceed with secondary education (high school education). Inequity in education existed when the ZANU-PF government came into power in 1980. It took aggressive and positive steps to redress the inequalities that existed in the past. Unfortunately, the government did not come up with an education policy or philosophy in spite of massive expansion and investment. The government had cut its expenditure on education because of economic and political instability. This has happened particularly in rural areas, where teachers have left the teaching profession.
11
Kurebwa, Jeffrey. "The Institution of Traditional Leadership and Local Governance in Zimbabwe." International Journal of Civic Engagement and Social Change 5, no. 1 (January 2018): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijcesc.2018010101.
Full textAbstract:
This article describes how traditional leaders play important developmental, administrative and political roles in rural areas, despite modern state structures. They regulate rural life, control access to land, and settle various disputes. They are respected leaders in their communities. The existence of traditional leaders means that both the decentralisation and the strengthening of local governance are not taking place in a vacuum. Documentary sources such as the Constitution of Zimbabwe; the Traditional Leaders Act (2000) and Chiefs and Headmen Act (1982); newspapers and unpublished non-governmental organisations (NGOs) evaluations and reports were used in this article. Traditional leaders have played a pivotal role in ensuring that the ZANU-PF government remains in power since 1980. In principle, traditional leaders should not be drawn into party politics and their role should remain one of the neutral leadership. If the traditional leader assumes a party-political role, one should appoint a substitute to handle their traditional role to avoid a conflict of interest.
12
Mashingaidze, Terence M. "Reconciliation without Justice: The State and the Invalidation of Victimhood in Post-colonial Zimbabwe, 1980–2017." African Journal of Legal Studies 14, no. 1 (November 24, 2021): 28–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17087384-12340089.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This article calls for the location of victimhood rather than political convenience at the centre of Zimbabwe’s peace-building matrix. From the attainment of independence in 1980 to the military assisted end of President Robert Mugabe’s rule in November 2017, Zimbabwe’s episodic cycles of violence were concluded through elite bargained amnesty ordinances, state mediated reconciliation pronouncements and clemency orders that unconditionally benefitted perpetrators at the expense of victims. The forgive-and-forget ethic central to these routine and fractional peace building measures, I argue, not only disregarded the rule of law but negated victimhood and rendered justice divisible. Victims of politically motivated violence could not secure redress through the courts of law against amnestied perpetrators as this would amount to double jeopardy. The government withheld prosecutorial justice against perpetrators and disregarded reparations for victims. Within the national legislative framework ordinary legislators could not move motions compelling the government to compensate survivors of violence because only the vice-presidents and ministers could move motions that had the consequence of either depleting state revenues or causing the imposition of additional taxes on citizens. Considering that ministers who had the prerogative to move such motions served in cabinet at the behest of their intractable president they could hardly embarrass or contradict their principal. Essentially, the Robert Mugabe led Zimbabwean government established legal firewalls for perpetrators of politically motivated violence which ipso facto invalidated the quest for justice by victims of the country’s ever recurring cycles of violence. This authoritarian legalism disregarded victimhood and emboldened human rights violators.
13
Coldham, Simon. "STATUTE NOTE." Journal of African Law 45, no. 2 (October 2001): 227–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0221855301001729.
Full textAbstract:
LAND ACQUISITION AMENDMENT ACT, 2000 (ZIMBABWE)Since Zimbabwe became independent in 1980 the issue of land reform and, in particular, the issue of land acquisition and redistribution has seldom been off the political agenda. For the first ten years of independence there were constitutional constraints on the acquisition of land for resettlement purposes, but the National Land Policy of 1990 set out plans for an accelerated programme of resettlement. In order to achieve its ambitious targets the government of Zimbabwe saw the need to strengthen its powers of compulsory acquisition both by amending section 16 of the Constitution (which provided strong protection against the compulsory acquisition of property) and by enacting the Land Acquisition Act to provide a statutory basis for the new policy. These reforms were extremely controversial both inside and outside the country and a clause excluding the right to fair compensation for expropriated land was dropped partly in response to international pressure.
14
Gwekwerere, Gadziro. "Gospel Music as a Mirror of the Political and Socio-Economic Developments in Zimbabwe, 1980-2007." Exchange 38, no. 4 (2009): 329–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/016627409x12474551163619.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis paper explores, analyses and discusses Zimbabwean gospel song themes from 1980 up to 2007 in relation to the Zimbabwean political and socio-economic situations in the country. The history of the socio-economic and political development of Zimbabwe during 1980-2007 would certainly be incomplete without including gospel music. Until about the mid-1980s, the general atmosphere in the newly-independent state of Zimbabwe was characterized by liberation euphoria and great optimism for the future. Equally so, local gospel music during this period was largely celebrative and conformist as far as the political and socio-economic dispensation was concerned. Socio-economic hardships crept in as a result of the government's implementation of neo-liberal economic reforms under the guidance of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) during the early 1990s. The ruling party soon found itself confronted by a multitude of gospel musicians criticizing its policies and malpractices. Works of various gospel artistes will be used as evidence but due to issues of space, it has not been possible to cover all Zimbabwean gospel artists.
