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1
Masango, Cleven, and Vannie Naidoo. "An Analysis of Nation Brand Attractiveness: Evidence from Brand Zimbabwe." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 10, no. 6(J) (December 22, 2018): 99–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v10i6(j).2598.
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This paper examines the attractiveness of Brand Zimbabwe based on the factors perceived to impact on national competitiveness. Nation brand attractiveness is a necessary condition for a country to achieve influence and to effectively compete for global resources. Countries can enhance their attractiveness by building on their national brand equity and dealing with negatives around the national brands. The research sought to determine the perception towards Zimbabwe’s global risk and competitiveness; to ascertain the variables that promote competitiveness for Brand Zimbabwe and to contribute to the literature on risk perception and its impact on behaviour towards nation brands. The study followed a mixed approach; a combination of interpretivism and positivism. The research drew 372 respondents from politicians, scholars, the media, civic organisations, government officials, church and international organisations. The research established that Brand Zimbabwe faces glaring threats risks that impact on the country’s international image. The brand is affected by politics and governance together with socio-economic factors. Management and control of nation brand perception are critical for nations to distinguish themselves and to create vantage positions for sustainable performance. The way a country is viewed internationally is a function of how the country deals with factors that threaten its global competitiveness and perception towards the nation brand. Zimbabwe’s quest for foreign direct investment, international visitation and export revenue requires that the country deals with its nation brand image.
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Masango, Cleven, and Vannie Naidoo. "An Analysis of Nation Brand Attractiveness: Evidence from Brand Zimbabwe." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 10, no. 6 (December 22, 2018): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v10i6.2598.
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This paper examines the attractiveness of Brand Zimbabwe based on the factors perceived to impact on national competitiveness. Nation brand attractiveness is a necessary condition for a country to achieve influence and to effectively compete for global resources. Countries can enhance their attractiveness by building on their national brand equity and dealing with negatives around the national brands. The research sought to determine the perception towards Zimbabwe’s global risk and competitiveness; to ascertain the variables that promote competitiveness for Brand Zimbabwe and to contribute to the literature on risk perception and its impact on behaviour towards nation brands. The study followed a mixed approach; a combination of interpretivism and positivism. The research drew 372 respondents from politicians, scholars, the media, civic organisations, government officials, church and international organisations. The research established that Brand Zimbabwe faces glaring threats risks that impact on the country’s international image. The brand is affected by politics and governance together with socio-economic factors. Management and control of nation brand perception are critical for nations to distinguish themselves and to create vantage positions for sustainable performance. The way a country is viewed internationally is a function of how the country deals with factors that threaten its global competitiveness and perception towards the nation brand. Zimbabwe’s quest for foreign direct investment, international visitation and export revenue requires that the country deals with its nation brand image.
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Charles Mazhazhate, Tapiwa C Mujakachi, and Shakerod Munuhwa. "Towards Pragmatic Economic Policies: Economic Transformation and Industrialization for Revival of Zimbabwe in the New Dispensation Era." International Journal of Engineering and Management Research 10, no. 5 (October 27, 2020): 75–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31033/ijemr.10.5.14.
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Whilst literature has many monetary and economic policies that were enacted before and after the dawn of the New Dispensation in Zimbabwe the country still faces a downward trend in terms of economic recovery. This study reviews the various policies put in place by the government and their impact on socio-economic development of Zimbabwe. A review of Zimbabwe’s economic history shows that the country dropped from being one of the best economies in Sub-Saharan Africa and now ailing and characterised by hyperinflation, agricultural challenges, corruption, very high tax regime, huge domestic and foreign debts, increase in consumer prices and being a chief net importer of most goods or services. The study was underpinned by a case study survey from Singapore’s revival with both qualitative and quantitative instruments used. The study found out that even though the land reform had an impact on economic performance, corruption, party-power politics and absence of an economic institute eroded any necessary contribution to economic transformation and industrialization in Zimbabwe. The study also revealed that the bilateral and multi-lateral agreements that were enacted in the dawn of the new dispensation have not yielded the desired economic revival transformations. The study recommended establishment of an economic institute to direct policy as well as removal of unethical practices in both public and private sectors so as to ensure financial and economic discipline.
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Dr Shepherd Nyaruwata. "A Tourism Planning of Zimbabwe for 1980-2018: A Critical Assessment." Hospitality & Tourism Review 1, no. 2 (November 15, 2020): 14–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.38157/hospitality-tourism-review.v1i2.213.
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Purpose: The purpose of the study was to assess how far the government of Zimbabwe’s tourism policies and strategies have affected the development of the tourism and hospitality sector.
Methods: The study was based on a review of the literature on tourism development in Zimbabwe. A range of peer-reviewed papers, reports from the United Nations World Tourism Organization (UNWTO). reports from the Zimbabwe Tourism Authority (ZTA), and those of the Ministry of Environment, Tourism, and Hospitality Industry were consulted. The information offered a clear picture of how far the government had contributed to influencing the development of the tourism and hospitality industry during the period.
Results: The results of the study showed that for the period up to 2000 the government played only a facilitating role in the development of the sector. The results further showed that the government took a more proactive role in planning the development of the industry only when the persistent negative image of the country threatened the collapse of the sector.
Implications: It is recommended that the country effectively implements the National Tourism Master Plan and the National Tourism Sector Strategy which were launched in 2016 and 2018 respectively. A constant review of the National Tourism Sector Strategy will ensure an effective response to the global and national macro-economic, social and political changes that will occur during the plan period.
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Southall, Roger. "Flight and fortitude: the decline of the middle class in Zimbabwe." Africa 90, no. 3 (May 2020): 529–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972020000078.
