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Journal articles on the topic 'Zimbabwe – Press coverage – China'
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1
Pitts, M., and H. Jackson. "Press coverage of AIDS in Zimbabwe: A five-year review." AIDS Care 5, no. 2 (April 1993): 223–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09540129308258603.
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Sparks, Colin. "Coverage of China in the UK national press." Chinese Journal of Communication 3, no. 3 (September 2010): 347–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17544750.2010.499637.
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Pitts, M., and H. Jackson. "AIDS and the press: An analysis of the coverage of AIDS by Zimbabwe newspapers." AIDS Care 1, no. 1 (January 1989): 77–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09540128908260238.
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Ospina Estupinan, Jhon Deyby, and Lincoln Geraghty. "The coverage of China in the Latin American Press: Media framing study." Cogent Arts & Humanities 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2017): 1287319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23311983.2017.1287319.
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Rønning, Helge. "Constitutional referendums and the media in Africa: Reporting the aborted referendum in Tanzania ‐ 2015." Journal of African Media Studies 12, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 301–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jams_00026_1.
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The article involves three main topics. The first deals with the role of referendums in relation to constitutional processes, and how they have become increasingly common, with a focus on African developments. The second topic is a description of the referendums in relation to the media coverage of the rejected constitutional change in Zimbabwe in 2000 and in Kenya 2005, and with subsequent elections in both countries shortly after, and then the referendums that accepted constitutional change years later. The last part of the article is an analysis of coverage in the Tanzanian press of the constitutional debate before the aborted referendum in 2015, followed by some comparative reflections on the relationship between referendum and election reporting.
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Manheim, Jarol B., and Robert B. Albritton. "Insurgent Violence Versus Image Management: The Struggle for National Images in Southern Africa." British Journal of Political Science 17, no. 2 (April 1987): 201–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400004701.
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The authors examine the countervailing effects of two forces on external news coverage of Southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) and South Africa during the 1970s. The first is purposeful government efforts at news management and information control undertaken by each of the two regimes. The second is the civil unrest which was present in the region during that period. They conclude that these effects and the policy consequences that flow from them are functions of the pre-existing image environment of each country in the foreign (US) press and of the character of its domestic unrest.
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Prokofieva, Maria, and Colin Clark. "The effect of press visibility on voluntary disclosure: cross-country evidence." Corporate Ownership and Control 11, no. 3 (2014): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cocv11i3p5.
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The study investigates the effect of press coverage on voluntary disclosure in the narrative sections of annual reports of Australian and Chinese listed companies. A combination of the legitimacy theory and media agenda setting theory is employed to examine their application in the context of different country-level governance mechanisms, in particularly in Anglo-Saxon (Australia) and Asian (China) economies. The study is based on a sample of 200 listed companies and employs multiple regression analyses. The findings show that press coverage is positively and significantly associated with voluntary disclosure suggesting that closer media attention increases voluntary disclosure. The effect of press coverage is mediated by country-level governance mechanisms, suggesting stronger association in countries with stronger legal enforcement mechanisms
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Zhang, Di, Pamela J. Shoemaker, and Xiuli Wang. "Reality and newsworthiness: Press coverage of International Terrorism by China and the United States." Asian Journal of Communication 23, no. 5 (February 18, 2013): 449–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01292986.2013.764904.
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Ibelema, Minabere, and Ebere Onwudiwe. "“Today” in Africa." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 22, no. 1 (1994): 12–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501747.
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Complaints about Africa’s media image have been voiced for years, and for long little seemed to change. Civil wars, famine, squalor and primitivity have continued to dominate the headlines and to paint a grim image of mankind’s ancestral home. The recent media fixation on Somalia is but one in a series of this one-dimensional coverage. In the early 1960s, the anarchy in Katanga (Zaire) dominated the news and defined Africa. In the late 1960s, it was the Nigerian civil war and the consequent misery in “Biafra.” In the 1970s, the real and conjured eccentricities of Uganda’s Idi Amin became the African news. Political conflict in Zimbabwe and South Africa dominated much of the 1980s, until the starvation of Ethiopians eclipsed everything else. Recently, the grim images were of Somalia. While these events warranted the press attention they received, their coverage to the near exclusion of non-crisis modem African life has left a severe knowledge gap and perpetuated a historical image problem.
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D'Angelo, Paul, John C. Pollock, Kristen Kiernicki, and Donna Shaw. "Framing of AIDS in Africa: Press-state relations, HIV/AIDS news, and journalistic advocacy in four sub-Saharan Anglophone newspapers." Politics and the Life Sciences 32, no. 2 (2013): 100–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.2990/32_2_100.
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This study offers the first systematic analysis of the impact of press-state relations, or media systems, on the HIV/AIDS news agenda in African news coverage. The premise is that media systems play a determining role in the degree to which journalists can independently advocate for social change when covering HIV/AIDS. Drawing on comparative research, four sub-Saharan countries were categorized into two media systems: Contained Democratic (South Africa, Nigeria) and Repressive Autocratic (Zimbabwe, Kenya). A sample of HIV/AIDS stories (n = 393) published from 2002–2007 in each country's leading Anglophone newspaper was content analyzed. Across all coverage, the topic of social costs was framed more for the responsibility borne by nongovernmental agents than governmental agents. In Contained Democratic media systems, however, story emphasis shifted toward government agents taking responsibility for addressing the social costs of HIV/AIDS. Prevention campaigns were framed more as progress than decline across all newspapers; however, campaigns were reported as being more efficacious in Contained Democratic systems than in Repressive Autocratic systems. No impact of media system on framing of medical developments was found. Results show the value of comparative analysis in understanding the agenda-setting process: with greater emphasis on positive efficacy and government initiative, the news agenda in Contained Democratic media systems can facilitate stronger positive societal-level responses than the news agenda in Repressive Autocratic media systems.
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Ruhanya, Pedzisai. "An opposition newspaper under an oppressive regime: A critical analysis of The Daily News." Journal of Alternative & Community Media 1, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 128–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/joacm_00023_1.
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This study focuses on the unprecedented ways in which newspaper journalism helped the cause of democratisation at the height of the economic and political governance crisis, also known as the Zimbabwe Crisis, from 1997 to 2010. The research is designed as a qualitative case study of The Daily News, an independent private newspaper. It was based on semi-structured interviews with respondents, who were mainly journalists and politicians living in Zimbabwe. The analytical lens of alternative media facilitates a construction of how The Daily News and its journalists experienced, reported, confronted and navigated state authoritarianism in a historical moment of political turmoil. The study discusses the complex relationships between the independent and privately owned press, the political opposition and civil society organisations. The research provides an original analysis of the operations of The Daily News and its journalists in the context of a highly undemocratic political moment. Some journalists crossed the floor to join civic and opposition forces in order to confront the state. The state responded through arrests and physical attacks against the journalists; however, journalists continued to work with opposition forces while the government enacted repressive media and security law to curtail coverage of the crisis.
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Sautman, Barry. "Anti-Black Racism in Post-Mao China." China Quarterly 138 (June 1994): 413–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000035827.
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Expressions of anti-black sentiment by Chinese students have caught the world's attention periodically since the end of the 1970s. Demonstrations against African students in Nanjing and other cities between late 1988 and early 1989 received wide press coverage. Because the African population in China is small and transient, some observers saw these events as a manifestation of a vestigial xenophobia, not as part of a developing trend of thought within a key segment of Chinese society. Placed next to the brutal ethnic conflicts that plague much of the world, the episodic, non-lethal incidents in China seemed evanescent, with only fleeting implications for China's foreign policy.
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Karyotakis, Minos-Athanasios, Nikos Panagiotou, Nikos Antonopoulos, and Matina Kiourexidou. "Digital Media Framing of the Egyptian Arab Spring: Comparing Al Jazeera, BBC and China Daily." Studies in Media and Communication 5, no. 2 (October 12, 2017): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/smc.v5i2.2664.
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Digital Media organizations had a crucial role on the coverage of the Egyptian ‘Arab Spring’, but until today the outcomes of the news gathering are debatable in the academic society. This study examines the frames of the English-language websites of Al Jazeera, British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), and China Daily from 9 to 13 February 2011 because of the termination of Hosni Mubarak’s presidency. The sample consists of 92 website articles, which report the Egyptian ‘Arab Spring’ without considering any video footage in the examined news stories. The particular article examines the frames of each article and categorizes them according to a Knowledge Extraction (KE) tool named ‘Open Calais’, which is owned by another media organization, Reuters. In this study, China Daily’s coverage differs from the former researchers’ results regarding the ‘Arab Spring’ covering. According to the findings, there was a merited coverage on the case of the Egyptian ‘Arab Spring’ without relying exclusively on the content of the official press agency of the People's Republic of China, Xinhua News Agency, and acted like a western-type news media.
