Academic literature on the topic 'Zimbabwe – Politics and governments – 21st century'
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Journal articles on the topic "Zimbabwe – Politics and governments – 21st century"
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Wogu, Ikedinachi Ayodele Power, Sharon Nanyongo Njie, Emmanuel Onyekachi Ezennwa, Charles Natahniel Chukwuedo, George U. Ukagba, Sanjay Misra, Emmanuel Uniamikogbo, and Esther Fadeke Olu-Owolabi. "The Politics of Climate Change and the Rising Demand for Global Energy in the 21st Century." International Journal of Energy Optimization and Engineering 10, no. 3 (July 2021): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijeoe.2021070101.
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Established that most governments prefer to boost global energy supply because it improves economies and translates to gainful employment for citizens, the rising global demand for energy from various sectors continues to trigger unprecedented consequences on the environment, resulting in hazardous implications. Hence, scientists argue that the rising demand for global energy by industrialized nations increases the vulnerability of persons and polities where these energy and mineral resources abound. Consequently, governments, multinationals, etc. are at a crossroads regarding how best to address this dilemma. Creswell's mix-method research deign and Merlyn's ex-post facto research methods for analyzing qualitative and quantitative data previously obtained from similar studies were used for attaining the objectives of the research. The study identified troubling and high-level politicking at play in most affected countries. Recommendations geared towards addressing the dilemmas emanating from the rising global demand for energy by governments and scholars were proffered.
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Boafo-Arthur, Kwame. "Chieftaincy in Ghana: Challenges and Prospects in the 21st Century." African and Asian Studies 2, no. 2 (2003): 125–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920903322149400.
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AbstractThe paper delineates what is seen as key challenges to the chieftaincy institution in Ghana. Historical challenges in the form of colonial attempts to sidestep the institution and the attempts by the immediate post independence governments to subjugate and divest them of their economic strength through drastic laws, never cowed the institution. Currently, the 1992 Fourth Republic Constitution bars chiefs from participating in partisan politics thus infringing on their inalienable right of free association. The responses of chiefs to current challenges include the setting up of education funds, participating in HIV/AIDS education, and sensitizing the people on the dangers of environmental degradation. In sum, the noted resilience of the institution will once more assist in containing the challenges to the institution in the 21st century.
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Wogu, Ikedinachi Ayodele Power, Sharon Nanyongo N. Njie, Jesse Oluwafemi Katende, George Uzoma Ukagba, Morris Oziegbe Edogiawerie, and Sanjay Misra. "The Social Media, Politics of Disinformation in Established Hegemonies, and the Role of Technological Innovations in 21st Century Elections." International Journal of Electronic Government Research 16, no. 3 (July 2020): 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijegr.2020070104.
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Deep concerns about the rise in the number of technological innovations used for perpetrating viral dissemination of disinformation, via major social media platforms during multiparty elections, have been expressed. As strategy scholars observe, it is inimical to democratic systems whose election results are questioned by reason of faulty electoral processes. The Marxian alienation theory and Marilyn's ex-post facto research designs were used for evaluating the consequences of adopting political disinformation strategies (PDS) as tools for manipulation, via innovative artificial intelligent technologies, on established social media networks during recent democratic elections in the US and other rising hegemonies. The study observed that most governments and expert political campaigners continue to find it a politically viable platform suitable for swinging the votes of electorates in desired directions. Authors recommended stiffer regulations for media platforms and party agents as this would aid discontinuing the practice of PDS during elections in established and rising hegemonies.
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Alaniz, María, and Rodrigo Bruera. "Gobiernos progresistas en América Latina: agendas políticas y de comunicación." INDEX COMUNICACION 10, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 55–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.33732/ixc/10/02gobier.