15
Liu, Shelley X. "Control, Coercion, and Cooptation." World Politics 74, no. 1 (December 22, 2021): 37–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887121000174.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article examines how rebels govern after winning a civil war. During war, both sides—rebels and their rivals—form ties with civilians to facilitate governance and to establish control. To consolidate power after war, the new rebel government engages in control through its ties in its wartime strongholds, through coercion in rival strongholds where rivals retain ties, and through cooptation by deploying loyal bureaucrats to oversee development in unsecured terrain where its ties are weak. These strategies help to explain subnational differences in postwar development. The author analyzes Zimbabwe's Liberation War (1972–1979) and its postwar politics (1980–1987) using a difference-in-differences identification strategy that leverages large-scale education reforms. Quantitative results show that development increased most quickly in unsecured terrain and least quickly in rival strongholds. Qualitative evidence from archival and interview data confirms the theorized logic. The findings deepen understanding of transitions from conflict to peace and offer important insights about how wartime experiences affect postwar politics.
16
Abegunrin, Layi. "Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC): Towards Regional Integration of Southern Africa for Liberation." A Current Bibliography on African Affairs 17, no. 4 (June 1, 1985): 363–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001132558501700405.
Full textAbstract:
Southern Africa has become a battleground between two ideologically and fundamentally opposed constellation of states, Pretoria and Lusaka constellations. The conflict between the two basically concerns the domestic racial policies and the future of South Africa. The Pretoria constellation was launched on July 22, 1980, and is led by P. W. Botha, the South Africa's Prime Minister. The Botha's axis is a designed strategy which essentially aims at using South Africa's economic power and wealth to manipulate its neighboring nine black ruled states; and to exert subtle pressure to ensure that they cohere with the white minority regime of South Africa. This ambition of the Pretoria constellation is a vital part of the total strategy of survival of the Botha government. This particularly involves the use of the economy as an instrument of maintaining ultimate political power and control based on the maintenance of the basic structures of apartheid. This has in turn motivated South Africa's opposition to the policies of economic and political liberation of the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) states. The second, the Lusaka constellation and also known as the “Southern Nine” was launched on April 1, 1980. It consists of the nine Southern African States of Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. The declared aim of the Southern Nine is to form an alliance which would pursue an economic strategy that would reduce or eliminate their economic dependence on South Africa. To this end, the Southern Nine and the South African-occupied territory of Namibia unanimously adopted a Programme of Action aimed at stimulating inter-state trade with the ultimate objective of economic independence from South Africa.
17
Mano, Winston. "Between citizen and vigilante journalism." Communicare: Journal for Communication Studies in Africa 29, sed-1 (October 17, 2022): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/jcsa.v29ised-1.1675.
Full textAbstract:
New forms of online citizen journalism have refreshed political communication in Africa. Newinformation technologies are providing readers with previously unavailable opportunities tocomment and produce their own news and information that is able to influence political processes.However, all is not rosy about Africa’s new citizen journalism. While it has produced reliable andquality information that African democracies require, it has also produced vigilante journalism - avindictive and revengeful form of gathering and disseminating news and information. Vigilantejournalism is similar to the necklacing that was common in South African in the 1980s. The articlediscusses how, at the height of the Zimbabwe crisis (2007-2008), the news website, ZimDaily, leda vigilante campaign to publicly name and have perceived relatives and children of Zimbabweanruling party officials deported from ‘Western’ countries. The idea was to help resolve the politicaland economic crises in Zimbabwe. The editors refused to question the ethics and morality ofthe exercise. Thus, encouraged by the website’s editors, Zimbabwean users of the website tookthe law in their own hands and published addresses, telephone numbers and other personalinformation about anyone thought to be related to those in government in Zimbabwe. This blurredthe boundaries between citizen and vigilante journalism. The resultant vigilante journalism bygroups seeking instant justice was in a way similar to the necklacing, even though this was in avirtual sense. It is clear that the emerging new media spaces in Africa function like double-edgedswords able to either build or destroy democracy.
18
Chitimira, Howard, and Pontsho Mokone. "The Functions of Selected Human Rights Institutions and Related Role-Players in the Protection of Human Rights in Zimbabwe." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 19 (December 13, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2016/v19i0a1150.