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AbstractThis article focuses on the impact of the policies of the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) government on Zimbabwe's black middle class. It does so by exploring three propositions emerging from the academic literature. The first is that during the early years of independence, the middle class transformed into a party-aligned bourgeoisie. The second is that, to the extent that the middle class has not left the country as a result of the economic plunge from the 1990s, it played a formative role in opposition to ZANU-PF and the political elite. The third is that, in the face of ZANU-PF's authoritarianism and economic hardship, the middle class has largely withdrawn from the political arena.
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KELETA-MAE, NAILA. "Workshop Negative: Political Theatre in Zimbabwe in the 1980s." Theatre Research International 44, no. 3 (October 2019): 262–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883319000300.
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In 1980 the Republic of Zimbabwe became recognized internationally as an independent state. This independence marked a shift from white minority rule to black majority rule in the form of ZANU–PF in a transition in government that was fraught with brutal violence, tense negotiations and tremendous hope for the democratic state that would emerge. This article begins with a brief overview of key political-theatre and public-arts funding practices that emerged in the newly independent Zimbabwe in the 1980s and continues with an examination of an influential political play from the era by Cont Mhlange entitled Workshop Negative (1986). This article's analysis of Workshop Negative considers how the economic pressures explored in the play mirror the precarious working conditions that arts-funding models placed on political-theatre practitioners in Zimbabwe at the time.
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CROKE, KEVIN, GUY GROSSMAN, HORACIO A. LARREGUY, and JOHN MARSHALL. "Deliberate Disengagement: How Education Can Decrease Political Participation in Electoral Authoritarian Regimes." American Political Science Review 110, no. 3 (August 2016): 579–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055416000253.
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A large literature examining advanced and consolidating democracies suggests that education increases political participation. However, in electoral authoritarian regimes, educated voters may instead deliberately disengage. If education increases critical capacities, political awareness, and support for democracy, educated citizens may believe that participation is futile or legitimizes autocrats. We test this argument in Zimbabwe—a paradigmatic electoral authoritarian regime—by exploiting cross-cohort variation in access to education following a major educational reform. We find that educationdecreasespolitical participation, substantially reducing the likelihood that better-educated citizens vote, contact politicians, or attend community meetings. Consistent with deliberate disengagement, education’s negative effect on participation dissipated following 2008’s more competitive election, which (temporarily) initiated unprecedented power sharing. Supporting the mechanisms underpinning our hypothesis, educated citizens experience better economic outcomes, are more interested in politics, and are more supportive of democracy, but are also more likely to criticize the government and support opposition parties.
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Stone, E. Kim. "In the Bedroom: The Formation of Single Women’s Performative Space in Tsitsi Dangarembga’s Nervous Conditions." Journal of Commonwealth Literature 41, no. 1 (March 2006): 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021989406062921.
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This article addresses the formation of female intellectual subjectivity in Tsitsi Dangarembga’s Bildungsroman, Nervous Conditions. Written just five years after Zimbabwe became an independent nation, Nervous Conditions critiques government representations of females as physical labourers confined to domestic space, thus functioning as a counter-narrative to that limited national imaginary. The article rethinks concepts of resistant agency that other critics of the novel employ in their readings of the protagonist, Tambu. It argues that resistance, like any other concept, has a history, and that because Tambu is not a Western creation, Western ideals of freedom and individuality cannot account for the heroic aspects of her behaviour. Reformulating Judith Butler’s concept of subject formation, it develops ways of reading agency outside the binary logic of subordination and subversion, suggesting that agency develops unevenly on a continuum between complete compliance and complete resistance to norms. It also argues that spatial politics are crucial to Tambu’s quest for intellectual subjectivity. Thus, Tambu reconstructs the daughter’s bedroom to make it into a space that matters, producing bodies that matter.
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Mutize, Misheck, and Ejigayhu Tefera. "The Governance of State-Owned Enterprises in Africa: an analysis of selected cases." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 12, no. 2(J) (May 22, 2020): 9–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v12i2(j).2992.
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Whilst some literature is of the view that; it is nearly impossible to cultivate good corporate governance culture in state-owned enterprises (SOEs), others believe that new strategies of implementing corporate governance systems together with political will can deliver SOEs out of their efficiency doldrums. This paper presents a scientific analysis of the contentious view on the possibility of creating efficient governance mechanisms in SOEs, explores the effective cost for governance failures in SOEs in Kenya, Zimbabwe, South Africa and Ethiopia. The paper makes conclusions and recommendation that the determinant factor to the success of SOEs in African countries is underpinned on the response of central government to the challenges of SOEs. Structural reforms, good governance, clear objectives and efficiency requires governments to take a decisive position. As a lasting remedial action, knowing which entities and when to offload them through privatisation, is an option in addressing the governance challenges in African SOEs. For strategic SOEs, the paper recommends that governments should consider listing them on public stock exchanges.
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Ncube, Gibson. "Of dirt, disinfection and purgation: Discursive construction of state violence in selected contemporary Zimbabwean literature." Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 55, no. 1 (March 19, 2018): 41–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-9070/tvl.v.55i1.1548.
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This paper examines post-independent Zimbabwean literary narratives which engage with how the ruling ZANU-PF government frames dissenting voices as constituting dirt, filth and undesirability. Making use of Achille Mbembe's postulations on the "vulgarity of power" and Kenneth W. Harrow's readings of the politics of dirt, the central thesis of this paper is that the troping of dirt and state sponsored violence are closely related to the themes of memory and belonging. Literary works by writers such as Chistopher Mlalazi, NoViolet Bulawayo and John Eppel become self-effacing speech acts that are involved in reimagining and revisioning our understanding of power dynamics and how this affects human and social experiences.
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Nhapi, Innocent. "The water situation in Harare, Zimbabwe: a policy and management problem." Water Policy 11, no. 2 (April 1, 2009): 221–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wp.2009.018.