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This article aims to make visible the transformation proposed by the progressive governments of Latin America after their irruption in the political scene of the 21st century. Their political and communication agendas, framed in the concept of Communicational State, are based on considering communication as a right and not as a commodity. It is based on a conceptual and analytical review, through readings of speeches, documents and news, of three cases of political interest that have originated in Argentina (referring to the Audiovisual Communication Services Law), Bolivia (regarding women's participation in politics) and Venezuela (regarding the promotion of community media, as a confrontation with the private system). It should be clarified that this article synthesizes some of the results of a research project aimed at recognizing the impact of some political issues from the communication action of governments in the Latin American region during the period 2010-2015. In conclusion, it can be said that governments have articulated public policies, in the field of communication, aimed at building their own political agendas capable of entering fully into the disputes of the political media scene, as well as expanding new media, leaving a mark on the work of journalists.
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Nam Tien, Tran. "THE RISE OF INDIA IN THE NEW BALANCE OF POWER IN ASIA SINCE THE BEGINNING OF 21ST CENTURY: IMPACTS ON INDIA - VIETNAM RELATIONS." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 9, no. 2 (April 8, 2021): 246–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2021.9226.
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Purpose of the study: The study focuses on the rise of India in the new balance of power in Asia since the beginning of the 21st century. It had three major purposes: (a) to discover the new balance of power in Asia (b), to examine the possible predicting scenario about the role of India in Asia’s order; (c) to understand critical influences of the Indian rise that affect on India-Vietnam relations.
Methodology: This study describes a qualitative study based upon a combination of three main methods such as historical method, analysis-synthesis method (documentary analysis), and case study method. The data were sourced from secondary data and content analysis in various publications of governments, foreign governments, or international bodies. Moreover, foreign policy journals, books, magazines, newspapers, and public records.
Main Findings: The study had some key research findings. The first main finding was that the rise of India would contribute to the common development of Asian countries and affirm the position of Asia on the world map. The second major finding was that India-Vietnam relationships supported India becoming a peaceful superpower dominating East Asia, especially Southeast Asia.
Applications of this study: The implications of the study can be supported by the observation of foreign policy substitutability. This study about the rise of India can be used to get the support of the policymaker or government to make the foreign policy adapting to the new era in Asia. Moreover, the study is also a valuable document for students majoring in International Relations, International History, and Politics.
Novelty/Originality of this study: There is no or has not been any study that discusses the rise of India in the new balance of power in Asia since the beginning of the 21st century and its impacts on India-Vietnam relations.
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Greiman, Virginia. "The Winds of Change in World Politics and the Impact on Cyber Stability." International Journal of Cyber Warfare and Terrorism 9, no. 4 (October 2019): 27–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijcwt.2019100102.
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One of the greatest geopolitical challenges in the 21st century will be competing for the control of cyberspace, the 5th domain of cyberwarfare after land, sea, air, and space, and the major economic challenge of the time. With the advancement of artificial intelligence, the Internet of Things, autonomous vehicles, and unmanned drones, this challenge becomes even greater. This article explores through empirical evidence the interaction among the three powers that shape cyber intelligence and international security: globalism, regionalism, and nationalism. Recently, world politics has created a sense of urgency concerning the new world order and what that means for cyber security and the domain of cyberspace. With the recent cyberattacks targeting the American political system, the Foreign Ministry of the Czech Republic, the government of Croatia, and the 2017 attacks on the cyber systems operated by the Ukrainian government, there is concern about the stability of global connectedness and the potential for diminution of global boundaries. The concern about global stability raises the question of who controls cyberspace and who is accountable when things go wrong. The aim of the article is to advance a conceptualization for cyber governance frameworks for better control of cyber security by governments, intergovernmental organizations, and the private sector.
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Fisanov, Vоlоdymyr. "Immigration policy and the problem of renewal of multiculturalism practices in modern Canada." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 6 (2018): 50–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.50-59.