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Goodman, Robyn S. "Prestige Press Coverage of Us-China Policy During the Cold War's Collapse and Post-Cold War Years." Gazette (Leiden, Netherlands) 61, no. 5 (October 1999): 391–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0016549299061005003.
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Kim, Sung Tae. "Making a Difference: U.S. Press Coverage of the Kwangju and Tiananmen Pro-Democracy Movements." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 77, no. 1 (March 2000): 22–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769900007700103.
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This study examined New York Times and Washington Post news coverage and U.S. government responses and foreign policy decisions concerning two similar East Asian political movements in the 1980s—the Kwangju movement in South Korea and the Tiananmen movement in China. The study was grounded in the interdependent relationship between the U.S. media and government. Based on a content analysis of news reports, supplemented with U.S. government documents, the study found that U.S. elite newspapers used news sources and symbolic terms in a diametrical manner to report the two events. The events were reported in a manner that coincided with the U.S. government definitions. Findings are discussed in relation to news source indexing and journalistic accessibility.
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Gamso, Jonas. "Is China exporting media censorship? China’s rise, media freedoms, and democracy." European Journal of International Relations 27, no. 3 (May 22, 2021): 858–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13540661211015722.
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This study explores the relationship between China’s rise and media censorship around the world, in light of recent suggestions in the Western press and among China experts that Beijing is advancing a global censorship agenda. I argue that the Chinese government occasionally promotes censorship in foreign countries, because it wishes to reduce negative media coverage of China or to silence certain groups abroad (e.g. Falun Gong). More often, China’s relative apathy about speech and press freedoms in foreign countries facilitates censorship in countries that can rely on trade with Beijing. Countries that cannot rely on China are less willing to risk alienating Western powers by violating press freedoms at home. Regime type is an important determinant as to whether censorship is facilitated through intensive economic integration with China, as democracies may respond to China’s rise differently than authoritarian countries. Analysis of country-level panel data shows higher rates of media censorship in democratic countries that trade intensively with China.
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Warrich, Haseeb Ur Rehman, Rooh Ul Amin Khan, and Salma Umber. "Reporting Sino-Indian Border Conflict Through Peace Journalism Approach." Global Mass Communication Review V, no. III (September 30, 2020): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gmcr.2020(v-iii).01.
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The study attempts to analyze the coverage of recent Sino-Indian border conflict through peace and war journalism along with understanding how peace journalism ideals can be translated into conflict reporting. The descriptive analysis of news stories published from May 5, 2020, to October 5, 2020, in the mainstream contemporary English press of China (China Daily and Global Times) and India (Times of India and The Hindu) is carried out through content analysis. The period is significant because of the recent border conflict between China and India at Ladakh. The approach of peace and war journalism is explored through in-depth interviews of Indian and Chinese journalists. The study concluded that both Indian and Chinese press employed war framing more dominantly than peace framing while reporting on-going border conflict. A higher instance of peace journalism was recorded in the Chinese press in comparison to the Indian press. The ideals of peace journalism can be achieved by refraining from becoming part of the propaganda paradigm.
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Okunade, Kehinde, Kennedy Bashan Nkhoma, Omolola Salako, David Akeju, Bassey Ebenso, Eve Namisango, Olaitan Soyannwo, et al. "Understanding data and information needs for palliative cancer care to inform digital health intervention development in Nigeria, Uganda and Zimbabwe: protocol for a multicountry qualitative study." BMJ Open 9, no. 10 (October 2019): e032166. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2019-032166.
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IntroductionPalliative care is a clinically and cost‐effective component of cancer services in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). Despite the significant need for palliative cancer care in SSA, coverage remains inadequate. The exploration of digital health approaches could support increases in the quality and reach of palliative cancer care services in SSA. However, there is currently a lack of any theoretical underpinning or data to understand stakeholder drivers for digital health components in this context. This project addresses this gap through engaging with key stakeholders to determine data and information needs that could be supported through digital health interventions.Methods and analysisThis is a multicountry, cross-sectional, qualitative study conducted in Nigeria, Uganda and Zimbabwe. In-depth interviews will be conducted in patients with advanced cancer (n=20), caregivers (n=15), health professionals (n=20) and policy-makers (n=10) in each of the three participating countries. Data from a total of 195 interviews will transcribed verbatim and translated into English before being imported into NVivo software for deductive framework analysis. The analysis will seek to understand the acceptability and define mechanisms of patient-level data capture and usage via digital technologies.Ethics and disseminationEthics approvals have been obtained from the Institutional Review Boards of University of Leeds (Ref: MREC 18–032), Research Council of Zimbabwe (Ref: 03507), Medical Research Council of Zimbabwe (Ref: MRCZ/A/2421), Uganda Cancer Institute (Ref: 19–2018), Uganda National Council of Science and Technology (Ref: HS325ES) and College of Medicine University of Lagos (Ref: HREC/15/04/2015). The project seeks to determine optimal mechanisms for the design and development of subsequent digital health interventions to support development, access to, and delivery of palliative cancer care in SSA. Dissemination of these findings will occur through newsletters and press releases, conference presentations, peer-reviewed journals and social media.Trial registration numberISRCTN15727711
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Luther, Catherine A., and Xiang Zhou. "Within the Boundaries of Politics: News Framing of Sars in China and the United States." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 82, no. 4 (December 2005): 857–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769900508200407.
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This research examined news frames in coverage of SARS by newspapers in China and the United States. The assumption was that with the adoption of Western news values and practices, the Chinese press would exhibit news frames similar to those found in Western news. The results showed the presence of economic consequences, responsibility, conflict, leadership, and human-interest news frames in both the U.S. and Chinese newspapers. Depending on the newspaper's country of origin, however, the degree and manner of the frame uses varied.
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Thornton, Patricia M. "Falun Gong's Challenge to China: Spiritual Practice or ‘Evil Cult’? (revised). By Danny Schechter. [New York: Akashic Books, 2001. 287 pp. $15.95. ISBN 1-888451-27-0.]." China Quarterly 172 (December 2002): 1065–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443902230624.
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Investigative journalist and human rights activist, Danny Schechter, has produced a sympathetic portrait of falun gong and its enigmatic founder, Li Hongzhi, “in the hope that it will encourage more interest and support for falun gong's right to exist and to practise its beliefs openly” (p. 1). The first part of the reader involves a report on the persecution of falun gong practitioners inside mainland China, and castigates the press for its inadequate coverage of the crackdown.
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Effendi, Tonny Dian, and Mohd Zaini Abubakar. "China Town Magazine and Indonesian-Chinese Identity." Journal of Politics and Law 10, no. 2 (February 28, 2017): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v10n2p97.
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The new democratic political system in Indonesia recognizes Indonesian-Chinese as part of the national building. In the post-Suharto era, they are enjoying their cultural identity including freedom of press and freely to use their mother language. In fact, they were still develop their identity inside Indonesia as the multi-cultural country. The magazine called China Town is one of the Indonesian-Chinese Community Magazine. The magazine is not merely as the media which periodically reporting Indonesian-Chinese activities and opinions, but also as the representation of their existence and also identity. This article attempts to measure the role of the magazine particularly concerning on the identity issues. Specifically, this research will examine to what extent the China Town magazine achieve the objectives in terms of media coverage in order to develop and strengthen their identity? This is a qualitative study with content analysis. The empirical data found that, the China Town magazine have attempted tries to convince that Indonesian-Chinese is part of the Indonesian nation, as the Indonesian identity, and they are not exclusive as well as homogenous community. However, the magazine have also expressed and emphasized that Indonesian-Chinese were part of Chinese diaspora. It portrays that the magazine gave a balance information between Indonesian mainstream media and Chinese news.
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Chan, Sophia. "State-press relationship revisited: A comparison of foreign policy coverage on the Hong Kong 1997 issue by three newspapers." Gazette (Leiden, Netherlands) 53, no. 1-2 (February 1994): 135–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001654929405300110.
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Research in media diplomacy often concluded that media took a pro-government stance in covering foreign affairs. This study tested this finding by content analysing the coverage of the Hong Kong 1997 issue by the New York Times, the Times of Britain and the People's Daily of China. The data indicated that the two western newspapers departed significantly from their governments’ respective positions on the issue, while the People's Daily has followed Beijing's stance on the issue all along. The result challenged the viewpoint of ‘media as governments’ cheerleaders’. A more dynamic approach to media diplomacy research is suggested.
