Journal articles: 'Zimbabwean newspapers'

1

Munoriyarwa, Allen. "So, who is responsible? A framing analysis of newspaper coverage of electoral violence in Zimbabwe." Journal of African Media Studies 12, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jams_00011_1.

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This study examines how the 2008 election violence was framed in three mainstream Zimbabwean weekly newspapers – The Sunday Mail, The Independent and The Zimbabwean. It was noted that four frames – the victim, justice and human rights, trivialization and attribution of responsibility frames dominated the coverage of electoral violence in these three newspapers. The dominance of the trivializing frame in The Sunday Mail privileged the ruling party’s (Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front; ZANU PF) interpretation of electoral violence as inconsequential to the electoral process. Simultaneously, the prevalence of the victim, justice and human rights frames in The Independent and The Zimbabwean newspapers signifies the private media’s obsession with ZANU PF’s alleged electoral malpractices and situates these alleged transgressions within a broad global social justice and human rights trajectory to cultivate the West’s sympathy with the ‘victimised’ opposition.

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Mushore, Washington. "YOUTH AND INDIGENISATION IN THE ZIMBABWEAN PRINT MEDIA." Commonwealth Youth and Development 14, no. 1 (March 7, 2017): 36–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1727-7140/1383.

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The main purpose of the indigenisation policy in Zimbabwe, according to Masunungure and Koga (2013), was to empower the historically disadvantaged groups in Zimbabwe after the nationalist government had recognised that the inherited colonial systems were unsustainable and a sure recipe for future social and political instability. Although the indigenisation policy was a very noble idea, there was no consensus â€“ especially at the political level â€“ on how empowerment was going to be achieved. The ruling party (ZANU-PF) saw empowerment as being best achieved through the compulsory takeover of foreign-owned businesses in order to benefit the indigenous blacks, and the main opposition party (MDC-T) perceived empowerment as the creation of more jobs for the multitudes of unemployed Zimbabweans, especially the youth. This article, however, argues that the use of nationalistic language, such as â€˜the black majorityâ€™, in political discourse by politicians in most cases obscures who the real beneficiaries are or will be. In view of the above, the aim of this study is to critically explore, with the aid of framing theory, how the Zimbabwean print media have reported on the issue of youth and indigenisation in stories purposively sampled from The Herald, The Zimbabwean and The Standard newspapers.

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Sabao, Collen, and Marianna Visser. "Sanctioning an anti-sanctions campaign? Comparing the textuality of news reports in Zimbabwean Newspapers on the anti-sanctions campaigns in Zimbabwe’s first republic." Journal of African Languages and Literary Studies 1, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 179–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2633-2116/2020/v1n3a9.

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The paper analyses the discourse linguistic notion of 'objectivity' in 'hard' news reports on the two ZANU PF led Anti-Sanctions campaigns in Zimbabwe. In examining the campaigns, which occur in Zimbabwe's first republic and when Zimbabwe was still under the leadership of the now late President, Robert Gabriel Mugabe, the paper seeks to compare the textuality of 'hard' news reports from selected Zimbabwean newspapers by focusing on how language and linguistic resources are used evaluatively in manners that betray authorial attitudes in news reports on Mugabe and ZANU PF led Anti-Sanctions campaigns against 'sanctions'1 imposed on the country by the United States of America (USA) and the European Union (EU) in The Herald2 and Newsday3 specifically focusing on the manner in which the news reports uphold or flout the objectivity ideal as explicated through the ‘reporter voice’4 configuration and within Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL). In 2017, Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa (Mugabe’s historically trusted lieutenant), ascended to the presidency through a military backed coup that ousted Zimbabwe’s monolithic leader, Robert Mugabe, who had been in power for 37 years. True to the ZANU PF historical way of doing things, Mnangagwa also went on a rampage accusing others, especially the West for their sanctions which he claimed were hurting ordinary people and the Zimbabwean economy. However, this paper only focused in the analysis of the Mugabe led campaigns. While ‘hard news’ articles must thus attempt to project an aura of objectivity, in comparison editorials/commentaries are meant to air opinions. However, this is not always the case as they often are loaded with attitudinal meanings – occurring as both inscribed and/or invoked authorial evaluations as well as attributed inscribed and/or invoked evaluations.