Full textAbstract:
Various human rights violations on the part of the ordinary people and human rights defenders have been reported in Zimbabwe since the late 1980s to date. It is widely acknowledged that such violations were mostly perpetrated by the government through its different organs for political and other related reasons. Human rights violations were also easily committed against ordinary people and human rights defenders because there was no Constitution that adequately protected such people's fundamental human rights (including their civil and political rights and their socio-economic rights) in Zimbabwe. Given this background, the article discusses the protection of human rights in Zimbabwe, in light of the Zimbabwe Constitution Amendment 20 of 2013 (Zimbabwe Constitution 2013). This is done in order to investigate whether the promotion, protection, enforcement and the respect for human rights in Zimbabwe has now improved. To this end, the functions of selected national human rights institutions and other related role-players, namely, the civil society, the judiciary, the law enforcement organs and the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission are briefly discussed first. Secondly, the functions of selected regional and international institutions, namely, the Southern African Development Community, the African Union and the United Nations are discussed in relation to the protection of human rights in Zimbabwe. Thereafter, concluding remarks and possible recommendations that could be utilised to combat human rights violations and enhance the protection of human rights in Zimbabwe are provided. Keywords: human rights; judiciary; protection; enforcement; violations.
19
Ravengai, Samuel. "The politics of theatre and performance training in Zimbabwe 1980–1996." Theatre, Dance and Performance Training 5, no. 3 (September 2, 2014): 255–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19443927.2014.944717.
Full text
20
Kynoch, Gary. "The ‘Transformation’ of the South African Military." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 3 (September 1996): 441–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00055543.
Full textAbstract:
SouthernAfrica has been at war since the 1960s. Following the capitulation of Ian Smith's Rhodesian Front and the acceptance of majority rule in Zimbabwe in 1980, the widely acknowledged root of most of the regional conflict has been South Africa. In defendingapartheid, the régime in Pretoria engaged in a systematic campaign of destabilisation designed to bring its neighbours to heel. Military invasions, raids, sabotage, support of dissident groups, and assassinations were all part of the National Party (NP) Government's ‘total strategy’ that employed violence as a key element in its regional policy to achieve economic, military, and political hegemony. P. W. Botha during his tenure as Prime Minister and President, 1978–89, ‘politically modified the role’ of the South African Defence Force (SADF), as explained by Herbert Howe, and ‘created the military-dominated State Security Council, which effectively replaced the Cabinet and became the centre of national decision-making and official power in the 1980s’.1The result was the militarisation of South African society and a swath of destruction across the southern part of the continent.
21
Moseley, Cassandra, and Norma Kriger. "Guerrilla Veterans in Post-War Zimbabwe: Symbolic and Violent Politics, 1980-1987." International Journal of African Historical Studies 37, no. 1 (2004): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4129089.
Full text
22
Kagwanja, Mwangi. "Guerrilla Veterans in Post War Zimbabwe: symbolic and violent politics, 1980-1987 (review)." Transformation: Critical Perspectives on Southern Africa 57, no. 1 (2005): 112–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/trn.2005.0028.
Full text
23
Van der Waag, I. J. "Guerrilla Veterans in Post-War Zimbabwe: Symbolic and Violent Politics, 1980-1987 (review)." Journal of Military History 68, no. 4 (2004): 1314–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2004.0232.
Full text
24
Moyo, Nathan, and Maropeng M. Modiba. "Government and educational reform: policy networks in policy-making in Zimbabwe, 1980–2008." Journal of Education Policy 28, no. 3 (May 2013): 371–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02680939.2012.752868.
Full text
25
Sibanda, Lovemore. "Zimbabwe Language Policy: Continuity or Radical Change?" Journal of Contemporary Issues in Education 14, no. 2 (December 10, 2019): 2–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.20355/jcie29377.
Full textAbstract:
The Zimbabwe government introduced a new language policy in education to change the colonial language policy seven years after attaining independence. So much was expected from the postcolonial language. The use of English as the media of instruction during the colonial era was problematic. It denied Africans to describe the world in their languages. Native languages were marginalized and neglected. Africans were robbed of their self-worth and identity. It is against this background that the Zimbabwean government African states after attaining independence and sovereignty pursued an agenda of linguistic decolonization. This paper evaluates the implementation of Zimbabwe's language policy after it gained independence from Britain in 1980. We argue that despite the claim by the Zimbabwe government that it is a revolutionary government which would completely overhaul all colonial structures, institutions, and policies, the implementation of the language policy is a continuity, rather a radical change. Colonial language policy fundamentals are intact and present in the current language policy. English is still the dominant language of instruction. Indigenous languages are considered inferior and on the verge of extinction. The policy failed where it matters most—decolonizing the mind. Zimbabwe needs a sound language policy in education to shake off vestiges of a colonial legacy, and allow children to go to school in their languages to achieve the overall goal of education for all. The language policy must be developed through a broad-based consultative process with specific implementation strategies and commitment by government and non-governmental agencies for funding its implementation.