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Huang, Yu, and Christine Chi Mei Leung. "Western-Led Press Coverage of Mainland China and Vietnam during the SARS Crisis: Reassessing the Concept of ‘Media Representation of theOther’." Asian Journal of Communication 15, no. 3 (November 2005): 302–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01292980500261621.
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Vuontela, Suvimarja. "Women's Hidden Agency in the News Coverage of the Tibetian Riots." Nordlit 16, no. 2 (October 23, 2012): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/13.2376.
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This mixed methods case study on the international newspaper coverage of women in the Tibetan riots in March 2008 analyses to what extent women are represented according to prevailing gender stereotypes in conflict news. The study largely confirms news media’s gender bias, in that news media hides women’s agency. Women are either not included in the studied 62 articles from International Herald Tribune, China Daily, and the Tibet Post International, or represented according to prevailing gender stereotypes, namely as passive feminine objects. Interestingly, Chi-square testing reveals that the Tibet Post International, an online newspaper run by Tibetan exiles, deviated from the general tendency by representing remarkably frequent images of active Tibetan women. Around one-third (32 percent) of the Tibet Post International’s articles included press photos featuring women and the clear majority (88 percent) of these images represented them as active. However, the qualitative part of the study tells that text associated with the newspaper’s images of active Tibetan women reduced these women’s perceived agency. When introducing text into the interpretation of these images, the women in many cases were turned into potential victims. This points out that text-image interaction is an often overlooked, yet integral part of assigning meaning in conflict news.
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Vlasenko, Lev. "History of Ukraine-China Bilateral Trade." Modern Economics 25, no. 1 (February 23, 2021): 40–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31521/modecon.v25(2021)-06.
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Annotation. Introduction. During the years of Ukrainian independence, China has risen from a relatively insignificant country in Asia to the biggest trade partner of Ukraine surpassing even Russia and other post-Soviet republics both in amount and the importance of bilateral trade. To fully understand the current dynamics of bilateral trade between Ukraine and China, it is necessary to explore the history of these relations from ancient times to the current stage to improve the strategy for cooperation between Ukraine and China. Purpose. To study the history of bilateral trade relations of Ukraine and China from first diplomatic contacts to contemporary relations, to identify patterns and trends that affect the dynamics of trade, to outline mistakes and shortcomings of Ukrainian diplomacy, and to provide recommendations for improvement. Result. The revealed pattern of diplomatic and trade relations between Ukraine and China may be considered as an indicator s that China has been viewing Ukraine as a political entity even before the declaration of independence in 1991. International relations between Ukraine and China have a deep and strong historical tradition with a wide range of forms and methods of cooperation in the fields of politics, economics, and culture. Conclusions. The revealed dynamics of bilateral trade prove that the negative trends in trade between Ukraine and China are not always related to the competitiveness of the Ukrainian economy or global market conditions and may have resulted from the mistakes and failures of Ukrainian diplomacy. To prevent these mistakes in the future, it is necessary to have qualified specialists trained to work with China and conduct effective negotiations at the highest level and monitor their correct coverage in the official documents and press. Keywords: international trade; bilateral trade; Ukraine-China trade; Soviet-China trade.
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Hatef, Azeta, and Luwei Rose Luqiu. "Where does Afghanistan fit in China’s grand project? A content analysis of Afghan and Chinese news coverage of the One Belt, One Road initiative." International Communication Gazette 80, no. 6 (December 13, 2017): 551–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048517747495.
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One Belt, One Road is a political and economic initiative developed by China to revive ancient trade routes in an effort to encourage international trade. One Belt, One Road will increase China’s economic reach but also promises to improve the political and economic standards of countries involved in the program. The initiative holds transformative opportunities for Afghanistan, as the country continues to experience political and economic instability. One Belt, One Road, though is met with differing perspectives, where critics of the initiative point toward China’s exploitative desires. Through content analysis of China’s People’s Daily and Global Times as well as Afghanistan’s Khaama Press, this article suggests China and Afghanistan’s involvement in the One Belt, One Road initiative is rooted in vastly different interests.
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Rasul, Azmat, Khurram Shahzad, Defne Bilir, and Muhammad Ehab Rasul. "Don't Laugh When Your Neighbor’s Oven is on Fire: Coverage of Afghan Conflict in the Elite Press of China, India, Iran, and Pakistan." Journal of Media Critiques 3, no. 12 (December 31, 2017): 193–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.17349/jmc117411.
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Fong, Yang Lai, and Teoh Yong Chia. "Framing Diplomatic Relations." China Report 53, no. 4 (October 13, 2017): 467–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445517727925.
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Malaysia and China have been enjoying cordial relations since 1974. In 2015, Chinese Premier Li Keqiang paid an official visit to Malaysia at the invitation of the Prime Minister of Malaysia, Najib Abdul Razak. This study aims to examine the framing of Malaysia–China relations as well as Premier Li’s visit to Malaysia by the mainstream Malay, English and Chinese-language newspapers in Malaysia, as well as the mainstream press in China. The findings indicate that the newspapers reported the topic with differing intensity and prominence, while employing different news sources. Economics and trade was found to be the most salient frame in the coverage by both the Malaysian and Chinese newspapers. In addition, this study also found that both Malaysian and Chinese newspapers mostly used neutral valence in reporting about Malaysia–China diplomacy and Premier Li’s visit to Malaysia. The frame built by the newspapers can be attributed to the fact that they have the inclination to serve the political and economic vested interests of their own countries.
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Cartier, Carolyn. "China's Old Dwellings. By Ronald G. Knapp. [Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2000. i-xi+363 pp. Hard cover $70.00, ISBN 0-8248-2075-4; paperback $44.95, ISBN 0-8248-2214-5.]." China Quarterly 172 (December 2002): 1065–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443902390624.
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In many areas of China, the transformation of the built environment under reform is claiming traditional buildings to create new space for industrial development. The rapidity of growth, urged by the state, characteristically imposes new order on the landscape and reorders the places built by people motivated by different chronological logics, of seasonality, ritual, and the human lifepath. As if just in time to testify on behalf of endangered traditional landscapes, Ronald Knapp has produced China's Old Dwellings, which provides unprecedented coverage of the design and distinctive structural characteristics of regional housing forms.
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DUAN, RUODI. "Solidarity in Three Acts: Narrating US black freedom movements in China, 1961–66." Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 05 (May 14, 2019): 1351–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x1700052x.
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AbstractThe political campaigns and events that comprised the US civil rights movement, as well as the urban race riots that coloured the 1960s, garnered widespread public attention and press coverage within the People's Republic of China (PRC). In the years between the Sino-Soviet Split in 1961 and the beginning of the Cultural Revolution in 1966, China strove to substantiate its commitment to US black liberation in three key respects: consistent news reporting, sentimental receptions of visiting black activists, and local gatherings that publicized up-to-date information on US anti-racist struggles and featured ordinary citizens sharing notes of empathy. This multidimensional Chinese engagement of US black freedom struggles helped to cement both intra-national and international solidarities. The party state, its mouthpieces, and everyday students and workers echoed Mao Zedong's dictum that racial discrimination was a matter of class struggle. Embedded within their observations was a critical analysis of African American history and social movements in relationship to US capitalism. Their narrations of black resistance and Afro-Asian solidarity, while intimately bound up with nation-state interests, shed light on the intricate nexus of race, revolution, and international class struggle that defined the global Cold War.
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Schäfer, Carsten. "Chinese Language Press in Austria: Discussing the 2008 Tibetan Unrest in Transnational Spaces." Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies 8, no. 1 (December 20, 2017): 163–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/vjeas-2016-0006.
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Abstract This paper examines overseas Chinese identity construction in Austria by focusing on Europe Weekly, the biggest Chinese language newspaper in Vienna. The study adopts a quantitative and qualitative content analysis, with the latter focusing on Europe Weekly’s reporting of the 2008 Tibet unrest and a comparison of the newspaper’s coverage of the event to the media portrayals in the Austrian daily Die Presse and the Chinese People’s Daily. Findings show that the Weekly in general promotes a pluralistic view for its readers and, thus, provides a narrative of a hybrid Chinese identity that encompasses Austria, China, the local Chinese community in Austria, as well as transnational spaces of the Chinese diaspora. Yet, while the Weekly normally promotes plurilocal attachments and flexible self-assurances of the Chinese in Austria, the study also reveals how the process of Chinese immigrant identity formation might change when the country of residence and the home country find themselves in antagonistic positions. The findings demonstrate both the difficulties of maintaining transnational attitudes in times of a crisis and strategies of Chinese immigrants to somehow remain open towards the host society while simultaneously promoting the rhetoric of solidarity with the Chinese nation state.