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Harare, the capital city of Zimbabwe, is facing water quantity and quality problems, with serious pollution of the downstream Lake Chivero. Often, these problems are attributed to rapid population growth, inadequate maintenance of wastewater treatment plants, expensive technologies and a poor institutional framework. Rampant urban agriculture could also result in washing off and leaching of nutrients. This paper brings out a number of issues related to sustainable water management in Harare. The study was based on key informant interviews, focus group discussions and a literature review. The results show that monitoring and enforcement of regulations in Harare is poor because of economic hardships and lack of political will to deal with offenders. Also, there is irregular collection of garbage, low fines owing to hyper-inflation and a general failure by the city to collect water and other charges from residents. The city has also failed to raise tariffs to economic levels owing to heavy lobbying by residents and interference by government. It was concluded that Harare cannot overcome its water-related problems under the current set-up. It is recommended that a corporatised body, free from political influence and with a higher degree of autonomy, be established to run the water services for Harare and the neighbouring towns. Such a body would need a sound and flexible system for setting tariffs and enacting/enforcing reasonable regulations.
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Pasara, Michael Takudzwa, Albert Makochekanwa, and Steven Henry Dunga. "THE ROLE OF SAVINGS AND CREDIT COOPERATIVES (SACCOS) ON FINANCIAL INCLUSION IN ZIMBABWE." EURASIAN JOURNAL OF BUSINESS AND MANAGEMENT 9, no. 1 (2021): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15604/ejbm.2021.09.01.004.
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This paper investigated the role of Savings and Credit Cooperatives (SACCOs) in Zimbabwe using a national baseline survey. Several economic challenges over the past two decades left ordinary citizens unbanked and financially excluded. SACCOs are viewed as a viable option towards financial inclusion. Classical and modern theoretical literature as well as experiences from other African countries were discussed. Data was collected using a triangulation method of questionnaires, interviews and focus group discussions (FGDs) across 147 SACCOs. It was observed that there are around 6,028 cooperatives with only 4.8% (289) being SACCOs and majority of members cannot distinguish between cooperatives and SACCOs. More than 90% cited that economic and political conditions eroded their savings value thereby reducing confidence in thrift models. 77 SACCOs (52.8%) do not own assets, and only 6.2% have over 1,000 members. Discrepancies emanate from inconsistent subscriptions, unfavorable and outdated government by-laws. SACCOs are classified as high-risk borrowers due to inconsistent subscriptions and poorly audited financial statements resulting in high interest rates and adverse selection. The study recommends additional training to increase administrative capacity and the scope of SACCOs, increased coordination of operations to reduce systematic risk through consistent by-laws and economic policies that stimulate stability and restore confidence in the financial sector.
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Blaser Mapitsa, Caitlin, Aisha Jore Ali, and Linda Sibonile Khumalo. "From evidence to values-based decision making in African parliaments." Evaluation Journal of Australasia 20, no. 2 (May 6, 2020): 68–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1035719x20918370.
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Monitoring and Evaluation discourse in Africa has evolved to focus on building systems at a national level. While this systemic approach has many advantages, its implementation often runs up against the uncomfortable reality that governments have complex incentives to use evidence, and this evidence can equally contribute to decision making that is neither development-focused nor democratic if values are not part of the conversation. Much of the literature on public-sector reform focuses on evidence-based policy making. While relevant, it does not reflect on values, and this article will argue that acknowledging the central role values play in interpreting evidence is critical to effective national evaluation system building. To make this argument, this article will present and discuss vignettes from the parliaments of Malawi, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe that illustrate the pivotal role values have played in interpreting and acting on evidence in a parliamentary context. Finally, it makes a case for the discourse about evidence-based policy making to consider values-based policy making as an appropriate lens for parliaments to acknowledge and engage with the complex landscape of the politics of evidence.
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JENKINS, CAROLYN. "The Politics of Economic Policy-Making in Zimbabwe." Journal of Modern African Studies 35, no. 4 (December 1997): 575–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x97002589.
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There are two remarkable features of post-independence economic policy-making in Zimbabwe: the very limited nature of the changes made by the new government in 1980, and the complete reversal of policy announced in 1990. It was surprising that a more radical transformation had not been introduced soon after independence, since this had been achieved by a civil war prompted not only by the denial of even basic rights to the majority of the population, but also by an extremely inequitable distribution of economic resources. The volte-face in 1990 was also unexpected, because it required a repudiation of governmental rhetoric at a time when the economy was by no means in a state of crisis, even though under stress. This article attempts to understand these policy shifts.
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Moyo, Jonathan N. "State Politics and Social Domination in Zimbabwe." Journal of Modern African Studies 30, no. 2 (June 1992): 305–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00010739.
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Few can doubt the proposition that there is an important difference between information and knowledge, and that more of the former does not necessarily lead to the latter. Whereas a great deal has been written from all manner of perspectives about the situation in Africa both before and since independence, the resulting corpus of literature has seldom yielded a mainstream understanding of basic aspects of state politics. Doubtless many feel that the more they read about the continent, the less they known about what is going on and why.
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DAVIS, S. R., and COLIN A. HUGHES. "The Literature of Australian Government and Politics." Australian Journal of Politics & History 4, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 107–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1958.tb00164.x.
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Maringira, Godfrey. "Politics, Privileges, and Loyalty in the Zimbabwe National Army." African Studies Review 60, no. 2 (May 22, 2017): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2017.1.
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Abstract:In postcolonial Africa, the military has become an actor in politics, often in ways that can be described as unprofessional. This paper focuses on the manner in which the Zimbabwean National Army (ZNA) has become heavily politicized since independence, directly supporting the regime of President Robert Mugabe while denigrating the opposition political party. The military metamorphosed, to all intents, into an extension of President Mugabe’s political party, the ZANU-PF. I argue that even though the military is expected to subordinate itself to a civilian government, the ZNA is highly unprofessional, in- and outside the army barracks. The ways in which politics came to be mediated by army generals, as “war veterans” serving in the military, directly influenced not only how soldiers who joined the army in postindependence Zimbabwe were promoted and demoted, but how they lived their lives as soldiers in the army barracks. This article is based on fifty-eight life histories of army deserters living in exile in South Africa.