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Nhongo, Raphael. "The meaning of pseudonyms in selected Zimbabwean online newspapers." Nomina Africana; Journal of African Onomastics 32, no. 2 (December 21, 2018): 95–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.2989/na.2018.32.2.5.1330.

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5

Makombe, Rodwell. "Framing corruption narratives in Zimbabwe: A critical review of the Zimdef corruption scandal as portrayed in Zimbabwean newspapers." Journal of African Media Studies 10, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 73–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jams.10.1.73_1.

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Chari, T. "Press Representation of the 2010 World Cup Soccer Extravaganza in Two Zimbabwean Newspapers." Ecquid Novi: African Journalism Studies 31, no. 2 (January 1, 2010): 205–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3368/ajs.31.2.205.

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Chari, Tendai. "Press representation of the 2010 world cup soccer extravaganza in two Zimbabwean newspapers." Ecquid Novi: African Journalism Studies 31, no. 2 (January 2010): 205–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02560054.2010.9666608.

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Gijimah, Tevedzerai, and Dave Mutasa. "Interrogating the forces that condition media representation of traditional healers in selected Zimbabwean newspapers." South African Journal of African Languages 40, no. 2 (May 3, 2020): 208–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.2020.1804283.

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9

Sabao, Collen, and Marianna Visser. "Evaluating authorial ‘objectivity’ and ‘stancetaking’ in reporting the making of a new constitution in Zimbabwean newspapers." Communicatio 41, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 43–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02500167.2015.1011178.

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10

Nhapi, Tatenda Goodman. "Socioeconomic Barriers to Universal Health Coverage in Zimbabwe: Present Issues and Pathways Toward Progress." Journal of Developing Societies 35, no. 1 (March 2019): 153–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0169796x19826762.

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This article assesses Zimbabwean health services, using a social workers’ social development paradigm to analyze the dynamics of Zimbabwe’s Social Security program, focusing on universal health access for older persons, orphans, and vulnerable children. This article identifies the key factors that have done the most to shape health policy administration in the broader context of social policies and social security in Zimbabwe. The discussion is framed around the need for pro-poor social policies, social inclusivity, and the efforts to ensure universal health access. Despite numerous reports, newspaper op-eds and consultancy documents offering opinions on the state of social service delivery in the country, most critics lack empirical data and end up being very anecdotal as they critique the present system. The socioeconomic context of Zimbabwe is therefore analyzed here, with the best available statistical evidence provided, followed by assessment of social policy interventions. Current challenges to access health services are evaluated using a human rights-based social policy approach. The recent Zimbabwe Ministry of Finance-led consultative process crafted a 2016 document, the Poverty Reduction Strategies Papers (PRSPs), as an overall strategy for transforming the Zimbabwean health sector. The article concludes by recommending community-based health insurance approach as most appropriate intervention for ensuring health inclusivity and enhancing health for all in Zimbabwe.

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11

Chibuwe, Albert, and Abioudun Salawu. "Training for English language or indigenous language media journalism: A decolonial critique of Zimbabwean journalism and media training institutions’ training practices." Journal of African Media Studies 12, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jams_00016_1.

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There is growing academic scholarship on indigenous language media in Africa. The scholarship has mostly tended to focus on the content and political economy of indigenous language newspapers. The scholarship also suggests that much needs to be done in inculcating indigenous languages and indigenous language journalism in journalism education. Grounded in decoloniality, this article explores journalism training practices in selected institutions of higher learning in Zimbabwe. The intention is to unravel the absence or existence of training for indigenous journalism and perceptions of lecturers and attitudes of students towards indigenous language media and journalism. The article also seeks to establish whether there are any attempts to de-westernize journalism, media and communication studies. Methodologically, in-depth interviews were used to gather data from lecturers and students of journalism and media studies at colleges and universities in Zimbabwe. Findings show that the colleges surveyed do not offer any indigenous media journalism-specific modules or subjects. The lecturers, who include programme designers in some cases, have a low regard for indigenous language media. This, the article concludes, will have a knock-on effect on journalism students’ and journalists’ misgivings towards a career in indigenous language media.