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Kopper, Akos, and Tamas Peragovics. "Overcoming the poverty of Western historical imagination: Alternative analogies for making sense of the South China Sea conflict." European Journal of International Relations 25, no. 2 (June 20, 2018): 360–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066118780996.
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This article analyzes the use of historical analogies to interpret and explain foreign policy behavior, focusing on the South China Sea conflict. In reviewing coverage in the international English-language press, we find a range of historical analogies, from the conflict between Athens and Sparta to the 1938 Munich agreement, to interpret China’s strategy and motivations in the region. While analogies are powerful tools for interpreting international events, their use has dangers as they are often deployed to justify decisions rather than analyze options. This article has two goals. First, we argue that relying excessively on Western analogies for understanding China can be misleading; instead, we suggest visiting examples from China’s past that offer alternative readings of its current ambitions. Second, we suggest a way to overcome the deterministic application of historical analogies by not taking them individually, but rather taking them as sets of alternative scenarios. This way, they can provide important insights for generating critical debate and informing tactful diplomacy.
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Hong, Jeesoon. "Lily Briscoe's Chinese Eyes: Bloomsbury, Modernism and China. By Patricia Laurence. [Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2003. 488 pp. £45.95. ISBN 1-57003-505-9.]." China Quarterly 178 (June 2004): 534–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100438029x.
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This book project began in 1991 when Patricia Laurence, a scholar of Virginia Woolf, encountered a collection of unpublished letters and papers belonging to some members of the Bloomsbury Group and to Ling Shuhua, a renowned modern Chinese woman writer. Although some scholars have read and responded to the materials Laurence used in this book, her expansive coverage, freely traversing the boundaries of time, nation and artistic genres, is exceptional.The work deals mainly with the intercultural communications between Chinese and British intellectuals in the first half of the 20th century, particularly those between the modernist literary ‘communities’ of the Crescent Moon Group and Bloomsbury. The work is the outcome of the author's dedicated research on the subject over ten years, ever since her discovery of the letters, which motivated her to learn the Chinese language and to attend lectures and seminars in modern Chinese literature.
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Pisani, Elizabeth, Adina-Loredana Nistor, Amalia Hasnida, Koray Parmaksiz, Jingying Xu, and Maarten Oliver Kok. "Identifying market risk for substandard and falsified medicines: an analytic framework based on qualitative research in China, Indonesia, Turkey and Romania." Wellcome Open Research 4 (April 16, 2019): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/wellcomeopenres.15236.1.
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Introduction: Substandard and falsified medicines undermine health systems. We sought to unravel the political and economic factors which drive the production of these products, and to explain how they reach patients. Methods: We conducted in-depth case studies in China, Indonesia, Turkey and Romania. We reviewed academic papers and press reports (n = 840), developing semi-structured questionnaires. We interviewed regulators, policy-makers, pharmaceutical manufacturers, physicians, pharmacists, patients and academics (n=88). We coded data using NVivo software, and developed an analytic framework to assess national risks for substandard and falsified medicines. We tested the framework against cases reported to the World Health Organization, from countries at all income levels. Results: We found that increasing political commitment to provision of universal health coverage has led to public procurement policies aimed at lowering prices of medical products. In response, legitimate, profit-driven pharmaceutical companies protect their margins by cutting costs, or withdrawing from less profitable markets, while distributors engage in arbitrage. Meanwhile, health providers sometimes protect profits by 'upselling' patients to medicines not covered by insurers. Cost-cutting can undermine quality assurance, leading to substandard or degraded medicines. Other responses contribute to shortages, irrational demand and high prices. All of these provide market opportunities for producers of falsified products; they also push consumers outside of the regular supply chain, providing falsifiers with easy access to customers. The analytic framework capturing these interactions explained cases in most high and middle-income settings; additional factors operate in the poorest countries. Conclusions: Most efforts to secure medicine quality currently focus on product regulation. However, our research suggests market mechanisms are key drivers for poor quality medicines, including where political commitments to universal health coverage are under-resourced. We have developed a framework to guide country-specific, system-wide analysis. This can flag risks and pinpoint specific actions to protect medicine quality, and thus health.
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Nikolaeva, O. V. "Коммуникативные практики реализации риторики патриотизма в китайских СМИ на английском языке." Известия Восточного института 45, no. 1 (2020): 23–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.24866/2542-1611/2020-1/23-33.
Full textAbstract:
Работа посвящена вопросам прагматической эффективности патриотической риторики Китая в англоязычных китайских СМИ. Выявлены китайские традиционные и современные масс-медийные коммуникативные практики. Определена роль фигуральной актуализации концепта внешней угрозы посредством метафоры войны в отношении критических экономических и социальных факторов, и образа великого преодоления для поднятия патриотического духа. Исторические аллюзии и народная мудрость представлены как инструменты традиционной патриотической риторики Китая. Современные масс-медийные коммуникативные практики КНР включают конкретные ресурсы английского языка и англоязычной речевой традиции The paper is devoted to the issues of pragmatic effectiveness of China's patriotic rhetoric in the Chinese media in English. Chinese traditional and modern mass-media communication techniques are identified. The author defines the role of figurative actualization of the external threat concept through the metaphor of war in relation to critical economic and social factors, and the image of the great overcoming used to raise the patriotic spirit of the nation. Historical allusions and folk wisdom are presented as tools of traditional patriotic rhetoric in China. Modern mass-media communication practices of China include specific resources of the English language and the English-language speech tradition. In the coverage of critical events China employs harsh warning rhetoric, pun, and sarcasm. In light of the harsh attacks from the United States and the demonization of China in the American press and American politics, the communication practices of China's patriotic rhetoric, despite their deliberate external aggressiveness, are viewed as the reaction of a defensive nature
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Sosale, Sujatha, and Tania Cantrell Rosas-Moreno. "Framing cooperation among regional economic powers: The South in global spheres of influence." International Communication Gazette 78, no. 8 (July 27, 2016): 755–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048516639699.
Full textAbstract:
This study examined the coverage of the trilateral commission of India, Brazil, and South Africa (IBSA) in the national press of these three countries over a 6-year period. Even though this group has pre-dated the Brazil-Russia-India-China-South Africa (BRICS) group and shares an affinity from political and economic standpoints, it has received little attention in media research. The goal of the study was to understand how news media framed the relationship among the IBSA member nations, and their individual and collective policy stances to their citizens. Each news source emphasized different areas of the cooperation; all three news sources expressed faith in IBSA to varying degrees, but also kept a close eye on the more recently formed BRICS. In sum, this study offers an exploratory view of cooperation among emerging regional economic powers located across and lobbying for the South in contemporary global spheres of influence.
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Szalontai, Balázs. "The “Sole Legal Government of Vietnam”: The Bao Dai Factor and Soviet Attitudes toward Vietnam, 1947–1950." Journal of Cold War Studies 20, no. 3 (September 2018): 3–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00813.
Full textAbstract:
Earlier historical studies often suggested that the Soviet leader Iosif Stalin, distrustful as he was of Ho Chi Minh's policies and attributing little importance to Vietnam, remained unwilling to recognize the Democratic Republic of Vietnam until the Chinese Communist leaders threw their weight behind their Vietnamese comrades. On the basis of Soviet press articles, Hungarian archival documents, United Nations (UN) records, and other sources, this article shows that in fact Soviet interest in Vietnam significantly increased as early as 1948–1949, well before the proclamation of the People's Republic of China. This interest, expressed in growing press coverage and sporadic efforts to represent North Vietnam's cause in various UN organs, seems to have been linked to Moscow's strong disapproval of France's attempts to create an anti-Communist “puppet state.” From the outset, the USSR took the position that the Communist North was the sole legitimate representative of the Vietnamese nation and, hence, that the Bao Dai regime in the South was ipso facto illegitimate. The article concludes that Chinese support to Ho Chi Minh was only one of the three major factors that persuaded Stalin to recognize North Vietnam; the two others were the “Bao Dai factor” and Moscow's dissatisfaction with France's new European policy.
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Wichmann-Walczak, Elizabeth. "Chinese Theories of Theater and Performance from Confucius to the Present. Edited and translated by Faye Chunfang Fei. Foreword by Richard Schechner. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1999, 2002; pp. 213. $55 cloth, $21.95 paper." Theatre Survey 45, no. 2 (November 2004): 323–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557404430269.