26
Saungweme, Talknice, and Nicholas M. Odhiambo. "A Critical Review of the Dynamics of Government Debt Servicing in Zimbabwe." Studia Universitatis „Vasile Goldis” Arad – Economics Series 28, no. 3 (September 1, 2018): 20–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sues-2018-0013.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This paper provides a conceptual analysis of government debt servicing in Zimbabwe from 1980 to 2015. The mounting debt burden arising largely from nonconcessionary foreign loans since the 1980s, and the economic hardships that characterise the country beginning the late 1990s, caused dreadful public debt servicing challenges. Thus, the paper discusses the public debt service reforms and policies; trends; and problems in Zimbabwe over the review period. In the paper, it was identified that between 1983 and 1997, the government’s debt servicing costs were growing exponentially, resulting in liquidity challenges. However, between 1998 and 2015, the country had plunged into public debt service overhang, with public debt servicing liabilities exceeding the country’s foreign exchange earnings. Notwithstanding the various public debt servicing reforms to boost domestic revenues, Zimbabwe, as many other developing countries, still faces a number of debt servicing problems. Among others, these include: high government debt, low industrial and export competitiveness, narrow revenue base and subdued investor confidence. The paper recommends the government of Zimbabwe to undertake the following measures, among others, aimed at either boosting or expanding the revenue base: (i) improving tax enforcements; (ii) mobilising the informal sector; and (iii) expanding the productive capacity of public entities.
27
LeBas, Adrienne, and Ngonidzashe Munemo. "Elite Conflict, Compromise, and Enduring Authoritarianism: Polarization in Zimbabwe, 1980–2008." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 681, no. 1 (December 20, 2018): 209–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716218813897.
Full textAbstract:
How do elites play a role in crafting polarization? And what effects do elite-led conflicts have on democracy and mass politics? To examine these questions, we compare two separate episodes of party-based polarization in Zimbabwe, from 1980 to 1987 and from 2000 to 2008. Each of these moments of polarization ended in an elite power-sharing settlement, but a comparison of the two moments yields insights about both the causes of polarization and its effects. We find that the episodes of polarization were rooted in elite instrumentalization of conflict. They differed, however, in the extent to which they activated foundational myths and built larger master cleavages. We suggest that the latter episode conforms more closely to McCoy, Rahman, and Somer’s pernicious polarization, which we argue is marked by deeper societal penetration and segregation than other forms of political polarization and is also less amenable to resolution.
28
Maringira, Godfrey. "The Military Post-Mugabe." Journal of Asian and African Studies 56, no. 2 (March 2021): 176–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909620986586.
Full textAbstract:
This article argues that, through the coup, the military has become more visible in national politics in post-Mugabe Zimbabwe. The current situation under President Mnangagwa marks a qualitative difference with the military under Mugabe’s rule. Currently, in now being more prominent, the military is politics and is the determinant of any political transition that may be forthcoming in Zimbabwe. However, if it deems it necessary, the military accommodates civilian politicians into politics in order to ‘sanitize’ the political landscape in its own interests. Simultaneously, despite their involvement in the coup, ordinary soldiers feel increasingly marginalized under Mnangagwa’s government.
29
Bessant, Leonard Leslie, and Dickson A. Mungazi. "Education and Government Control in Zimbabwe: A Study of the Commissions of Inquiry, 1908-1974." International Journal of African Historical Studies 24, no. 1 (1991): 186. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220115.
Full text
30
Cheeseman, Nic, and Blessing-Miles Tendi. "Power-sharing in comparative perspective: the dynamics of ‘unity government’ in Kenya and Zimbabwe." Journal of Modern African Studies 48, no. 2 (May 19, 2010): 203–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x10000224.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTThis paper draws on the recent experience of Kenya and Zimbabwe to demonstrate how power-sharing has played out in Africa. Although the two cases share some superficial similarities, variation in the strength and disposition of key veto players generated radically different contexts that shaped the feasibility and impact of unity government. Explaining the number and attitude of veto players requires a comparative analysis of the evolution of civil–military and intra-elite relations. In Zimbabwe, the exclusionary use of violence and rhetoric, together with the militarisation of politics, created far greater barriers to genuine power-sharing, resulting inthe politics of continuity. These veto players were less significant in the Kenyan case, giving rise to a more cohesive outcome in the form ofthe politics of collusion. However, we find that neither mode of power-sharing creates the conditions for effective reform, which leads to a more general conclusion: unity government serves to postpone conflict, rather than to resolve it.
31
Munro, William A., and Dickson A. Mungazi. "Education and Government Control in Zimbabwe: A Study of the Commission of Enquiry, 1908-1974." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 26, no. 3 (1992): 548. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485310.