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The goal of the article is to analyze certain aspects of Canada’s immigration policy in the context of contemporary realities, considering the concept of multiculturalism. In the paper, there are outlined the main stages of Canadian immigration policy and its impact on the politics of multiculturalism. The author emphasizes that the policy of multiculturalism, proclaimed by the Government of Canada in its modern interpretation in the late 1980s, has transformed in the first decades of the 21st century. It was caused by such factors as the rise of terrorist attacks, illegal migration and the widening of migration from South-East Asia. It was shown that Canadian immigration policy evolved to more open and liberal since the end of World War II, but at the beginning of the 21st century, the situation radically changed. This trend was especially noticeable during the activities of the conservative governments of S. Harper (2006-2015). Conservative government policy was marked by the introduction of restrictive immigration laws and the extension of bureaucratic procedures. In particular, some provisions of the «Strengthening Canadian Citizenship Act» of June 19, 2014, were analyzed. It was emphasized that this legal action had been crushed by the Bar Association of Canada, as well as in the Open Letter of 60 well-known scholars and community members to the Prime Minister of Canada. Another trend of last developments in Canadian multicultural society was influenced by American negative attitudes towards Muslims. Today, the Government of Canada must review and substantially add a policy of multiculturalism. However, it should not become a hostage to the political struggle between liberals and conservatives in the contemporary difficult realities. The escalation of feelings of danger and intolerance, based on the dialectical thе «еnemy-friend» opposition, no longer works in a society. But people are looking for effective democratic dialogue in order to normalize relationships in the multicolored society of the early 21st century.
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Goredema, Dorothy. "The Role of Culture and Arts in Peace Building and Reconciliation." DANDE Journal of Social Sciences and Communication 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2017): 4–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.15641/dande.v2i1.27.
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This paper argues that conflict resolution, peace building and reconciliation in the 21st century requires a cultural slant in addition to conventional political and military approaches. This development should not be surprising especially given the nature of recent wars which have turned out to be more intra-state than inter-state. Since the end of the Cold war, wars have been focused on issues of culture, ethnicity, politics and religion than on nationalisms. Thus, cultural beliefs, norms, traditions, ethnicity and religion have contributed towards many major disruptions that have cost innocent lives and loss of valuable property. In addition, conflicts and divisions within societies reflect lack of appreciation and intolerance of others` cultural beliefs, views and are motivated by cultural differences. In the wars of recent decades, rape has been used as a weapon of war and children have been abducted to be killers and sex-slaves. Millions of families have been uprooted from their homes. Taken as a whole, these current developments allow us to witness how everyday people are experiencing the historical, cultural, economic and social forces that shape our world. As such, this present effort unpacks the role that culture can play in peace building and reconciliation. The research is qualitative in nature and applied discourse analysis to draw information from journal articles, published books as well as reports in the area of reconciliation and peace-building. Examples will be drawn mainly from Zimbabwe and other different countries in world to substantiate some of the arguments put forward in the paper.
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Browne, Raffie A., and Hong Shen. "Challenges and Solutions of Higher Education in the Eastern Caribbean States." International Journal of Higher Education 6, no. 1 (January 3, 2017): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/ijhe.v6n1p169.
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Higher education is considered as one of the most essential factors in influencing societal changes, due to its ability to help formulate good decision making in every sphere of modern society, in businesses, education, politics and science. Higher education over the years has significantly increased, thus given rise to many opportunities for those who pursue it. The Caribbean students, like the rest of the world seek to benefit from higher education, not only for enhanced academic knowledge, but also for socio-economic development.Due to its sluggish development, brittle economy and lack of natural resources the Caribbean region faces many economic challenges in making quality higher education accessible to all of its occupants.The purpose of this study is to investigate and compare the challenges of low output of higher education and availability of higher education institutions in the 21st century in the Eastern Caribbean. The study analyzed database of 37 tertiary institutions in the OECS, while using comparative approach to analyze availability and cost for higher education. Results show that factors that are affecting higher education in the region are accessibility, location, quality of education, institutional costs and unemployment of graduates. We found that increased access in higher education has risen tremendously due to accessibility of technology and factors like globalization, integration-networking and traveling cost. This paper suggests that collaborative approach be taken by governments of the region to increase access and funding for higher education through scholarships and grants.
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Holt, Vernon P. "The Need for Leadership and Vision in Dentistry. A Personal View." Primary Dental Care os15, no. 3 (July 2008): 113–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1308/135576108784795356.