Full textAbstract:
Originally published in 1999, this book is the first and still the only major collection of primary sources in English translation for the study of Chinese theories of theatre and performance. In an earlier Theatre Survey review of this anthology (42:1 [May 2001]: 96–8), Sara Davis focused on the historical development of Chinese theatre and devoted a substantial portion of her comments to the earlier periods, noting with regret that these eras and the professional folk performance that flourished during them are underrepresented in this volume. This is undoubtedly true, but the unequal coverage does not originate with editor Fei. Very few literati-scholars wrote for or about the performing arts prior to the Yuan dynasty (1271–1368). Written theatre theory in China being primarily in the hands of these gentlemen until the modern era, the relative paucity of early primary sources is therefore an unavoidable reality. With the 2002 republication of Fei's anthology in paperback form, it therefore seems appropriate to reassess her work, describing and evaluating the materials that are included for the larger readership now provided access.
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Lee, Leo Ou-fan. "Contemporary Chinese Literature in Translation—A Review Article." Journal of Asian Studies 44, no. 3 (May 1985): 561–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2056268.
Full textAbstract:
This article surveys the available English translations of contemporary Chinese literature from the People's Republic. In view of the post-Mao Party policy of relative freedom for creative writing, more works are pouring out of China than ever before. Of the most recent translations, the largest share belongs to Panda Books, a publishing subunit of the Foreign Languages Press in Beijing. Under the leadership of the Yangs (Xianyi and Gladys), a husband-and-wife team of great renown, this new Panda series has published more than a dozen titles as of 1984, and new ones continue to be received.Despite its voluminous production, the editors of the Panda series have made certain choices that are of dubious value. Especially weak is the representation of traditional literary works, which are often drastically abridged or collected in slender anthologies. In comparison, coverage of modern and contemporary works is more exciting. The translations are generally correct, the most felicitous from the hands of Gladys Yang. However, the translations suffer from a certain uniformity of style and sometimes from severe cuts. Volumes in the series are nevertheless a useful addition to the increasing library of English translations of contemporary Chinese literature, now more than adequate for an undergraduate course.
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Özsu, Gökçe, and Ferruh Mutlu Binark. "Representation of the “Belt and Road Initiative” in Turkish mainstream newspapers." Communication and the Public 4, no. 4 (December 2019): 291–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057047319895448.
Full textAbstract:
Turkey and China are the countries that established their relations in the shadow of their ideological affiliation. Turkey constructed its multi-partied democratic regime as an implementation of Western-based democracy. However, this has not granted EU full-membership to the country, and Turkey has initiated alternative allies since mid 2000s. This shift of axis has turned into more enthusiasm after the failed coup d’état of 15 July 2016. The purpose of this study is to reveal how Turkish mainstream newspapers represent the Chinese alternative globalization project, “The Belt and Road Initiative” which was introduced in 2013 by General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, Xi Jinping. In order to frame the background information, we will first introduce the aims of the Belt and Road Initiative, and then summarize Turkey’s relation to China from two aspects: political and economic concerns. Following the overview of Turko-Sino relationship, we will focus on the Justice and Development Party’s foreign policy to grasp its pragmatic concern in relation to the Belt and Road Initiative. Based on the contextualization of Turko-Sino relations, we will conduct thematic content analysis of the news on the Belt and Road Initiative from May to July 2017 in mainstream Turkish newspapers. Our analysis brings into question how Turkish press relocates the Belt and Road Initiative with respect to Turkey’s political and economic concerns about China’s alternative globalism, Turkish foreign policy seeking for new allies as alternatives for the Western counterparts, and thus we will examine President Erdoğan’s influence on Turkish foreign policy. Based on our findings, we will discuss the reasons for insufficient coverage of the Belt and Road Initiative in Turkish mainstream newspapers.
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Fu, B. Z., M. Yang, G. Y. Li, J. R. Wu, J. Z. Zhang, and C. Z. Han. "First Report of Leaf Spot Disease Caused by Colletotrichum gloeosporioides on Chinese Bean Tree in China." Plant Disease 97, no. 1 (January 2013): 138. http://dx.doi.org/10.1094/pdis-03-12-0261-pdn.
Full textAbstract:
Chinese bean tree, Catalpa fargesii f. duciouxii (Dode) Gilmour, is an ornamental arbor plant. Its roots, leaves, and flowers have long been used for medicinal purposes in China. During July 2010, severe outbreaks of leaf spot disease on this plant occurred in Kunming, Yunnan Province. The disease incidence was greater than 90%. The symptoms on leaves began as dark brown lesions surrounded by chlorotic halos, and later became larger, round or irregular spots with gray to off-white centers surrounded by dark brown margins. Leaf tissues (3 × 3 mm), cut from the margins of lesions, were surface disinfected in 0.1% HgCl2 solution for 3 min, rinsed three times in sterile water, plated on potato dextrose agar (PDA), and incubated at 28°C. The same fungus was consistently isolated from the diseased leaves. Colonies of white-to-dark gray mycelia formed on PDA, and were slightly brown on the underside of the colony. The hyphae were achromatic, branching, septate, and 4.59 (±1.38) μm in diameter on average. Perithecia were brown to black, globose in shape, and 275.9 to 379.3 × 245.3 to 344.8 μm. Asci that formed after 3 to 4 weeks in culture were eight-spored, clavate to cylindrical. The ascospores were fusiform, slightly curved, unicellular and hyaline, and 13.05 to 24.03 × 10.68 to 16.02 μm. PCR amplification was carried out by utilizing universal rDNA-ITS primer pair ITS4/ITS5 (2). Sequencing of the PCR products of DQ1 (GenBank Accession No. JN165746) revealed 99% similarity (100% coverage) with Colletotrichum gloeosporioides isolates (GenBank Accession No. FJ456938.1, No. EU326190.1, No. DQ682572.1, and No. AY423474.1). Phylogenetic analyses (MEGA 4.1) using the neighbor-joining (NJ) algorithm placed the isolate in a well-supported cluster (>90% bootstrap value based on 1,000 replicates) with other C. gloeosporioides isolates. The pathogen was identified as C. gloeosporioides (Penz.) Penz. & Sacc. (teleomorph Glomerella cingulata (Stoneman) Spauld & H. Schrenk) based on the morphological characteristics and rDNA-ITS sequence analysis (1). To confirm pathogenicity, Koch's postulates were performed on detached leaves of C. fargesii f. duciouxii, inoculated with a solution of 1.0 × 106 conidia per ml. Symptoms similar to the original ones started to appear after 10 days, while untreated leaves remained healthy. The inoculation assay used three leaves for untreated and six leaves for treated. The experiments were repeated once. C. gloeosporioides was consistently reisolated from the diseased tissue. C. gloeosporioides is distributed worldwide causing anthracnose on a wide variety of plants (3). To the best of our knowledge, this is the first report of C. gloeosporioides causing leaf spots on C. fargesii f. duciouxii in China. References: (1) B. C. Sutton. Page 1 in: Colletotrichum: Biology, Pathology and Control. CAB International. Wallingford, UK, 1992. (2) T. J. White et al. Page 315 in: PCR Protocols: A Guide to Methods and Applications. Academic Press, San Diego, 1990. (3) J. Yan et al. Plant Dis. 95:880, 2011.