Full text
32
Khan, Khatija Bibi. "RECONCILIATION WITHOUT JUSTICE? AN ANALYSIS OF THE FILM, RECONCILIATION IN ZIMBABWE, THE FIRST TEN YEARS." Commonwealth Youth and Development 12, no. 1 (September 26, 2016): 33–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1727-7140/1606.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this article is to explore the idea of reconciliation and justice in the documentary film, Reconciliation in Zimbabwe, the first ten years (1990). This film is one of the very first and few films to deal with the themes of reconciliation and justice from the perspective of the moving image. At the centre of the film narrative is how different political constituents in Zimbabwe between 1980 and 1990 think about the question of reconciliation and the possibility of ultimate justice. Coming immediately after the war, the film debates the varied and diverse expectations of Zimbabwean whites and blacks, and the role of memory in relationship to the new politics of tolerance proposed by the Prime Minister of Zimbabwe, Robert Gabriel Mugabe. The article argues that the significance of the film lies in the desire to balance hotly contested perspectives on what constitutes reconciliation and justice in Zimbabwe.
33
Maringira, Godfrey. "Politics, Privileges, and Loyalty in the Zimbabwe National Army." African Studies Review 60, no. 2 (May 22, 2017): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2017.1.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract:In postcolonial Africa, the military has become an actor in politics, often in ways that can be described as unprofessional. This paper focuses on the manner in which the Zimbabwean National Army (ZNA) has become heavily politicized since independence, directly supporting the regime of President Robert Mugabe while denigrating the opposition political party. The military metamorphosed, to all intents, into an extension of President Mugabe’s political party, the ZANU-PF. I argue that even though the military is expected to subordinate itself to a civilian government, the ZNA is highly unprofessional, in- and outside the army barracks. The ways in which politics came to be mediated by army generals, as “war veterans” serving in the military, directly influenced not only how soldiers who joined the army in postindependence Zimbabwe were promoted and demoted, but how they lived their lives as soldiers in the army barracks. This article is based on fifty-eight life histories of army deserters living in exile in South Africa.
34
Mahoney, Joseph F., Benjamin R. Beede, and Anne Brugh. "Politics and Government of New Jersey, 1900-1980: An Annotated Bibliography." Journal of American History 77, no. 4 (March 1991): 1465. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2078437.
Full text
35
Malumisa, Sambulo. "Comparative Analysis of the Determinants and Behaviour of Investment Demand between South Africa and Zimbabwe." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 5, no. 6 (June 30, 2013): 385–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v5i6.413.
Full textAbstract:
The study investigates the determinants of private investment in South Africa and Zimbabwe employing annual data over the 1980-2010 periods. The influence of gross domestic product (GDP), government debt, inflation, and interest rate policies are considered. Applied vector autoregressive and error correction models are used to estimate long- and short-run relationships among variables. The results suggest that GDP has a positive effect on private investment. Government debt has a crowding out effect on private investment, and inflation is shown to negatively affect investment. Increases in interest rates discourage private investment in South Africa
36
Saungweme, Talknice, and Nicholas M. Odhiambo. "Public debt and inflation dynamics: Empirical evidence from Zimbabwe." Croatian Review of Economic, Business and Social Statistics 7, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): 14–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/crebss-2021-0007.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The study seeks to empirically test the hypothesis that public debt has a significant influence on inflation in Zimbabwe, covering the period 1980-2020. The study was motivated by recent trends in public debt and domestic inflation in Zimbabwe, and the need to guide debt-inflation related policy. These latest trends have started to ring alarming bells, which raises questions on the effectiveness of fiscal and monetary policies in bringing macroeconomic stability in the country. Applying the Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) bounds testing procedure to cointegration and an error correction mechanism (ECM), expanded by incorporating structural breaks, the study finds evidence in support of positive and significant impact of public debt on inflation dynamics in Zimbabwe, particularly in the long run. Based on the findings, public debt dynamics matter for inflation process in Zimbabwe. That is, fiscal policy can be considered to be an important determinant of the effectiveness of monetary policy in Zimbabwe. Therefore, the government should be mindful of increases in public debt as this was found to be inflationary.
37
Manenji, Tawanda, and Barbra Marufu. "The impact of adopting e-government as a mechanism to enhance accountability as well as transparent conduct within public institutions." Scholedge International Journal of Business Policy & Governance ISSN 2394-3351 3, no. 7 (August 15, 2016): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.19085/journal.sijbpg030701.