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12

FITZMAURICE, SUSAN. "Ideology, race and place in historical constructions of belonging: the case of Zimbabwe." English Language and Linguistics 19, no. 2 (July 2015): 327–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674315000106.

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This article explores the ways in which constructions of identities of place are embedded in the ideology of race and social orientation in Zimbabwe. Using newspaper reports, memoirs, speeches, advertisements, fiction, interviews and ephemera produced around key discursive thresholds, it examines the production of multiple meanings of key terms within competing discourses to generate co-existing parallel lexicons. Crucially, labels like ‘settler’, ‘African’ and ‘Zimbabwean’, labels that are inextricably linked to access to and association with the land in colonial and postcolonial Zimbabwe, shift their reference and connotations for different speakers in different settings and periods. For example, the term ‘settler’, used to refer to white colonists of British origin who occupied vast agricultural lands in colonial Zimbabwe, is appropriated in post-independent Zimbabwe to designate blacks settled on the land in the Fast Track Land Reform Programme. The analysis of semantic pragmatic change in relation to key discursive thresholds yields a complex story of changing identities conditioned by different experiences of a raced national biography.

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13

Mawindi Mabweazara, Hayes. "Readers Comments on Zimbabwean Newspaper Websites." Digital Journalism 2, no. 1 (November 14, 2013): 44–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21670811.2013.850200.

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14

Zengenene, Maybe. "Trafficking of women and girls in the District of Seke: Lessons from the Zimbabwe’s Second Republic." Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 33, no. 3 (August 31, 2020): 256. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v33i32020.256-265.

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The study explores the phenomenon of human trafficking in Zimbabwe’s second republic under President Emerson Mnangagwa. Using conflict theory, the study argues that the discourse of human trafficking in Zimbabwe is a complex phenomenon that has led to women’s and girls’ vulnerability in the Seke District. Primary data gathered from five female core informants who have been the direct victims of human trafficking and three significant others who were the parents and guardians of human trafficking victims. The snowball sampling technique was employed to obtain the female core informants for the in-depth interviews. The study also benefitted from secondary sources such as journal articles, online newspapers, government, and international UN, ILO, UNESCO, and UNICEF reports. The results of this study show that eco-socio and political ills such as a high rate of unemployment, a shortage of essential goods, cash, corruption, electricity, gender inequality, poverty, power relations and the continuous harassment by the security forces such as the police and the army have escalated the vulnerability of women to human trafficking in Zimbabwe. Since Zimbabwe’s eco-political situation is a powerful determinant of both the continuation and abandonment of the human trafficking social phenomena, this study recommends that the present government solve the grassroots causes of the phenomena. With enforcement at the grassroots level and regional and international initiatives, human trafficking can be combated.

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15

Mushore, Washington. "THE REPORTAGE OF LAND AND OWNERSHIP IN SELECTED PRIVATE MEDIA IN ZIMBABWE." Latin American Report 30, no. 2 (July 20, 2016): 30–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0256-6060/1238.

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The aim of this article is to scrutinise how the concepts of land and land ownership were discussed in the private media in Zimbabwe during the Zimbabwe land reform exercise – dubbed ‘the third Chimurenga’ that took place in the period 2000–2008. Using textual analysis, the articles argues that ownership of land, according to the so called ‘private or independent’ newspapers in Zimbabwe was supposed to be accorded to the farmer or person, regardless of the racial bias, who was more productive on the land and who was contributing more to the economic well-being of the nation (Zimbabwe). Accordingly, the private newspapers in Zimbabwe regarded land as belonging to, or as the rightful property of the white commercial farmers/settlers because they perceived them to be more productive on the land than the native people of Zimbabwe who were ultimately seen and labelled as invaders on the so-called white commercial farms. In order to substantiate the above claims and arguments, a number of The Daily News stories of the period were purposively sampled and are used as examples.