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Pasricha, Sant-Rayn, Adrian Gheorghe, Fayrouz Ashour, Amrita Arcot, Laura E. Murray-Kolb, Parmi Suchdev, and Michael Bode. "Risk-Benefit and Cost-Effectiveness of Universal Iron Interventions for Public Health Control of Anemia in Young Children in 78 Countries: A Microsimulation Study." Blood 132, Supplement 1 (November 29, 2018): 2276. http://dx.doi.org/10.1182/blood-2018-99-117611.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Almost 300 million children worldwide are anemic. Universal distribution of iron interventions (iron supplements or iron-containing multiple micronutrient powders, MNPs) to young children (e.g. <2 years of age) is a key World Health Organization recommendation to prevent anemia in low-income countries. However, concerns of iron-induced infection risk and limited effectiveness for anemia and broader child health outcomes have raised questions about whether iron interventions produce a net health benefit and are cost-effective. This has constrained implementation. Net effects likely differ in each country according to the epidemiology of anemia and infection, and local health care costs. Quality of implementation likely also affects net benefit. This means analyses must be country-specific. To help guide policymakers, we estimated country-specific net benefit-risk and cost-effectiveness of universal intervention with MNPs or iron supplements to young children. We developed a bespoke microsimulation model to estimate country-specific net Disability Adjusted Life Years (DALYs) attributable to anemia and infection in children from age 0-18 months who received MNPs, iron supplements or control from age 6-12 months. The model utilised publically available data on anemia, malaria, diarrhoea and respiratory infection epidemiology, and modified their risks according to effect sizes from the pivotal systematic reviews of randomised trials used to inform current guidelines. We next estimated corresponding cost/ DALY averted. We modeled all 78 countries (46 in Africa, 20 in Asia and 12 in Latin America) where WHO reported that anemia prevalence exceeded 40% in 2011, or where pilot iron intervention programmes have been reported to be in place. We found that MNPs and iron supplements produced a net benefit to health in all countries, though the magnitude was heterogeneous.DALYs averted/ 10,000 children in Africa ranged from 20.2 (Egypt) to 81.8 (Burkina Faso), median 49.8; in Asia/Pacific/the Middle East from 22.7 (China) to 110.1 (Yemen), median 33.4, and in Latin America from 14.1 (Ecuador) to 68.5 (Bolivia), median 26.5.The median benefit from iron supplements in Africa was 76.4 DALYs averted/10,000 children and ranged from 39.7 in Zimbabwe to 111.6 in Burkina Faso; in Asia/Pacific/Middle East the median benefit was 71.7, ranging from 36.9 in the Phillipines to 133.3 in Pakistan and 133.0 in Yemen; and in Latin America the median benefit was 59.1, ranging from 93.5 in Bolivia to 39.5 in Guatemala. The magnitude of net benefit from MNPs and iron supplements on DALYs was strongly positively associated with the prevalence of moderate anemia (e.g. for MNPs: r=0.82, P=2.3x10-20). In Africa, MNPs cost between $961-$4341/DALY averted; in Asia/Middle-East/Pacific between $844-$3975/DALY averted, and in Latin America between $1306-$6566/DALY averted. The 10 countries where MNPs are most cost-effective were Yemen ($844/DALY averted), Burkina Faso ($961), Mauritania ($1119), The Gambia ($1165), Guinea-Bissau ($1165), Senegal ($1193), Mali ($1197), Guinea ($1267), and Ghana ($1273). Suboptimal coverage markedly reduced both DALYs averted and cost-effectiveness. The severity, not just overall prevalence of anemia, should be considered when planning a programme. Optimisation of programme coverage is essential to maximise cost-effectiveness. Our results augment existing guidelines and identify locations where iron interventions have the greatest benefit and are most cost-effective. Figure Legend Caterpillar plots and regional maps demonstrating DALYs averted/ 10,000 children for A) Multiple Micronutrient Powders, and b) Iron Supplements. Disclosures No relevant conflicts of interest to declare.
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Silitonga, Mirdat, Herien Puspitawati, and Istiqlaliyah Muflikhati. "MODAL SOSIAL, COPING EKONOMI, GEJALA STRES SUAMI DAN KESEJAHTERAAN SUBJEKTIF KELUARGA PADA KELUARGA TKW." JKKP (Jurnal Kesejahteraan Keluarga dan Pendidikan) 5, no. 1 (April 17, 2018): 20–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.21009/jkkp.051.03.
Full textAbstract:
The achievement of family well - being is an aspiration of all families including families of migrant workers, to achieve the well - being of one of the ways that the families of migrant workers with the departure of the wife work as domestic servants in various countries. The purpose of this study was to analyze social capital, economic coping, sress symptom’s husband and family subjektive well - being of women migrant workers. This research use cross sectional studies. The location was chosen purposively in Tanggeung Village, Pagermaneuh Village, Margaluyu Village, Karangtengah Village, Tanggeung District and Pasirdalam Village Kadupandak District, Cianjur, West Java, Indonesia. Seventy five families were selected purposively among the families of women migrant workers. The finding indicates that social capital is in the moderate category, the coping economy is in the moderate category, the sress symptom’s husband is in the low category and the family well-being is in the low category. Finding in this study family subjective well-being is influenced by income per capita, sress symptom’s husband and economic coping.
Keywords: economic coping, family subjective well-being, social capital, stress symptom
Abstrak
Kesejahteraan keluarga merupakan sesuatu yang ingin dicapai seluruh keluarga, termasuk keluarga Tenaga Kerja Wanita (TKW), untuk mencapai kesejahteraan tersebut salah satu cara yang dilakukan oleh keluarga TKW adalah mengirim istri sebagai pembantu rumah tangga di berbagai negara. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisis modal sosial, coping ekonomi, gejala stres suami, dan kesejahteraan subjektif keluarga TKW. Penelitian ini menggunakan cross sectional studies. Lokasi dipilih dengan metode purposive di Provinsi Jawa Barat, Kabupaten Cianjur, Kecamatan Tanggeung, Desa Pagermaneuh, Desa Marguluyu, Desa Karangtengah, Desa Tanggeung, Kecamatan Kadupandak, Desa Pasirdalam. Jumlah sampel sebanyak 75 keluarga TKW dengan metode purposive sampling. Penelitian ini menemukan modal sosial berada pada kategori sedang, coping ekonomi berada pada kategori sedang, gelaja stres suami berada pada kategori rendah, dan kesejahteraan subjektif berada pada kategori rendah. Penelitian ini juga menemukan kesejahteraan keluarga berpengaruh terhadap pendapatan perkapita, gelaja stres suami, dan coping ekonomi.
Kata kunci : coping ekonomi, gejala stres, kesejahteraan subjektif, modal sosial.
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Dhaliwal, Dan S., Qiliang Liu, Hong Xie, and Jianping Zhang. "Negative Press Coverage, Litigation Risk, and Audit Opinions in China." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2381696.
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Li, Jiayu. "US-China trade negotiation discourses in the press." Journal of Language and Politics, June 15, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.20062.li.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This article studies trade negotiation discourses during the US-China tariff truce, aiming at investigating the difference of ideologies of the U.S. and China journalists towards trade negotiation. Through integration of theories and methods of corpus linguistics and critical discourse studies and the use of the corpus linguistic software, the study finds that U.S. reports to some extent make itself appear as a victim of the trade, and hope to end unfair trade practices and reduce the chronic trade deficit, while China press focuses more on the harm of raising tariffs not just to each other but the global economy, through communication and dialogue rather than unilateral measures to peacefully resolve trade tensions. Perceived differences in culture have an important influence in the theoretical formation of the differences. The article concludes that the discourse patterns of the coverage imply a rising China and a new level of equilibrium in international politics.
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Abidin, Crystal, Jin Lee, Tommaso Barbetta, and Wei Shan Miao. "Influencers and COVID-19: reviewing key issues in press coverage across Australia, China, Japan, and South Korea." Media International Australia, September 26, 2020, 1329878X2095983. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x20959838.
Full textAbstract:
As COVID-19 broke out across the Asia Pacific from December 2019, media coverage on its impacts proliferated online. Among these discourses, coverage on influencers was prominent, likely as many of the issues arising from COVID-19 contingencies – such as digitalization, public messaging, and misinformation – are cornerstones of this digital economy. In response, this cross-cultural study draws on a corpus of Australian, Chinese, Japanese, and Korean online news articles published between January and May 2020, to understand how local news ecologies were parsing the impacts of COVID-19 on influencers. From the coding of 150 news articles guided by Grounded Theory, this article focuses on the impact of the pandemic on influencers, and influencers’ engagements with and reactions to the pandemic. Our study of individual governments’ past engagements with their influencer industries suggest that local backstories and contexts are crucial to decipher why news angles tend to pitch particular stories on influencers.
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Song, Yunya, Zeping Huang, Jonathon P. Schuldt, and Y. Connie Yuan. "National prisms of a global phenomenon: A comparative study of press coverage of climate change in the US, UK and China." Journalism, January 28, 2021, 146488492198912. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884921989124.
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This study compares press coverage of climate change in the US, the UK and China from a longitudinal perspective, through a combination of computer-assisted quantitative linguistic analysis and critical discourse analysis. Specifically, we examine the extent to which these three countries portray climate change similarly or differently, and further explore how moral reasoning – a growing area of research in climate change communication – may shape media portrayal of the issue across different cultures. There have been few scholarly inquiries examining how moral reasoning is deployed in media discourse around climate change. This study aims to address this gap with a comparative analysis of moral reasoning in news about climate change in leading national newspapers from three countries over a 6-year period. The findings suggest that while US and UK newspapers tended to frame climate change coverage as a domestic issue, Chinese media tended to frame it as a global issue that the world community needs to tackle. Moreover, US and UK newspapers often adopted the balanced reporting norm in communicating uncertainty and controversy, in contrast to the climate consensus that was firmly embedded in Chinese media discourse. Overall, the findings show mixed support for East and West differences in the moral rhetoric underpinning their climate change press coverage.