Full textAbstract:
<em>This study examines the impact of adopting e-government as a mechanism to enhance accountability as well as transparent conduct within public institutions in Zimbabwe. There is a belief that e-government brings about better change in governance issues through active disclosure of governance information. The research found out that e-government in Zimbabwe though still being nurtured, has better prospects and there is great need for clearly setting and meeting a conducive environment for it to flourish. That is a set of pre-requirements need to be assessed before trying to implement e-government into full swing. Zimbabwe lacks an unanimous e-government strategy across its ministries hence the existence of disparities in e-government adoption within the country – some ministries are more advanced while others only exhibit the first initial stages of e-government. However, the adoption of e-government in Zimbabwe has been hampered by a plethora of challenges ranging from politics, economics, social and technological. Among them include inadequate or weak legislative frameworks guiding and directing e-government implementation, budget constraints, digital divide as well as technological incompetence. The study also makes some recommendations as to how e-government prospects can be fully attained and such remedies among others include the passing of a comprehensive IT policy which cut across all government ministries, embracing Public Private Partnerships in building IT infrastructure, and redefining government’s top priorities and focus much on e-government investment. The paper also notes the effects of poor governance to a country. Zimbabwe’s e-government strategy if managed properly, would also reduce government external debt, improve service delivery, promote economic development, and increase public accountability and transparency within the public sector.</em>
38
Beach, D. N. "NADA and Mafohla: Antiquarianism in Rhodesia and Zimbabwe with Special Reference to the Work of F.W.T. Posselt." History in Africa 13 (1986): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171534.
Full textAbstract:
One of the casualties of the transition from Rhodesia to Zimbabwe in 1980 was the journal NADA, which came to an end with the breakup of the government ministry that sponsored it. NADA originally stood for Native Affairs Department Annual and ran to 57 issues between 1923 and 1980. Essentially, it was intended to be the Southern Rhodesian equivalent of the Uganda Journal or Tanganyika Notes and Records, and it is not surprising that out of the 912 articles published in it at least 40% were by identifiable officials of the Native Affairs Department or its successor, the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Out of another 37% of contributors classifiable as ‘general,’ a considerable number were undoubtedly NAD officials hiding behind uncrackable pseudonyms and initials, while others in this category were policemen, forest and game rangers, education and agricultural officers, and so forth. Consequently, the journal always had a fairly ‘official’ image, in spite of editorial disclaimers, and this image became the more pronounced after the Rhodesian Front gained control of the government, with more official reports and statements filling the pages.
39
Ryu, Lanhee, M. Jae Moon, and Jae‐jin Yang. "The politics of government reorganizations: Evidence from 30 OECD countries, 1980–2014." Governance 33, no. 4 (November 12, 2019): 935–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/gove.12458.
Full text
40
Mbiba, Beacon. "Communal Land Rights in Zimbabwe as State Sanction and Social Control: A Narrative." Africa 71, no. 3 (August 2001): 426–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2001.71.3.426.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article takes a historical approach to argue that communal lands in Zimbabwe are a construct inherited from colonial days (prior to 1980) which governments in post-colonial Zimbabwe have found convenient to maintain rather than dismantle. The construct is not only a convenient framework for the delivery of collective consumption goods but in turn it enables the government to subtly use communal lands as a framework for social control, especially in terms of urban management. The continued existence of communal land areas and land rights also sustains processes of social control at the household level. However, these are issues that will not receive attention in land debates as long as the larger problem of redistribution of large-scale commercial farms remains unresolved.
41
Hatchard, John. "The Constitution of Zimbabwe: Towards A Model for Africa?" Journal of African Law 35, no. 1-2 (1991): 79–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300008378.
Full textAbstract:
On 18 April, 1991, the Republic of Zimbabwe celebrated its 11th year of independence. Coincidentally, just a few months earlier, the 11th constitutional amendment Act was passed. This flurry of legislative activity was the result of a desire on the part of the government to develop a new constitutional structure rather than to remain with the constitution which was essentially imposed upon it by the British during the 1979 Lancaster House conference which eventually led to independence in 1980. The new constitutional model is of considerable interest as it is based upon those operating in many other African nations but, according to the Minister of Justice, is designed to provide safeguards on the exercise of presidential power and to avoid unnecessary conflict and division between the various branches of government. On several occasions, ministers have stressed the autochthonous nature of the new structure and some have indeed suggested that it might form a model for other African countries.It is the intention of this article to examine the legitimacy of these assertions by analysing both the new constitutional structure and its operation in practice. In order to assess the significance of these changes, it is first necessary to examine very briefly the Lancaster House constitution and constitutional developments in the early years of independence.
42
Mpofu, Busani. "Perpetual ‘Outcasts’? Squatters in peri-urban Bulawayo, Zimbabwe." Afrika Focus 25, no. 2 (February 25, 2012): 45–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-02502005.