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Maringira, Godfrey. "The Military Post-Mugabe." Journal of Asian and African Studies 56, no. 2 (March 2021): 176–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909620986586.
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This article argues that, through the coup, the military has become more visible in national politics in post-Mugabe Zimbabwe. The current situation under President Mnangagwa marks a qualitative difference with the military under Mugabe’s rule. Currently, in now being more prominent, the military is politics and is the determinant of any political transition that may be forthcoming in Zimbabwe. However, if it deems it necessary, the military accommodates civilian politicians into politics in order to ‘sanitize’ the political landscape in its own interests. Simultaneously, despite their involvement in the coup, ordinary soldiers feel increasingly marginalized under Mnangagwa’s government.
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Cheeseman, Nic, and Blessing-Miles Tendi. "Power-sharing in comparative perspective: the dynamics of ‘unity government’ in Kenya and Zimbabwe." Journal of Modern African Studies 48, no. 2 (May 19, 2010): 203–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x10000224.
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ABSTRACTThis paper draws on the recent experience of Kenya and Zimbabwe to demonstrate how power-sharing has played out in Africa. Although the two cases share some superficial similarities, variation in the strength and disposition of key veto players generated radically different contexts that shaped the feasibility and impact of unity government. Explaining the number and attitude of veto players requires a comparative analysis of the evolution of civil–military and intra-elite relations. In Zimbabwe, the exclusionary use of violence and rhetoric, together with the militarisation of politics, created far greater barriers to genuine power-sharing, resulting inthe politics of continuity. These veto players were less significant in the Kenyan case, giving rise to a more cohesive outcome in the form ofthe politics of collusion. However, we find that neither mode of power-sharing creates the conditions for effective reform, which leads to a more general conclusion: unity government serves to postpone conflict, rather than to resolve it.
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Laakso, Liisa. "The politics of international election observation: the case of Zimbabwe in 2000." Journal of Modern African Studies 40, no. 3 (September 2002): 437–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x02003993.
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The example of Zimbabwe in 2000 shows that in a context of violent election campaigning, the role of international election observation is an ambiguous one. Unlike earlier elections organised by the Zimbabwean government, international donors wanted to observe its 2000 parliamentary election amidst a deepening crisis. They noted that the elections would not be free and fair in their view. Neighbouring countries with a more positive view joined the observation exercise. The government's discriminatory invitation and accreditation policy, the observers' emphasis on the peacefulness of the polling rather than free and fair elections, and the selective publication of their reports in various media, were affected both by the political agendas of the domestic players and by the governments which sent the observers. The difference between the Western view of the government, which had changed drastically since the 1980s and early 1990s, and the view of neighbouring governments, was crucial and may become significant elsewhere in Africa.
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Manenji, Tawanda, and Barbra Marufu. "The impact of adopting e-government as a mechanism to enhance accountability as well as transparent conduct within public institutions." Scholedge International Journal of Business Policy & Governance ISSN 2394-3351 3, no. 7 (August 15, 2016): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.19085/journal.sijbpg030701.
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<em>This study examines the impact of adopting e-government as a mechanism to enhance accountability as well as transparent conduct within public institutions in Zimbabwe. There is a belief that e-government brings about better change in governance issues through active disclosure of governance information. The research found out that e-government in Zimbabwe though still being nurtured, has better prospects and there is great need for clearly setting and meeting a conducive environment for it to flourish. That is a set of pre-requirements need to be assessed before trying to implement e-government into full swing. Zimbabwe lacks an unanimous e-government strategy across its ministries hence the existence of disparities in e-government adoption within the country – some ministries are more advanced while others only exhibit the first initial stages of e-government. However, the adoption of e-government in Zimbabwe has been hampered by a plethora of challenges ranging from politics, economics, social and technological. Among them include inadequate or weak legislative frameworks guiding and directing e-government implementation, budget constraints, digital divide as well as technological incompetence. The study also makes some recommendations as to how e-government prospects can be fully attained and such remedies among others include the passing of a comprehensive IT policy which cut across all government ministries, embracing Public Private Partnerships in building IT infrastructure, and redefining government’s top priorities and focus much on e-government investment. The paper also notes the effects of poor governance to a country. Zimbabwe’s e-government strategy if managed properly, would also reduce government external debt, improve service delivery, promote economic development, and increase public accountability and transparency within the public sector.</em>
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Gran, Thorvald. "Looking back: Government politics and trust in rural developments in Tanzania and Zimbabwe 1980–1990." Development Southern Africa 35, no. 4 (April 16, 2018): 450–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0376835x.2018.1461608.
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Chiguvi, Douglas, Ruramayi Tadu, and Zenzo Dube. "Critical Success Factors in Customer Relationship Management Strategy in the Local Government Authorities in Zimbabwe." International Journal of Marketing Studies 11, no. 4 (November 23, 2019): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijms.v11n4p99.
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The aim of the study was to identify critical success factors in customer relationship management strategy success in the local government authorities in Zimbabwe. A thorough abridgment of the literature was conducted, mainly to understand the nature and structure of local government authorities in Zimbabwe as well as to identify critical success factors in CRM strategy success. A Meta-analysis methodology was employed and explanatory research approach was adopted by means of a survey strategy. 197 questionnaires have been collected from twenty-one local government authorities in Zimbabwe. The findings of the study revealed that all of the ten critical success factors are significant and positively linked to CRM strategy success. Furthermore, the statistical tests show that success and failure of CRM strategy success are highly dependent on four major critical success factors including Implementation Approach, Change Management, Metrics and Implementation Strategy. However, process design and Buy-in Approach and Adoption have low significance impact in CRM strategy success in local government authorities in Zimbabwe. The results of the data analysis led to the creation of a framework which outlines the critical success factors in CRM strategy success in local government authorities in Zimbabwe and the CRM implementation Index which need to be followed before implementing the CRM strategy. This study has clearly indicated that customer relationship management forms a powerful strategy that local government authorities should apply to manage long-term relationships with their key stakeholders.