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Rothenberger, Liane, and Valerie Hase. "Sources (Terrorism Coverage)." DOCA - Database of Variables for Content Analysis, March 26, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.34778/2w.
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Sources describe the actors quoted by journalists to support or refute their argumentation or to introduce new aspects into a discussion. Sources might be used for direct or indirect quotes and can be attributed to a variety of actors, such as government officials, witnesses or PR sources. In terrorism coverage, the media tends to mostly rely on official sources such as the government or police officials. Field of application/theoretical foundation: Content analyses focus on journalistic sources beyond terrorism coverage. Such analyses are often based on “Agenda-Setting” theories (McCombs & Shaw, 1972), models conceptualizing the relationship between journalists and PR, power hierarchies, or studies on working routines of journalists. References/combination with other methods of data collection: Similar analyses in the context of “Automated Content Analysis” try to grasp news “Actors”, of which news sources might be one, automatically (for example Burggraaf & Trilling, 2020). In addition, interviews with journalists can shed light on their sourcing routines (Larsen, 2018). Two studies are of particular value when analyzing sources used in terrorism coverage since they analyze a large variety of different sources and will hence be discussed in the following section. Example studies: Larsen (2019); Venger (2019) Information on Larsen, 2019 Author: Larsen (2019) Research question: How are radicalization and violent extremism framed in the news, including the sources used in these articles? Object of analysis: Online news from four Norwegian news outlets (Aftenposten, NRK, TV2, and VG) Time frame of analysis: 2014–2015 Info about variables Variable name/definition: Sources Level of analysis: News stories Variables and values: 27 different values, namely (1) no source, (2) police, (3) security services, (4) national politician in position, (5) national politician in opposition, (6) local politician, (7) bureaucracy/administration, (8) lawyer, (9) military/intelligence, (10) expert/researcher, (11) journalist/editor, (12) “extreme Islamist”, (13) “right-wing extremist”, (14) acquaintances, (15) NGOs, (16) international organizations, (17) religious leaders/spokespersons, (18) members of the public, (19) health, (20) education/school, (21) private sector/business, (22) prison administration, (23) affiliation not mentioned (i.e. anonymous), (24) think tank, (25) public prosecutors, (26) judge/court of Justice, (27) other Reliability: Cohen’s kappa: .895 Information on Venger, 2019 Authors: Venger (2019) Research question: How did the use of sources in news on the London bombings differ across newspapers published in countries with different media systems? Object of analysis: Newspaper coverage in the UK (The Guardian, The Times), the US (The Washington Post, The New York Times), and Russia (Izvestiya) Time frame of analysis: July–August 2005 Info about variables Variable name/definition8 different values, including (1) local government officials of the newspaper’s country, (2) foreign government officials, including officials of international agencies, (3) local experts, (4) international experts, (5) foreigners not associated with any government, (6) private citizens (of the newspaper’s country), (7) citations for local newspapers, (8) citations for international newspapers. Reliability: Rust and Cohen’s PRL reliability index, minimal value of any variable in study: .85 Table 1. Measurement of “Sources” in terrorism coverage. Author(s) Sample Manifestations Reliability Codebook Bennett (2016) Online news articles 12 different sources, ranging from “domestic media” to “eyewitnesses” Not reported Not available Douai & Lauricella (2014) Newspaper articles 5 different sources, ranging from “Western media sources” to “official/government Muslim sources” Percent agreement across all variables: 94.25 Not available Du & Li (2017) Online news articles 7 different sources, ranging from “NGOs” to “laws, orders, and documents” Scott’s pi for all variables in study: between .798 and 1 Not available Fahmy & Al Emad (2011) Online news articles 5 different sources, ranging from “US sources” to “Al Qaeda sources” Scott’s pi: .92 Available Gardner (2007) Newspaper articles 7 different sources, ranging from “analyst/academic” to “friends and family of the terrorist” Holsti across all variables: .87 Not available Larsen (2019) Broadcasting programs and online news articles 27 different sources, ranging from “security/intelligence” to “religious spokespersons” Cohen’s kappa: .895 Available Li (2007) Broadcasting programs 10 different sources, ranging from “airlines officials” to “witnesses” Scott’s pi: .84 Not available Matthews (2013) Newspaper articles 16 different sources, ranging from “police sources” to “experts” Minimal value for all variables in study: .8 Available Matthews (2016) Newspaper articles 7 different sources, ranging from “friends” to “survivors and witnesses” Not reported Not available Venger (2019) Newspaper articles 8 different sources, ranging from “local experts” to “citations for international newspapers” Rust and Cohen’s PRL reliability index, minimal value of any variable in study: 85 Not available Zhang & Hellmüller (2016) Online news articles 10 different sources, ranging from “ISIS/insurgent groups” to “ordinary people” Krippendorf’s alpha: .8 Available References Bennett, D. (2016). Sourcing the BBC’s live online coverage of terror attacks. Digital Journalism, 4(7), 861–874. doi:10.1080/21670811.2016.1163233 Burggraaff, C., & Trilling, D. (2020). Through a different gate: An automated content analysis of how online news and print news differ. Journalism, 21(1), 112–129. doi:10.1177/1464884917716699 Douai, A., & Lauricella, S. (2014). The ‘terrorism’ frame in ‘neo-Orientalism’: Western news and the Sunni–Shia Muslim sectarian relations after 9/11. International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics, 10(1), 7–24. doi:10.1386/macp.10.1.7_1 Du, Y. R., & Li, L. (2017). When press freedom meets national interest: How terrorist attacks are framed in the news in China and the US. Global Media and China, 2(3–4), 284–302. doi:10.1177/2059436418755761 Fahmy, S. S., & Al Emad, M. (2011). Al-Jazeera vs Al-Jazeera: A comparison of the network’s English and Arabic online coverage of the US/Al Qaeda conflict. International Communication Gazette, 73(3), 216–232. doi:10.1177/1748048510393656 Gardner, E. (2007). Is there method to the madness?: Worldwide press coverage of female terrorists and journalistic attempts to rationalize their involvement. Journalism Studies, 8(6), 909–929. doi:10.1080/14616700701556799 Larsen, A. H. (2018). Newsworthy actors, illegitimate voices: Journalistic strategies in dealing with voices deemed anti-democratic and violent. Journalism. Advanced online publication. doi:10.1177/1464884918760865 Larsen, A. G. (2019). Threatening criminals and marginalized individuals: Frames and news conventions in reporting of radicalization and violent extremism. Media, War & Conflict, 12(3), 299–316. doi:10.1177/1750635218769331 Li, X. (2007). Stages of a crisis and media frames and functions: U.S. television coverage of the 9/11 incident during the first 24 hours. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 51(4), 670–687. doi:10.1080/08838150701626578 Matthews, J. (2013). News narratives of terrorism: Assessing source diversity and source use in UK news coverage of alleged Islamist plots. Media, War & Conflict, 6(3), 295–310. doi:10.1177/1750635213505189 Matthews, J. (2016). Media performance in the aftermath of terror: Reporting templates, political ritual and the UK press coverage of the London Bombings, 2005. Journalism, 17(2), 173–189. doi:10.1177/1464884914554175 McCombs, M.E., & Shaw, D. L. (1972). The agenda-setting function of mass media. Public Opinion Quarterly, 36(2), 176–187. doi:10.1086/267990 Venger, O. (2019). The use of experts in journalistic accounts of media events: A comparative study of the 2005 London Bombings in British, American, and Russian newspapers. Journalism, 20(10), 1343–1359. doi:10.1177/1464884919830479 Zhang, X., & Hellmüller, L. (2016). Transnational Media Coverage of the ISIS Threat: A Global Perspective? International Journal of Communication, 10, 766–785.
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Murphy, A., B. Palafox, S. Rangarajan, S. Yusuf, and M. McKee. "No UHC without medicines: out-of-pocket payments for non-communicable diseases in 18 countries." European Journal of Public Health 29, Supplement_4 (November 1, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/eurpub/ckz185.034.