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16

Mpofu, Busani. "Perpetual ‘Outcasts’? Squatters in peri-urban Bulawayo, Zimbabwe." Afrika Focus 25, no. 2 (February 25, 2012): 45–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-02502005.

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After independence in 1980 Zimbabwe’s cities experienced a proliferation in the number of squatter camps. This was because of the failure of the urban economy to offer adequate housing and jobs, leaving peri-urban space as the only sanctuary for the urban poor to live in and eke out a living informally. The promotion of rural ‘growth points’ by the national government to promote rural development to discourage migration to urban areas failed. Yet, a poor policy response by the state to this negative outcome of rapid urbanisation that aims to reverse this rural-urban migration has led to unending confrontations between its various arms and squatters who continue to be regarded as encroachers. Focussing on Bulawayo, the second largest city in Zimbabwe, and based on interviews, archival research, Council minutes and newspapers, this article critiques the state’s urban development policy vis-à-vis squatters and informality. It is argued that the persistence of a salient perception by government officials that all Africans belong to rural areas and have access to land they can fall back on in hard times serves as a vital lubricant to the state’s action of forcibly sending squatters to rural areas. This ignores the historical pattern of rapid urbanisation and the growth ofinformal economies supporting the livelihoods of thousands of people. I seek to add to the literature on low-cost housing shortages, urban squatters and peri-urbanism in Zimbabwe and on studies of informality in Third World cities in general.

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17

Chari, Tendai. "Performing patriotic citizenship: Zimbabwean diaspora and their online newspaper reading practices." Journal of African Media Studies 6, no. 1 (March 1, 2014): 91–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jams.6.1.91_1.

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18

Joanah, Gadzikwa. "Interactivity and cyber democracy: The case of Zimbabwes online newspapers." Journal of Media and Communication Studies 7, no. 4 (April 30, 2015): 67–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5897/jmcs2015.0437.

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19

Nyaungwa, Mathew, and Anthea Garman. "Speaking to power through newspaper editorials in Zimbabwe." Journal of African Media Studies 11, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 51–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jams.11.1.51_1.

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20

CHARI, TENDAI. "Future prospects of the print newspaper in Zimbabwe." Journal of African Media Studies 3, no. 3 (October 7, 2011): 367–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jams.3.3.367_1.

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21

Fontein, Joost. "Anticipating The Tsunami: Rumours, Planning and The Arbitrary State in Zimbabwe." Africa 79, no. 3 (August 2009): 369–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0001972009000862.

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Using ethnographic material alongside newspaper and NGO reports, this article explores popular responses to ZANU PF's devastating Operation Murambatsvina, commonly dubbed Zimbabwe's tsunami, which targeted informal markets and ‘illegal’ housing across Zimbabwe between May and August of 2005, making an estimated 700,000 people homeless and indirectly affecting a quarter of Zimbabwe's population. The article argues that central to experiences of these dramatic events ‘on the ground’ (particularly in Harare's high- and low-density suburbs of Chitungwiza and Hatfield, where most of the ethnographic material was collected) was a profound tension between the resonances evoked by official appeals to a reassertion of ‘order’ and formal planning procedures, and the spectacle of ZANU PF's public demonstration of its ability to deploy state ‘force’ ruthlessly, and indeed ‘arbitrarily’; that is, as, when and how it chose. Although the brutal execution of the programme was widely condemned by observers and victims alike, less reported has been the way in which official justifications for the operation were sometimes recognizable and salient to people living in urban areas across Zimbabwe, resonating with memories of past clearances, or with longstanding and divergent aspirations for respectability, urban ‘order’, and a functioning, bureaucratic state. It is argued that in the ambiguity and uncertainty generated by this tension the political advantages of the operation for the ruling party become most apparent. Relating the plethora of rumours circulating at the time (about the ‘hidden agendas’ behind the operation) to Mbembe's work on post-colonial conviviality, the article argues that like Mbembe's satirical cartoons these rumours did not so much undermine or subvert the authority of ZANU PF as reinforce its omnipotent presence. However, unlike the pessimism of Mbembe's vision of all encompassing power, it is argued that if the rumours that circulated about Operation Murambatsvina are an example of the constant re-making of ‘stateness’ on the margins, then the uncertain ambiguity of such rumours can not only reinforce the omnipotent presence of the ‘state power’, but also illustrate the omnipresence of its fundamental insecurity.