Full textAbstract:
After independence in 1980 Zimbabwe’s cities experienced a proliferation in the number of squatter camps. This was because of the failure of the urban economy to offer adequate housing and jobs, leaving peri-urban space as the only sanctuary for the urban poor to live in and eke out a living informally. The promotion of rural ‘growth points’ by the national government to promote rural development to discourage migration to urban areas failed. Yet, a poor policy response by the state to this negative outcome of rapid urbanisation that aims to reverse this rural-urban migration has led to unending confrontations between its various arms and squatters who continue to be regarded as encroachers. Focussing on Bulawayo, the second largest city in Zimbabwe, and based on interviews, archival research, Council minutes and newspapers, this article critiques the state’s urban development policy vis-à-vis squatters and informality. It is argued that the persistence of a salient perception by government officials that all Africans belong to rural areas and have access to land they can fall back on in hard times serves as a vital lubricant to the state’s action of forcibly sending squatters to rural areas. This ignores the historical pattern of rapid urbanisation and the growth ofinformal economies supporting the livelihoods of thousands of people. I seek to add to the literature on low-cost housing shortages, urban squatters and peri-urbanism in Zimbabwe and on studies of informality in Third World cities in general.
43
CHAONEKA, REGINALD. "EXAMINING THE TWIN DEFICIT HYPOTHESIS: EVIDENCE FROM SELECTED SADC COUNTRIES (1980-2011)." Journal of Management and Research 2, no. 1 (December 2, 2019): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.29145/jmr/21/0201004.
Full textAbstract:
This paper investigates the existence of a causal relationship between fiscal balance and current account balance over the period 1980-2011, for nine SADC countries individually. The analysis is conducted within the framework of Granger causality test and Vector Auto Regression (VAR) approach on time series data for each individual country estimates. The Granger causality test results confirm the twin-deficit relationship, with a causal relation from fiscal deficits to external deficits for two countries: Malawi and Zambia together with SADC group average; inverse link operating from external balance to fiscal balance for another two countries: Zimbabwe and Swaziland. Existence of bi-directional causality was confirmed for Botswana and Ricardian Equivalence Hypothesis was confirmed for Mozambique. Results for Angola, South Africa and Seychelles were ambiguous hence inconclusive. The results point to the existence of a direct causal link from fiscal deficit to external deficit. There are indications that fiscal tightening (budget cuts) tends to correct the current account deficit directly. There is need for government to develop new exports, primary products beneficiation (value addition), use of nanotechnology and nurturing new export industries as a long-term measure.In Zimbabwe and to some extent Swaziland the current account can be used to address the budget balance. Countries such as Malawi and Zambia, which have shown evidence of the twin deficit, imply that policymakers must consider fiscal consolidation. Fiscal consolidation has proved to be effective;however half-hearted fiscal adjustments are doomed to fail. The relationship between the twomacroeconomic variables changes over time depending on the dynamics of the economy. Again, given the intricacies that are innate in mixed economies, it may not be possible to authenticate a tight and steady connection between the two deficits. Government Organizations.
44
Ngwane, Trevor, and Patrick Bond. "South Africa’s Shrinking Sovereignty: Economic Crises, Ecological Damage, Sub-Imperialism and Social Resistances." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-1-67-83.
Full textAbstract:
The development of contemporary South Africa political economy occurred within the context of a global capitalist order characterized by increasingly unequal political and economic relations between and within countries. Before liberation in 1994, many people across the world actively supported the struggle against apartheid, with South Africa’s neighbouring states paying the highest price. The ‘sovereignty’ of the apartheid state was challenged by three processes: first, economic, cultural and sporting sanctions called for by Nelson Mandela’s African National Congress and other liberation movements, which from the 1960s-80s were increasingly effective in forcing change; second, solidaristic foreign governments including Sweden’s and the USSR’s provided material support to overthrowing the Pretoria Regime; and third, military defeat in Angola and the liberation of neighbouring Mozambique (1975), Zimbabwe (1980) and Namibia (1990) signalled the inevitability of change. But that state nevertheless maintained sufficient strength - e.g. defaulting on foreign debt and imposing exchange controls in 1985 - to ensure a transition to democracy that was largely determined by local forces. Since 1994, the shrinkage of sovereignty means the foreign influences of global capitalism amplify local socio-economic contradictions in a manner destructive to the vast majority of citizens. This is evident when considering economic, ecological, geopolitical and societal considerations.
45
Rusero, Alexander M., and Emaculate Mvundura. "Post Mugabe Era and Feasibility of Regime Change in Zimbabwe." World Journal of Social Science Research 7, no. 4 (October 24, 2020): p60. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjssr.v7n4p60.