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This paper considers how dentistry has developed in the United Kingdom (UK) over the last 60 years and concludes that dentists have failed to be proactive and to shape the systems for the delivery of an optimal level of care to the population. It suggests that there is a need for far better leadership and for dentists, as individuals and as a profession, to rediscover the sense of vision that they once had and to shape their destinies, rather than accepting the current situation. The author goes on to explain how this might be done. Since the inception of the National Health Service (NHS), the dental profession in the UK has, to a large extent, been dominated by the politics of the NHS, by changing fee structures and contracts, by reports from the Review Body on Doctors’ and Dentists’ Remuneration (DDRB), and by strategies adopted by successive governments, especially during the last two decades. These strategies have resulted in cohorts of disillusioned dental practitioners reducing their commitment to, or opting out of, NHS contracts and committing themselves, to a greater or lesser extent, to private practice.1 It is now over three years since, for the first time, the proportion of dentistry provided under private contact in the UK, as measured by gross fees, exceeded that provided under NHS contract. The profession has shown a remarkable lack of imagination in organising itself to provide the best kind of care for patients. Instead of being proactive and visionary, it has allowed itself to become a political football. This has led to the progressive deskilling of many practitioners, and a manifest failure to secure the long-term oral health of patients. This paper considers how the situation could be improved and looks at four aspects, which are: 1. 21st century dentistry: state of the art versus reality? The contrast between what is clinically possible and what the profession currently delivers. 2. What are we here for? The need for a new vision for dentistry, the profession and the future, and the need for a new sense of mission. 3. A responsibility for the profession. The responsibility of the profession for providing patients (and funding bodies) with advice. 4. Leading the way: a new-look personal development plan. The personal development needs of dentists, with much more emphasis on interpersonal and leadership skills.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Zimbabwe – Politics and governments – 21st century"
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Njoloma, Eugenio. "A study of intra-African relations an analysis of the factors informing the foreign policy of Malawi towards Zimbabwe." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003028.
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There has been only limited scholarly analysis of Malawi’s foreign policy since its independence in 1964 with key texts focusing primarily on the early years of the new state. Perhaps due to its relatively small stature – economically, politically and militarily – in the region, very little attention has been paid to the factors informing Malawi’s apparently uncritical foreign policy response to the Zimbabwe crisis since it began in the late 1990s. This thesis addresses this deficit by locating its understanding of Malawi’s contemporary foreign policy towards Zimbabwe in the broader historical and contemporary context of bilateral relations between the two states and the multilateral forum of SADCC and SADC. It is argued that the Malawi’s long-standing quest for socio-economic development has forced it to manoeuvre a pragmatic but sometimes contentious foreign policy path. This was also evident until the end of the Cold War and the concomitant demise of apartheid in South Africa in the early 1990s. Malawi forged deliberate diplomatic and economic relations with the region’s white-ruled Zimbabwe (then Southern Rhodesia) and South Africa in pursuit of its national economic interests while the majority of southern African states collectively sought the liberation of the region by facilitating the independence of Zimbabwe and countering South Africa’s apartheid and regional destabilization policies. In the contemporary era, there has been a convergence of foreign policy ambitions in the region and Malawi now coordinates its regional foreign policy within the framework of SADC, which itself prioritizes the attainment of socio-economic development. However, to understand Malawi’s response to the Zimbabwe crisis only in the context of SADC’s “quiet diplomacy” mediation efforts obscures important historically rooted socioeconomic and political factors that have informed relations between Malawi and Zimbabwe and which cannot, it is argued, be ignored if a holistic understanding of Malawi’s position is to be sought. This study argues that the nature of historical ties between Malawi and Zimbabwe and the role of Malawi’s leaders in driving its long-standing quest for socioeconomic development have not only informed its overall foreign policy behaviour in the region but underpin its contemporary relations with Zimbabwe.
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Chiweshe, Manase Kudzai. "Farm level institutions in emergent communities in post fast track Zimbabwe: case of Mazowe district." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003096.