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Chiguvi, Douglas, Ruramayi Tadu, and Moreblessing Ngwenya. "Key Factors in Customer Relationship Management Strategy Success in the Local Government Authorities." Applied Economics and Finance 6, no. 4 (June 24, 2019): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/aef.v6i4.4341.
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The aim of the study was to identify critical success factors in customer relationship management strategy success in the local government authorities in Zimbabwe. A thorough abridgment of the literature was conducted, mainly to understand the nature and structure of local government authorities in Zimbabwe as well as to identify critical success factors in CRM strategy success. A Meta-analysis methodology was employed and explanatory research approach was adopted by means of a survey strategy. 197 questionnaires have been collected from twenty one local government authorities in Zimbabwe. The findings of the study revealed that all of the ten critical success factors are significant and positively linked to CRM strategy success. Furthermore, the statistical tests show that success and failure of CRM strategy success are highly dependent on four major critical success factors including Implementation Approach, Change Management, Metrics and Implementation Strategy. However, process design and Buy-in Approach and Adoption have low significance impact in CRM strategy success in local government authorities in Zimbabwe. The results of the data analysis led to the creation of a framework which outlines the critical success factors in CRM strategy success in local government authorities in Zimbabwe and the CRM implementation Index which need to be followed before implementing the CRM strategy. This study has clearly indicated that customer relationship management forms a powerful strategy that local government authorities should apply to manage long-term relationships with their key stakeholders.
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Wylie, Dan. "Ranka Primorac'sThe Place of Tears: The Novel and Politics in Modern Zimbabwe." Scrutiny2 14, no. 1 (May 2009): 119–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/18125440903152346.
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Roe, Emery M. "More than the politics of decentralization: Local government reform, district development and public administration in Zimbabwe." World Development 23, no. 5 (May 1995): 833–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0305-750x(95)00008-z.
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Barure, Walter Kudzai, and Irikidzayi Manase. "Different narration, same history: The politics of writing ‘democratic narratives’ in Zimbabwe." Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 57, no. 2 (September 17, 2020): 48–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/tl.v57i2.6518.
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Over the past five decades, Zimbabwe’s political trajectories were characterised by a historiographic revision and deconstruction that revealed varying ideological perceptions and positions of political actors. This article reconsiders the current shifts in the Zimbabwean historiography and focuses on the politics of positioning the self in the national narrative. The article analyses three Zimbabwean political autobiographies written by political actors from the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), particularly Michael Auret’s From Liberator to Dictator: An Insider’s Account of Robert Mugabe’s Descent into Tyranny (2009), Morgan Tsvangirai’s At the Deep End (2011), and David Coltart’s The Struggle Continues: 50 Years of Tyranny in Zimbabwe (2016). It also discusses how writing in Zimbabwe is a contested terrain that is bifurcated between oppositional and dominant imaginaries of politics, the revolutionary tradition, and past performances of power.
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Juviler, Peter H., and Everett M. Jacobs. "Soviet Local Politics and Government." Russian Review 45, no. 1 (January 1986): 96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/129439.
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Takavarasha, Sam, and John Makumbe. "The Effect of Politics on ICT4D." International Journal of E-Politics 3, no. 3 (July 2012): 40–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jep.2012070103.
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Zimbabwe is the best contemporary example of how politics can affect economic development. Equally as significant, and yet under studied, is the effect of politics on Information and Communication Technologies for development (ICT4D). In this case study of government of Zimbabwe’s five year battle to prevent Econet Wireless from operating a mobile phone network, the authors present the fear for the conviviality of ICTs as a reason why dictatorial states often restrict free use of ICTs and how this can inhibit its role in fostering development. Using a combination of aspects of Thomas Hobbes’ political theory and Sen’s capability approach the authors show how passions like fear for the power of ICTs in private hands and the appetite for proceeds from the telecoms sector fuelled a five year legal battle that was eventually won by Econet. A framework for assessing the motives behind restrictive political action and the concomitant erosion of political freedoms which inhibits free ICT use and investment in the sector is also presented.
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Rusero, Alexander M., and Emaculate Mvundura. "Post Mugabe Era and Feasibility of Regime Change in Zimbabwe." World Journal of Social Science Research 7, no. 4 (October 24, 2020): p60. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjssr.v7n4p60.
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Barely a year after Zimbabwe’s long serving President Robert Mugabe was ousted through a military coup which replaced him with his erstwhile trusted ally and vice president Emmerson Mnangagwa, the army shot six civilians caught up in the crossfire of protestors alleging ZANU PF electoral theft of the 2018 July 30 polls. Although the military has always been in the background of Zimbabwe’s politics in general and the ruling ZANU PF affairs in particular, the shooting of protestors incident which occurred on the 1st of August 2018 left the world shell-shocked on the prospects of any peaceful change of government or even transfer of power, confirming to all and sundry that Mugabe could have exited the political stage, but the system he presided over for 37 years is still intact, if not even more perfected in the aftermath. This has since rekindled debates on the feasibility of regime change in Zimbabwe and in that context the validity and essence of having an election in the first place if any outcome unfavourable to ZANU PF and its candidate is likely to witness the unleashing of armed soldiers and the subsequent killing of citizens in the process. With the security sector involved in politics in contrast to the old adage that politics lead the gun, it thus comes as a paradox that for the umpteenth time, regime change in Zimbabwe shall remain an elusive dream.
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Dendere, Chipo. "Financing political parties in Africa: the case of Zimbabwe." Journal of Modern African Studies 59, no. 3 (August 26, 2021): 295–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x21000148.