Full textAbstract:
Barely a year after Zimbabwe’s long serving President Robert Mugabe was ousted through a military coup which replaced him with his erstwhile trusted ally and vice president Emmerson Mnangagwa, the army shot six civilians caught up in the crossfire of protestors alleging ZANU PF electoral theft of the 2018 July 30 polls. Although the military has always been in the background of Zimbabwe’s politics in general and the ruling ZANU PF affairs in particular, the shooting of protestors incident which occurred on the 1st of August 2018 left the world shell-shocked on the prospects of any peaceful change of government or even transfer of power, confirming to all and sundry that Mugabe could have exited the political stage, but the system he presided over for 37 years is still intact, if not even more perfected in the aftermath. This has since rekindled debates on the feasibility of regime change in Zimbabwe and in that context the validity and essence of having an election in the first place if any outcome unfavourable to ZANU PF and its candidate is likely to witness the unleashing of armed soldiers and the subsequent killing of citizens in the process. With the security sector involved in politics in contrast to the old adage that politics lead the gun, it thus comes as a paradox that for the umpteenth time, regime change in Zimbabwe shall remain an elusive dream.
46
Takavarasha, Sam, and John Makumbe. "The Effect of Politics on ICT4D." International Journal of E-Politics 3, no. 3 (July 2012): 40–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jep.2012070103.
Full textAbstract:
Zimbabwe is the best contemporary example of how politics can affect economic development. Equally as significant, and yet under studied, is the effect of politics on Information and Communication Technologies for development (ICT4D). In this case study of government of Zimbabwe’s five year battle to prevent Econet Wireless from operating a mobile phone network, the authors present the fear for the conviviality of ICTs as a reason why dictatorial states often restrict free use of ICTs and how this can inhibit its role in fostering development. Using a combination of aspects of Thomas Hobbes’ political theory and Sen’s capability approach the authors show how passions like fear for the power of ICTs in private hands and the appetite for proceeds from the telecoms sector fuelled a five year legal battle that was eventually won by Econet. A framework for assessing the motives behind restrictive political action and the concomitant erosion of political freedoms which inhibits free ICT use and investment in the sector is also presented.
47
Pickup, Mark. "Globalization, Politics and Provincial Government Spending in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 4 (December 2006): 883–917. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423906050700.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract.Using time series, cross-sectional econometric modelling, an analysis is made of competing political and economic determinants of Canadian provincial government fiscal policy during the 1980s and 1990s. It is determined that provincial government spending responses to trade liberalization are dependent upon the ideology of the government and conditioned by the degree of provincial unionization. When relatively high levels of unionization prevail, those governments that typically spend the most reduce total spending to a lowest common denominator. However, when unionization is low, provincial government spending responses to increasing trade openness is primarily compensatory. This is in contradiction to the “race to the bottom” theory. The contingent nature of the provincial government spending response to trade openness means that despite overall pressures for fiscal convergence, political, economic and regional factors continue to contribute to distinct provincial spending policies.Résumé.Cet article utilise une modélisation économétrique transversale en série chronologique pour analyser les déterminants politiques et économiques en compétition au niveau de la politique fiscale du gouvernement provincial canadien durant les années 1980 et 1990. Il est établi qu'en termes de dépenses publiques, les réactions du gouvernement provincial face à la libéralisation des échanges sont tributaires de l'idéologie du gouvernement et déterminées par le niveau de syndicalisation provincial. Lorsque le niveau de syndicalisation est relativement élevé, ce sont les gouvernements provinciaux qui dépensent le plus qui réduisent leurs dépenses totales au plus bas dénominateur commun. Par contre, plus le niveau de syndicalisation est bas, plus les dépenses publiques face à la libéralisation des échanges sont principalement compensatoires. Cela vient contredire la théorie du “ nivellement par le bas ”. La nature conditionnelle de la réaction du gouvernement provincial en termes de dépenses publiques signifie qu'en dépit des pressions globales pour la convergence fiscale, des facteurs politiques, économiques et régionaux continuent de contribuer aux politiques de dépenses publiques distinctes.
48
Makahamadze, Tompson, and Francis Sibanda. "Gratuitous benefit for the ZANU-PF government? Securitisation of COVID-19 and authoritarian politics in Zimbabwe." African Security Review 31, no. 1 (October 22, 2021): 33–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2021.1982739.
Full text
49
Roe, Emery M. "More than the politics of decentralization: Local government reform, district development and public administration in Zimbabwe." World Development 23, no. 5 (May 1995): 833–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0305-750x(95)00008-z.
Full text
50
Dendere, Chipo. "Financing political parties in Africa: the case of Zimbabwe." Journal of Modern African Studies 59, no. 3 (August 26, 2021): 295–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x21000148.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractWhat is the impact of access to political party finance – money that parties use to fund their campaign activities – on politics in Africa? While multiparty elections have become more regular in the developing world, many opposition parties are still failing to win elections. This paper argues that poor access to political finance weakens democratic consolidation and negatively impacts the participation of less-resourced candidates who are unable to self-fund. As a result, opposition parties are forced to rely on weak promises of aid from international donors and unreliable state funding. This in-depth analysis of political finance, based on extensive interviews with politicians and government officials in Zimbabwe, political documents, news reports and a review of court cases, reveals that uneven financing has weakened opposition parties and serves as an extra advantage for incumbents.