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The thesis seeks to understand how emerging communities borne out of the Fast Track Land Reform Programme in Zimbabwe have been able to ensure social cohesion and social service provision using farm level institutions. The Fast Track Programme brought together people from diverse backgrounds into new communities in the former commercial farming areas. The formation of new communities meant that, often, there were 'stranger households'living next to each other. Since 2000, these people have been involved in various processes aimed at turning clusters of homesteads into functioning communities through farm level institutions. Fast track land reform precipitated economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe characterised by a rapidly devaluating Zimbabwean dollar, enormous inflation and high unemployment figures. This economic crisis has impacted heavily on new farmers who find it increasingly difficult to afford inputs and access loans. They have formed social networks in response to these challenges, taking the form of farm level institutions such as farm committees, irrigation committees and health committees. The study uses case studies from small-scale 'A1 farmers‘ in Mazowe district which is in Mashonaland Central Province. It employs qualitative methodologies to enable a nuanced understanding of associational life in the new communities. Through focus group discussions, in-depth interviews, narratives, key informant interviews and institutional mapping the study outlines the formation, taxonomy, activities, roles, internal dynamics and social organisation of farm level institutions. The study also uses secondary data collected in 2007-08 by the Centre for Rural Development in the newly resettled areas in Mazowe. The major finding of the study is that farmers are organising in novel ways at grassroots levels to meet everyday challenges. These institutional forms however are internally weak, lacking leadership with a clear vision and they appear as if they are transitory in nature. They remain marginalised from national and global processes and isolated from critical connections to policy makers at all levels; thus A1 farmers remain voiceless and unable to have their interests addressed. Farm level institutions are at the forefront of the microeconomics of survival among these rural farmers. They are survivalist in nature and form, and this requires a major shift in focus if they are to be involved in developmental work. The institutions remain fragmented and compete amongst themselves for services from government without uniting as A1 farmers with similar interests and challenges.
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Mahuku, Darlington Ngoni. "Militarizing politics or politicizing the military? Interactions between politicians and the military in Zimbabwe, 2000-2013." Thesis, 2017. https://hdl.handle.net/10539/24724.
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A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, 2017The thesis analyses civil-military relations in Zimbabwe since independence, but especially during the period from 2000 through 2013. A central question is why an outright military coup has not occurred, despite severe political and economic crises. Thequestion is broken down into two linked sub- -military relations question of why the military have not seized power from civilians and (2) the question why no "populist military revolt" has occurred, despite the kind of hyperinflation that has triggered such revolts in countries like Ghana and Ethiopia: [Abbreviated Abstract. Open document to view full version]
XL2018
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Chitukutuku, Edmore. "The search for political legitimacy : ZANU-PF's mobilization techniques in contemporary Zimbabwe." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/12901.
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This research took an ethnographic view in understanding the relationship between rural people and ZANU-PF in post-2000 Bindura South electoral constituency in Zimbabwe. I seek to understand the complexity with which rural people come to make political choices through discussing ZANU-PF’s techniques in the maintenance of political power despite the loss of political legitimacy. The complicity between ZANU-PF and rural people is uncomfortably created through these techniques which include mobilizing historical claims, youth violence on villagers, partisan distribution of economic resources, surveillance and spying to create subjects who conform to ZANU-PF’s political will. I have argued that rural people’s circumstances should be understood through an analysis of their everyday lives and livelihoods. Findings have shown that rural people make political choices because they are life choices there are slight possibilities for alternative political action in rural Zimbabwe.
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Dzvore, Andrew. "Music as life stories : an exploration of Leonard Karikoga Zhakata’s sungura lyrics on the socio-political context of Zimbabwe from 2000 to February 2009." Diss., 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/24737.