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AbstractWhat is the impact of access to political party finance – money that parties use to fund their campaign activities – on politics in Africa? While multiparty elections have become more regular in the developing world, many opposition parties are still failing to win elections. This paper argues that poor access to political finance weakens democratic consolidation and negatively impacts the participation of less-resourced candidates who are unable to self-fund. As a result, opposition parties are forced to rely on weak promises of aid from international donors and unreliable state funding. This in-depth analysis of political finance, based on extensive interviews with politicians and government officials in Zimbabwe, political documents, news reports and a review of court cases, reveals that uneven financing has weakened opposition parties and serves as an extra advantage for incumbents.
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Vengeyi, Obvious. "Israelite Prophetic Marks among Zimbabwean Men of God: An Evaluation of the Conduct of Selected Zimbabwean Church Leaders in Recent Politics." Exchange 39, no. 2 (2010): 159–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/016627410x12608581119795.
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AbstractWhat does it mean to be prophetic during political turmoil? Does it mean opposition to the government or opposition to any opposition to the government? This article offers a Biblical theological response to this question as it evaluates the behaviour of the clergymen and church representative bodies in Zimbabwe. Although the immediate context is the violence that engulfed the nation soon after 29 March 2008 election, over the years since 2000, the church has spoken with contradictory voices. There are churches and individual church leaders who openly displayed their allegiance to the government irrespective of all glaring misgivings. On one hand there existed some Christian leaders who opposed whatever the government did, hence they openly clamoured for regime change. While all this was happening, the common man benefitted only confusion as to who really is prophetic, that is who really represents God and the people.
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Ranger, Terence. "The Place of Tears: The Novel and Politics in Modern Zimbabwe, by Ranka Primorac." Research in African Literatures 39, no. 2 (June 2008): 143–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/ral.2008.39.2.143.
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Rwafa, Urther. "Playing the Politics of Erasure: (Post)Colonial Film Images and Cultural Genocide in Zimbabwe." Journal of Literary Studies 30, no. 2 (April 3, 2014): 104–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02564718.2014.919108.
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CHIKONZO, KELVIN. "From Panic to Reconciliation: Protest Theatre and the State in Zimbabwe, 1999–2012." Theatre Research International 41, no. 3 (October 2016): 218–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883316000390.
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Between 1999 and 2008, Zimbabwe was in political and economic crisis. A number of theatre-makers responded by creating several different kinds of protest theatre. They did this to compensate for a media monopoly by the state, to promote active citizen engagement in politics, and to promote political change. This article first surveys developments in protest theatre at this time. It then draws attention to a brand of protest theatre that emerged after the crisis in Zimbabwe, after the formation of a Government of National Unity. Reconciliatory protest theatre, I explain, was concerned with issues of national healing and reconciliation which dominated the post-crisis situation in Zimbabwe. Whilst both the state and protest artists concurred on the fact that the nation ought to be healed and that reconciliation was needed, tensions emerged as to how the processes of healing and reconciliation were to unfold. By looking at two examples in detail, I explain how Zimbabwe's theatre artists viewed this issue, and how the state reacted.
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Kassen, Maxat. "E-Government Politics as a Networking Phenomenon." International Journal of Electronic Government Research 13, no. 2 (April 2017): 18–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijegr.2017040102.
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Asking such a simple question as what e-government politics really is to policymakers, practitioners and other stakeholders in the sphere and all the more so in a cross-country and cross-institutional manner could be an extremely prolific undertaking since it allows to generate a myriad of unique stories and perspectives about this phenomenon. E-government is a universally well-known concept in public policy, public administration, political and economic sciences and beyond and related academic and professional literature is really rich with demonstrative cases that represent these narratives well from various viewpoints and fields. In this regard, the key purpose of the article is not to update a state-of-the-art in the sphere but rather an attempt to synthesize and systematize all available institutional perspectives on the development of this truly multidimensional networking phenomenon equally from stakeholder, cross-institutional and cross-country perspectives.
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Barugahara, Florence. "Financial Inclusion in Zimbabwe: Determinants, Challenges, and Opportunities." International Journal of Financial Research 12, no. 3 (February 4, 2021): 261. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/ijfr.v12n3p261.
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Financial inclusion is a highly topical issue for policymakers since inclusive finance is viewed as a channel of social and economic development. Therefore, this paper seeks to ascertain and examine the determinants, challenges, and opportunities for financial inclusion in Zimbabwe. The research is done by examining existing literature and estimating Logit and Probit models. This paper finds that, the major determinants of financial inclusion in Zimbabwe are; gender, age, education, income levels, employment status, the cost of financial services, account opening requirements, and level of trust in the financial system. Challenges to financial inclusion in Zimbabwe include; financial illiteracy, lack of formal identification documents, lack of trust in the financial system, fragile economy, rural poor and gender inequality, and high transaction costs of financial services. However, mobile money services such as Eco-cash, Tel-cash, and One-money have proved an opportunity for inclusive finance in Zimbabwe. Furthermore, the establishment of the women’s Bank of Zimbabwe is one of the strategies to enhance inclusive finance for women in Zimbabwe. The simplified KYC requirements for low-income groups and the financial inclusion strategy commissioned by the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe are hoped to promote financial inclusion. This paper recommended that to make finance inclusive, the government should develop policies that target marginalized groups such as the elderly, rural population, low-income earners, females, and the unemployed. The government should also develop a strong consumer protection regulatory framework, promote financial literacy, reduce the transaction cost of financial services and encourage the use of accounts with simplified KYC requirements to ease documentation needs.
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Kurebwa, Jeffrey. "The Institution of Traditional Leadership and Local Governance in Zimbabwe." International Journal of Civic Engagement and Social Change 5, no. 1 (January 2018): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijcesc.2018010101.