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Abstract Background In 2014 the United Nations agreed on a goal to reduce premature mortality from NCDs by improving financial risk protection. We are far from achieving this: households with NCDs are at an increased risk of catastrophic health spending and impoverishment, particularly in lower middle- and low-income countries. There is a need to better understand the drivers of health spending among households with NCDs, to inform interventions aimed at achieving universal health coverage. Methods Using data from the Prospective Urban and Rural Epidemiology Study, we analyse out-of-pocket expenditure (OOP) among households with NCDs (cancer, cardiovascular disease, hypertension, diabetes, respiratory disease or kidney disease) in 18 countries: Canada, Sweden, Brazil, Chile, Malaysia, Poland, South Africa, Turkey, China, the Philippines, Colombia, Iran, the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT), Bangladesh, India, Pakistan, Zimbabwe and Tanzania. Results The leading driver of OOP on health care in almost all countries included is medicine. For example, the monthly OOP on medicines among NCD households in Iran, where roughly 18% of NCD households experience catastrophic spending, is USD 13.50, representing 36% of OOP on health. In Brazil this figure is USD 25.85, representing 46% of OOP on health. A large proportion of OOP is also made up by consultation fees, particularly in Sub-Saharan African countries. In Poland, 63% of OOP on health is spent on alternative medicine consultation fees. Conclusions Our findings echo the message shared by the Director General of the World Health Organization in 2018, that there is “no Universal Health Coverage without access to quality medicines”. Medicine costs impose a significant economic burden on NCD households in countries at all levels of development, highlighting the need to include essential medicines for NCDs in universal health coverage benefit packages. Key messages To achieve the goal of improved financial risk protection for NCDs we need to understand drivers of out-of-pocket spending among households with NCDs. Medicines are by far the largest driver of OOP in countries at all levels of development and require urgent attention to ensure universal health coverage.
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Rothenberger, Liane, and Valerie Hase. "Key issue (Terrorism Coverage)." DOCA - Database of Variables for Content Analysis, March 26, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.34778/2u.
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“Key issue” describes the main issue or perspective an article focuses on when reporting on a news topic. There might be different key issues for the same topic: When reporting on terrorism, articles can for example concentrate on the incident itself, the perpetrator behind it, victims and/or political reactions to terrorism. Field of application/theoretical foundation: Key issues share similarities with other variables such as news “frames”, “issue salience” or “issue ownership” that also try to identify different perspectives for the same or different news topics. Therefore, studies based on “Framing” (Entman, 1993) work with similar variables to analyze what issues journalists focus on and many studies cited here use the concept of framing to identify key issues, for example Li (2007) or Zhang & Hellmüller (2016). References/combination with other methods of data collection: Studies for example combine content analysis and interviews with journalists to shed more light on dynamics and structures of terrorism coverage, including key issues (Larsen, 2019). Example studies: Li (2007); Matthews (2016) Information on Li, 2007 Authors: Li (2007) Research question: How did television outlets frame 9/11 during the first 24 hours of coverage and how did this framing change over time? Object of analysis: News coverage by five TV outlets (ABC, CBS, NBC, CNN, and FOX news) Time frame of analysis: 24 hours after attacks on September 9 2001 occurred Info about variables Variable name/definition: Coverage frame: “The coverage frame is defined as the aspects of a perceived reality identified through a story that makes these aspects more salient in the news coverage” (Li, 2007, p. 676). Level of analysis: News story (TV) Variables and values: Political coverage frame, economic coverage frame, criminal coverage frame, environment coverage frame, safety coverage frame, human interest coverage frame, religion coverage frame, disaster coverage frame, other coverage frame Reliability: Scott’s pi: .8 Information on Matthews, 2016 Authors: Matthews (2016) Research question: How did newspapers react in the immediate aftermath of the London bombings 2005? Object of analysis: News coverage by nine UK newspapers and their Sunday equivalents (The Star, The Sun, Daily Mail, Daily Mirror, Daily Express, The Times, The Telegraph, The Guardian and The Independent) Time frame of analysis: July 8 2005 to July 15 2005 Info about variables Variable name/definition: Story themes Level of analysis: News article Variables and values: Reconstruction and reaction, bombers’ identities, police investigation, victims/the missing, heroism and survivors, London’s reaction Table 1. Measurement of “Key Issue” in terrorism coverage. Author(s) Sample Manifestations Reliability Codebook An et al. (2018) Articles from terrorist websites 31 different key issues, ranging from terrorist attacks to their political consequences Average Holsti value for all pairwise comparisons: .66 Available Du & Li (2017) Online news articles 6 different key issues, including “description and updates of the incident itself”, “causes of the incident”, “consequences of the incident”, “conflicting viewpoint related to the incident”, “condemn the terrorist behavior and discuss the punishment/reprisal”, and “background/history knowledge of the incident areas” Scott’s pi for all variables in study: between .798 and 1 Available Haußecker & Jirschitzka, 2010; Jirschitzka et al., 2010 Broadcasting programs 11 different key issues, ranging from war against terror to communication of terrorists Average Holsti value for all pairwise comparisons with five coders and one main coder: .66 Available Larsen (2019) Broadcasting programs and online news articles 3 different key issues, including “threat of terrorism”, “countering and prevention”, and ”terrorism as phenomenon” Cohen’s kappa: .782 Available Li (2007) Broadcasting programs 9 different key issues, including “political”, “economic”, “criminal”, “environment”, “safety”, “human interest”, “religion”, “disaster”, and “other” coverage frame Scott’s pi: .8 Not available Li & Izard (2003) Broadcasting programs and news articles 10 different key issues, including “business”, “World Trade Center”, “Pentagon”, “safety (concerning future attacks)”, “government and U.S. president, “criminal activity and terrorism,” “personal story”, “American public”, “U.S. Arab community”, and “past events” Scott’s pi for all nominal variables in study: between .78 and .96 Not available Matthews (2016) Newspaper articles 6 different key issues, including “reconstruction and reaction”, “bombers’ identities”, “police investigation”, “victims/the missing”, “heroism and survivors”, and “London’s reaction” Not reported Not available Zhang & Hellmüller (2016) Online news articles 8 key issues, sorted in the overarching categories “geopolitics” (consisting of “failing state”, “political opportunism”, “strategic game”, “geopolitical alignment”) and “existential threat” (consisting of “ISIS prowess”, “human rights crisis”, “economic consequences”, and “ISIS propaganda”) Krippendorf’s alpha: .73 Available References An, Y., Mejía, N. A., Arizi, A., Villalobos, M. M, & Rothenberger, L. (2018). Perpetrators’ strategic communication: Framing and identity building on ethno-nationalist terrorists’ websites. Communications, 43(2), 133–171. doi:10.1515/commun-2017-0057 Du, Y. R., & Li, L. (2017). When press freedom meets national interest: How terrorist attacks are framed in the news in China and the US. Global Media and China, 2(3–4), 284–302. doi:10.1177/2059436418755761 Entman, R. M. (1993). Framing: Toward clarification of a fractured paradigm. Journal of Communication, 43(4), 51-58. doi:10.1111/j.1460-2466.1993.tb01304.x Haußecker, N., & Jirschitzka, J. (2010). Mediale Konstruktion I: Methodisches Vorgehen—Inhaltsanalyse der Terrorberichterstattung in deutschen Fernsehnachrichten [Media construction I: Methods – content analysis of terrorism coverage in German TV news]. In W. Frindte & N. Haußecker (Eds.), Inszenierter Terrorismus [Staged terrorism] (pp. 67–89). VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. Jirschitzka, J., Haußecker, N., & Frindte, W. (2010). Mediale Konstruktion II: Die Konstruktion des Terrorismus im deutschen Fernsehen – Ergebnisdarstellung und Interpretation. [Media construction II: the construction of terrorism in German TV - results and interpretation]. In W. Frindte & N. Haußecker (Eds.), Inszenierter Terrorismus [Staged terrorism] (pp. 81–119). Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. Larsen, A. G. (2019). Threatening criminals and marginalized individuals: Frames and news conventions in reporting of radicalization and violent extremism. Media, War & Conflict, 12(3), 299–316. doi:10.1177/1750635218769331 Li, X. (2007). Stages of a crisis and media frames and functions: U.S. television coverage of the 9/11 incident during the first 24 hours. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 51(4), 670–687. doi:10.1080/08838150701626578 Li, X., & Izard, R. (2003). 9/11 Attack coverage reveals similarities, differences. Newspaper Research Journal, 24(1), 204–219. oi:10.1177/073953290302400123 Matthews, J. (2016). Media performance in the aftermath of terror: Reporting templates, political ritual and the UK press coverage of the London Bombings, 2005. Journalism, 17(2), 173–189. doi:10.1177/1464884914554175 Zhang, X., & Hellmüller, L. (2016). Transnational media coverage of the ISIS threat: A global perspective? International Journal of Communication, 10, 766–785.