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A content analysis of Leonard Karikoga Zhakata’s sungura music unpacks shared experiences of Zimbabweans during a decade of crises.Various musicians composed music pregnant with cultural meaning. These genres defied the ruling Zanu PF party‘s propaganda. The ZANU P.F. flagged enemy was imperialist history, whose characteristic was bankrupt in civil justice. Common sense ‘umunthu’ (‘Humaness)’ philosophy could have witnessed the ruling party stand by the people at the height of economic decline. This dissertation argued that the sungura genre became a formidable force. The music had dramatic effect of unifying citizens of different distinct cultural traditions, often which set Shona, Manyika, Korekore, Changana and Ndebele apart. ‘Mugove’ ‘(Reward) and ‘Hupenyu mutoro’ (Life is a burden) lyrics manifested thought processes, ideas and actions which projected popular unity against ruling elite hegemony. Zimbabweans’ collective cultural awareness that could have defined social experiences indirectly or directly motivated formations of oppositional political establishments. The Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) was the brainchild of political disillusionment chorused in “Hupenyu Mutoro’ (Life is a burden) and ‘Mugove’ (Reward) lyrics. The musical texts unravelled the hidden sin of gross graft by the powerful built on self aggrandisement at the expense of the vulnerable subalterns. The sungura genre manifested an art of aggressive entertainment and enjoyment yet passively and remotely awakening citizens to the obtaining dire economic hardships. The genre’s scholarly fabric and dynamics, cut deep into life sensibilities as exemplified by ‘Hupenyu Mutoro’. The deplorable life style experienced by the suffering majority epitomised by political repression and economic meltdown became catalyst for political participation and opportunities for plural voices.This dissertation argues that academic curricula harnesses the influential sungura genre in teaching a people’s story. Sungura music authenticates national historical versions that comfortably orbits around official realities of civil governance processes, what Fanon refers to as ‘a zone of occult instability (Fanon, 1963 p. 253). Unemployment, hyper-inflation, cholera out breaks, empty shelves in shops compounded with a ravaging parallel market prices became food for thought. Disllusionment nagged Zimbabweans below and above the poverty datum peg vis a viz the material power index of a handful citizens in the ruling party. Hence Zhakata’s ‘Hupenyu mutoro’ (Life is a burden) and ‘Mugove’ (Reward) became a classical and contested terrain that motivated the teaching and learning of Zimbabwean history.Communication
M.A. (Communication)
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Chirombe, James. "The interface of music and politics : exposition of Tongai Moyo and Hosiah Chipanga's post 2000 music." Thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/25540.
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The research is an Afrocentric engagement that analyses selected songs by Tongai Moyo and Hosiah Chipanga in post-independence Zimbabwe. The study is informed by Afrocentricity, which provides the theoretical anchorage to the exposition and elucidation of the pursuit for independence, liberation and freedom of Zimbabweans in the post-independence era. The study analyses selected sungura songs composed and sung by Hosiah Chipanga and Tongai Moyo in post-2000 era. The study indicates that post-independence Zimbabwe of 2000 to
2010 reflects a decade of crisis. The exposition unfolds through a critical exegesis of selected songs by these sungura artists. The two sungura musicians are among the leading musical voices in Zimbabwe. The study is largely qualitative in nature and used interviews and questionnaires to solicit information from research participants. Respondents comprise musicians, music producers and academics in the Zimbabwe. The study stimulates more interest and research in sungura music as well as illuminating the significance of their messages to ongoing debates on the Zimbabwean crisis/crises thereby establishing the relationship between music and politics. This position is made against the backdrop of their commitment and courageous efforts by such protest musicians to comment on ‘big’ political and economic issues seriously affecting the performance of Zimbabwean economy. The study also establishes that cronyism, patronage and corruption have become major industries of the day in Africa. Through fighting for the voiceless masses, the study argues that Zimbabwe is faced by the crisis of governance and the nation has taken the medals of humiliating its own people. Pertaining to the leadership crisis in Zimbabwe, the study also shows that musicians who include Hosiah Chipanga and Tongai Moyo insinuate that the deep seated Zimbabwean challenges are a manifestation of a nation that is parentless. In their protest music, the artists reiterate that poverty, hunger, diseases and other forms of sufferings that the country encountered and continue to face are a sign of a country that is an orphan implying the dearth of people centred leadership. Additionally, findings from the study show that the land issue is one of the commonly identified factors that are ascribed to partial independence in Zimbabwe translating into crisis. The land question invited attention from Hosiah Chipanga as reflected in his post-2000 music where he suggests that Zimbabweans were to a larger extent betrayed by ZANU (PF) leadership.Linguistics and Modern Languages
D. Phil. (Languages, Linguistics and Literature)
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Nyere, Chidochashe. "Sovereignty in international politics : an assessment of Zimbabwe's operation Murambatsvina, May 2005." Diss., 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/18469.