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This article describes how traditional leaders play important developmental, administrative and political roles in rural areas, despite modern state structures. They regulate rural life, control access to land, and settle various disputes. They are respected leaders in their communities. The existence of traditional leaders means that both the decentralisation and the strengthening of local governance are not taking place in a vacuum. Documentary sources such as the Constitution of Zimbabwe; the Traditional Leaders Act (2000) and Chiefs and Headmen Act (1982); newspapers and unpublished non-governmental organisations (NGOs) evaluations and reports were used in this article. Traditional leaders have played a pivotal role in ensuring that the ZANU-PF government remains in power since 1980. In principle, traditional leaders should not be drawn into party politics and their role should remain one of the neutral leadership. If the traditional leader assumes a party-political role, one should appoint a substitute to handle their traditional role to avoid a conflict of interest.
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Ncube, Gibson. "Eternal mothers, whores or witches: the oddities of being a woman in politics in Zimbabwe." Agenda 34, no. 4 (May 20, 2020): 25–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10130950.2020.1749523.
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Damiyano, David, and Nirmala Dorasamy. "Effects of monetary policy on economic growth in Zimbabwe." GIS Business 14, no. 5 (October 25, 2019): 64–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/gis.v14i5.9670.
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This research examines the hypothesis of money neutrality in Zimbabwe. After studying the relevant literature on the effects of changes in money supply on real variables, it outlines the research design for a macro-level study on the impact of changes in money supply on real variables. The hypothesis is that there is a positive relationship between money supply and real variables (GDP). The researcher used real GDP as the dependent variable whilst money supply (M3), interest rate and government expenditure were used as explanatory variables. A VAR model has been applied using the country’s macroeconomic data from 1990 to 2017 which was obtained from ZIMSTATS and World Bank Open Data website. Impulse response functions and variance decomposition were used to analyse the impact of the explanatory variables on real GDP. The results suggest that money positively affects real GDP in the short run but in the long it is insignificant in influencing real output. This means that in Zimbabwe, money is non-neutral in the long run, but it is neutral in the long run. Government expenditure has an insignificant influence on GDP both in the short and long run whilst interest rate has a positive effect on GDP in the long run. The recommendations which were given are that the government; should use expansionary monetary policy to increase real GDP, demonetise the bond note as well as the RTGS and adopting the Rand, curbing inflation through increasing production and ensuring transparency in the manner in which loans are given.
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Tsaurai, Kunofiwa. "Military expenditure and the economy of Zimbabwe." Journal of Governance and Regulation 3, no. 2 (2014): 65–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/jgr_v3_i2_c1_p6.
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This study examines the causal relationship between military expenditure and economic growth in Zimbabwe. The causality relationship between government military expenditure and economic growth has so far received attention from many economists, the dominant ones being Wagner (1890) and Keynes (1936). According to literature, there currently exist four perspectives around the causality relationship military expenditure and economic growth. The first perspective by Keynes (1936) suggests that military expenditure spur economic growth whilst the second perspective by Wagner (1890) mentions that economic growth affects military expenditure. The third perspective says both military expenditure and economic growth affects each other whilst the fourth perspective suggests the existence of no causality relationship at all between military expenditure and economic growth. The results of this study proves that military expenditure does not directly influence economic growth whilst economic growth does also not directly influence military expenditure both in the short and long run.
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Manuere, Faitira, and Neria Phiri. "A Literature Review of Women Empowerment and Development in Zimbabwe: A look at New Insights and Perspectives." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 8, no. 4 (October 23, 2018): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v8i4.13818.
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The concept of “Women empowerment” has received much attention from researchers, government and captains of industry. There are several meanings attached to the concept of women empowerment. This literature review explores the origin of the term women empowerment as it is related to gender and equality. This literature review looks at four power perspectives that are used to explain the increasing need for women empowerment today. The related concepts of power, agency, resources and achievements are used to explain and describe the problems associated with women empowerment globally. The theoretical underpinnings of this literature review are important for policy-makers and government the world over. Finally, the models that can be adopted to empower women, socially, economically and politically are identified and explained.
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Chuma, Wallace. "Zimbabwe: The conflictual relations between journalism and politics in the first decade of independence." International Communication Gazette 82, no. 7 (January 9, 2020): 594–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048519897489.
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African countries where democracy and majority rule came about through negotiated transitions are often conflicted polities in which elements of the new order exist uneasily with strong currents of the ancien regime. The media in these ‘transitioning’ societies naturally find themselves at the forefront of interpreting and representing these contradictions through deploying both ‘old’ journalistic frames and creating new narratives. In doing so, African journalists mediating this initial phase of the postcolonial transition negotiate a complex terrain: fielding pressures from an array of power centres including the new political elite transforming itself from a liberation movement into a democratic government, corporate hierarchies with strong links to the past, advertisers and media owners. They are also confronted with a plethora of expectations of how they should represent the new order, in part based on who they are, in terms of race, gender and class. This article focuses on the journalism-politics nexus within the first decade of democracy in Zimbabwe, identifying key moments and sites where the matrix of influences (and contradictions) played itself out. It does so through archival research, including selected biographies published by journalists who lived through the contested transition. The results suggest that in Zimbabwe, the structural factors shaping journalism practice rested to a large extent on a set of expectations of a ‘collaborative’ media by the new political elite, which adopted an aggressive stick and carrot approach to enforcing journalistic collaboration. At the same time, it is also clear that journalists were able, from time to time, to subvert or manoeuvre within the ‘system’ to assert their agency, although this was in cases few and far between.
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Mpofu, Busani. "Perpetual ‘Outcasts’? Squatters in peri-urban Bulawayo, Zimbabwe." Afrika Focus 25, no. 2 (February 25, 2012): 45–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-02502005.