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Many scholars perceive state sovereignty as absolute, inviolable, indivisible, final, binding and stagnant. That perception emanates from inter alia political, social, cultural and environmental contexts of the modern era. Most literature converge that the doctrine of sovereignty first received official codification at the Peace Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. Contemporary international norms, particularly the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine, are arguably an environment and culture of current global politics. With human rights and democracy having taken centre-stage in contemporary political discourses, sovereignty is affected and influenced by such developments in international politics. Hence the argument that globalisation, among others, has eroded, weakened and rendered the doctrine of sovereignty obsolete. This study, using Zimbabwe‟s Operation Murambatsvina as a case study, demonstrates that sovereignty is neither unitary in practice, nor sacrosanct; it is dynamic and evolves, thus, in need of constant reconfiguration. To this end, the study uses the qualitative research methodology.Political Sciences
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Matemba, Doreen. "The paradox of political legitimacy?: Zimbabwe’s global political agreement of 15 September 2008 and the subsequent government of national unity." Diss., 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/25137.
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Includes bibliographical references (leaves 135-150)It is increasingly becoming apparent that elections, as component parts of democratic processes, do not always guarantee a smooth transfer of power and stable democratic cultures in many contemporary polities. Whenever election outcomes are disputed, Governments of National Unity (GNU) are presented as strategic conflict prevention and resolution models. Yet, the GNU’s ability to nurture democracy in situations where it remains weak or non-existent is extremely limited. This dissertation therefore uses Zimbabwe’s case study to examine how its recent internal political turmoil had overwhelming implications for its legitimacy and democracy. Through qualitative research, the study reveals that despite partially reconciling Zimbabwe’s political protagonists, the GNU neither permanently resolved the crisis nor addressed significant related issues; thus, creating a paradox of legitimacy for the country. The dissertation concludes with recommendations for further research on matters of legitimacy in power-sharing scenarios such as Zimbabwe’s.
Political Sciences
M.A. (International politics)
Books on the topic "Zimbabwe – Politics and governments – 21st century"
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Kohlo, Barbra. The role of NGOs in the 21st century: Normative or radical? : proceedings of a symposium on the role of NGOs in 21st century : the future of NGOs in a globalised world, NGOs and politics : how is the balance sheet, NGO-Government relations : case study of Zimbabwe, held at MS-TCDC Arusha, 28th-29th November, 2005. Dar es Salaam: Dar es Salaam University Press, 2007.
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Kohlo, Barbra. The role of NGOs in the 21st century: Normative or radical? : proceedings of a symposium on the role of NGOs in 21st century : the future of NGOs in a globalised world, NGOs and politics : how is the balance sheet, NGO-Government relations : case study of Zimbabwe, held at MS-TCDC Arusha, 28th-29th November, 2005. Dar es Salaam: Dar es Salaam University Press, 2007.
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Kohlo, Barbra. The role of NGOs in the 21st century: Normative or radical? : proceedings of a symposium on the role of NGOs in 21st century : the future of NGOs in a globalised world, NGOs and politics : how is the balance sheet, NGO-Government relations : case study of Zimbabwe, held at MS-TCDC Arusha, 28th-29th November, 2005. Dar es Salaam: Dar es Salaam University Press, 2007.
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Bhambhri, Chandra Prakash. Coalition politics in India: First decade of 21st century. Delhi: Shipra Publications, 2010.
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Coalition politics in India: First decade of 21st century. Delhi: Shipra Publications, 2010.
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Bhambhri, Chandra Prakash. Coalition politics in India: First decade of 21st century. Delhi: Shipra Publications, 2010.
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Bhambhri, Chandra Prakash. Coalition politics in India: First decade of 21st century. Delhi: Shipra Publications, 2010.
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I never promised you a rose garden: An insider's guide to modern politics, the coalition and the general election. London: Bantam Press, 2014.
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Germany after the grand coalition: Governance and politics in a turbulent environment. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.
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The new politics: Liberal conservatism or same old Tories? Bristol, UK: Policy Press, 2011.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Zimbabwe – Politics and governments – 21st century"
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Greiman, Virginia. "The Winds of Change in World Politics and the Impact on Cyber Stability." In Research Anthology on Artificial Intelligence Applications in Security, 2138–51. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-7705-9.ch093.