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After independence in 1980 Zimbabwe’s cities experienced a proliferation in the number of squatter camps. This was because of the failure of the urban economy to offer adequate housing and jobs, leaving peri-urban space as the only sanctuary for the urban poor to live in and eke out a living informally. The promotion of rural ‘growth points’ by the national government to promote rural development to discourage migration to urban areas failed. Yet, a poor policy response by the state to this negative outcome of rapid urbanisation that aims to reverse this rural-urban migration has led to unending confrontations between its various arms and squatters who continue to be regarded as encroachers. Focussing on Bulawayo, the second largest city in Zimbabwe, and based on interviews, archival research, Council minutes and newspapers, this article critiques the state’s urban development policy vis-à-vis squatters and informality. It is argued that the persistence of a salient perception by government officials that all Africans belong to rural areas and have access to land they can fall back on in hard times serves as a vital lubricant to the state’s action of forcibly sending squatters to rural areas. This ignores the historical pattern of rapid urbanisation and the growth ofinformal economies supporting the livelihoods of thousands of people. I seek to add to the literature on low-cost housing shortages, urban squatters and peri-urbanism in Zimbabwe and on studies of informality in Third World cities in general.
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Hodgkinson, Dan. "POLITICS ON LIBERATION'S FRONTIERS: STUDENT ACTIVIST REFUGEES, INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY, AND THE STRUGGLE FOR ZIMBABWE, 1965–79." Journal of African History 62, no. 1 (March 2021): 99–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853721000268.
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AbstractDuring Zimbabwe's struggle for national liberation, thousands of black African students fled Rhodesia to universities across the world on refugee scholarship schemes. To these young people, university student activism had historically provided a stable route into political relevance and nationalist leadership. But at foreign universities, many of which were vibrant centres for student mobilisations in the 1960s and 1970s and located far from Zimbabwean liberation movements’ organising structures, student refugees were confronted with the dilemma of what their role and future in the liberation struggle was. Through the concept of the ‘frontier’, this article compares the experiences of student activists at universities in Uganda, West Africa, and the UK as they figured out who they were as political agents. For these refugees, I show how political geography mattered. Campus frontiers could lead young people both to the military fronts of Mozambique and Zambia as well as to the highest circles of government in independent Zimbabwe. As such, campus frontiers were central to the history of Zimbabwe's liberation movements and the development of the postcolonial state.
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Naimark, Norman M., and Andrew A. Michta. "The Government and Politics of Postcommunist Europe." Russian Review 54, no. 3 (July 1995): 489. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/131477.
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Larsen, Erik Gahner. "Personal politics? Healthcare policies, personal experiences and government attitudes." Journal of European Social Policy 30, no. 4 (June 16, 2020): 467–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928720904319.
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Do personal experiences matter for public attitudes towards the role of the government? In the domain of healthcare, I argue that policies change the salience of personal experiences for government attitudes. Specifically, I expect that personal experiences matter less for government attitudes when healthcare is publicly financed, that is, when there is less emphasis on financing healthcare via market-based choices. Empirically, I link subjective and objective personal experiences from the International Social Survey Programme to macro-level policy indicators. The analysis provides strong support for the expectation and contributes to a growing body of literature interested in the underpinnings of government attitudes in a comparative perspective.
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Weinstein, Laura. "The Politics of Government Expenditures in Tanzania, 1999–2007." African Studies Review 54, no. 1 (April 2011): 33–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2011.0023.
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Abstract:What allocation strategy do hegemonic party regimes pursue in order to increase their level of electoral support? Although the literature has established that targeting resources to marginally supportive districts is the most effective distributive strategy for competitive democracies, it has not been possible to make a clear prediction about the best strategy for hegemonic party regimes. This article seeks to address this puzzle by examining the patterns by which expenditures were distributed by the Tanzanian ruling party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), across the country's 114 mainland districts from 1999 through 2007. Overall, this study finds that CCM targeted expenditures toward those districts that elected the party with the highest margin of victory.
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Tarupiwa, Tafadzwa Telmore. "The Analysis of Zimbabwe`s informal Sector`s Economic Sustainability Subject to Lockdown Effects." iRASD Journal of Economics 2, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 43–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.52131/joe.2020.0101.0015.
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Zimbabwe`s economic society had been dominated by the informal sector as the main source and substitute for formal employment. It comprises of vendors, crosses border traders, cottage industries, artisanal miners and many others conducting lawful but unregistered economic activities. Given it being seen as a new normal for Zimbabwe`s economic structure, the 2020 national lockdown necessitated the analysis on the economic sustainability of Zimbabwe`s informal sector given the hardship experienced. Applying extensive literature review, content analysis and critical assessment of theory and practice as the methodology, the informal sector is deemed highly unsustainable economically. This paper proposes a total restructuring of Zimbabwe`s sector structure, through the creation of a total development strategy that enables refocusing government expenditure and policy towards realignment of informal structure to formal. Furthermore, this paper advocate for a balanced development strategy, that incorporates all sectors which accelerate growth and a stable formal sector through technological innovations and modernisation such that there is technology transfer to the informal sector, as opposed to arbitraging and vending activities as they are prone to stagnation and vulnerability.
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Khumalo, Njabulo Bruce. "Silenced genocide voices in Zimbabwe’s archives: Drawing lessons from Rwanda’s post-genocide archives and documentation initiatives." Information Development 35, no. 5 (October 8, 2018): 795–805. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0266666918802443.
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Archives are a very important part of any given community, yet they may be silent on some critical histories. Perpetrators of genocides have usually resorted to denying or even trivialising such atrocities. They go on to silence genocide voices and these silences translate to the absence of records and archives on such topics. Like Rwanda, post-independence Zimbabwe fell victim to a genocide which was executed by the ZANU PF government in Matabeleland and Midlands Provinces. The post-genocide experience has seen the ZANU PF government silencing genocide voices by criminalising or even denying the killing of people. The silencing of voices and the muteness of the national archival institution on the Gukurahundi genocide in Zimbabwe stands as a cause for concern. This study sought to assess the state of silencing of voices on the Gukurahundi genocide and also draw lessons from the documentation of the Rwandan genocide. This conceptual study also reviewed relevant literature. A manual document search and an online search were conducted.