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One of the greatest geopolitical challenges in the 21st century will be competing for the control of cyberspace, the 5th domain of cyberwarfare after land, sea, air, and space, and the major economic challenge of the time. With the advancement of artificial intelligence, the Internet of Things, autonomous vehicles, and unmanned drones, this challenge becomes even greater. This article explores through empirical evidence the interaction among the three powers that shape cyber intelligence and international security: globalism, regionalism, and nationalism. Recently, world politics has created a sense of urgency concerning the new world order and what that means for cyber security and the domain of cyberspace. With the recent cyberattacks targeting the American political system, the Foreign Ministry of the Czech Republic, the government of Croatia, and the 2017 attacks on the cyber systems operated by the Ukrainian government, there is concern about the stability of global connectedness and the potential for diminution of global boundaries. The concern about global stability raises the question of who controls cyberspace and who is accountable when things go wrong. The aim of the article is to advance a conceptualization for cyber governance frameworks for better control of cyber security by governments, intergovernmental organizations, and the private sector.
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Greiman, Virginia. "The Winds of Change in World Politics and the Impact on Cyber Stability." In Research Anthology on Artificial Intelligence Applications in Security, 2138–51. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-7705-9.ch093.
Full textAbstract:
One of the greatest geopolitical challenges in the 21st century will be competing for the control of cyberspace, the 5th domain of cyberwarfare after land, sea, air, and space, and the major economic challenge of the time. With the advancement of artificial intelligence, the Internet of Things, autonomous vehicles, and unmanned drones, this challenge becomes even greater. This article explores through empirical evidence the interaction among the three powers that shape cyber intelligence and international security: globalism, regionalism, and nationalism. Recently, world politics has created a sense of urgency concerning the new world order and what that means for cyber security and the domain of cyberspace. With the recent cyberattacks targeting the American political system, the Foreign Ministry of the Czech Republic, the government of Croatia, and the 2017 attacks on the cyber systems operated by the Ukrainian government, there is concern about the stability of global connectedness and the potential for diminution of global boundaries. The concern about global stability raises the question of who controls cyberspace and who is accountable when things go wrong. The aim of the article is to advance a conceptualization for cyber governance frameworks for better control of cyber security by governments, intergovernmental organizations, and the private sector.
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Roche, Fabio López de la. "From Uribe’s “Democratic Security” to Santo’s Peace Accords with the FARC: Hate, Fear, Hope and other Emotions in Contemporary Colombian Politics." In A Post-Neoliberal Era in Latin America?, 71–92. Policy Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529200997.003.0004.
Full textAbstract:
This article first presents explanatory factors concerning Colombian divergence from the recent tendency in several Latin American countries towards 21st century models of political socialism or in conjunction with post neoliberal development. A second part explores the complex legacy of political culture bequeathed by the governments of Álvaro Uribe Velez (2002-2006 and 2006-2010) which involved an important military effort to combat the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC by its Spanish acronym) but was not able to defeat them, although their debilitation undoubtedly constituted one of the factors that led to the negotiations in Havana. Hatred and fear of the FARC promoted by President Uribe’s discourse supported by the mainstream media and important journalistic sectors are then explored as factors in conjunction with societal ideological homogenization around the policy of "Democratic Security". A third part deals with redefinitions in the political culture and hegemonic communicative regime promoted by President Juan Manuel Santos (2010-2014 and 2014-2017), which favored promoting successful conclusion of the peace process with the FARC and initiation of a new, complex and still uncertain phase of national reconciliation among Colombians, notwithstanding obstinate Uribistic loathing of both the FARC and President Santos and President Uribe’s systematic and ideological delegitimization of the peace process. This section also deals with issues concerning the October 2, 2016 ratificatory plebiscite of the Havana Accords, the triumph of the rejectionists, the renegotiation of the Accords with representatives of the rejectionists by the government’s negotiating team, the mobilization of the citizenry in defense of the Accords, and, the ratification of the revised accord by the Congress at the Colon Theater. Finally, the "Conclusions" outline some of the challenges and possible alternatives for the country’s political development during the post-Accord era.