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22

Makombe, Rodwell. "Women and Sexuality: Representations of Female Sexuality in Selected Zimbabwean Newspaper Stories." Journal of Communication 6, no. 1 (July 2015): 188–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0976691x.2015.11884862.

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23

Ndhlovu, Mthokozisi Phathisani. "The Fifth Estate: Analyzing Climate Change Punditry in the Zimbabwean Newspaper Columns." Environmental Communication 15, no. 3 (January 11, 2021): 418–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17524032.2020.1863826.

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24

Chidarikire, Munyaradzi, Pinias Chikuvadze, and Cecilia Muza. "Vulnerable Learners’ Experiences on Drug Abuse in Zimbabwean Rural Schools: A Literature Review Perspective." EAST AFRICAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATION AND SOCIAL SCIENCES, Issue 2 (April to June 2021) (May 4, 2021): 80–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.46606/10.46606/eajess2021v02i02.0078.

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: In Zimbabwean rural schools, drug abuse is observed to be on the increase trend. It is in this context that this paper delved into experiences that are encountered by vulnerable learners abusing drug in rural schools. Accordingly, it targeted at how this social phobic has become entrenched in learners’ way of being and the plausible antidotes to this drawback. In this regard, a framework derived from social constructionist and symbolic interactionist standpoints provided the lens through which the researchers perceived the issue under investigation. The researchers used literature review in the generation and analysis of learners’ lived experiences with regards to the issue under study from different sources. The researchers used the narration of information from commissioned reports, newspaper articles and empirical findings. From consulted sources, the researchers noted that there is widespread drug abuse in most rural schools through the influence of the institution linked dynamics, age issues, life stress, peer group pressure, obtainability of ready money and ease of access to drugs. With respect to these findings, the researchers concluded that drug abuse by learners in rural schools in Zimbabwe was from literature perspective mostly due to multi-pronged influences. Hence the researchers recommended that key interested parties such as Government, Non- Governmental Organizations, parents, teachers and policymakers should consistently implement and monitor strategies such as peer counselling to mitigate the drug abuse among rural learners.

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Chidarikire, Munyaradzi, Pinias Chikuvadze, and Cecilia Muza. "Vulnerable Learners’ Experiences on Drug Abuse in Zimbabwean Rural Schools: A Literature Review Perspective." EAST AFRICAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATION AND SOCIAL SCIENCES, Issue 2 (April to June 2021) (May 8, 2021): 80–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.46606/eajess2021v02i02.0078.

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: In Zimbabwean rural schools, drug abuse is observed to be on the increase trend. It is in this context that this paper delved into experiences that are encountered by vulnerable learners abusing drug in rural schools. Accordingly, it targeted at how this social phobic has become entrenched in learners’ way of being and the plausible antidotes to this drawback. In this regard, a framework derived from social constructionist and symbolic interactionist standpoints provided the lens through which the researchers perceived the issue under investigation. The researchers used literature review in the generation and analysis of learners’ lived experiences with regards to the issue under study from different sources. The researchers used the narration of information from commissioned reports, newspaper articles and empirical findings. From consulted sources, the researchers noted that there is widespread drug abuse in most rural schools through the influence of the institution linked dynamics, age issues, life stress, peer group pressure, obtainability of ready money and ease of access to drugs. With respect to these findings, the researchers concluded that drug abuse by learners in rural schools in Zimbabwe was from literature perspective mostly due to multi-pronged influences. Hence the researchers recommended that key interested parties such as Government, Non- Governmental Organizations, parents, teachers and policymakers should consistently implement and monitor strategies such as peer counselling to mitigate the drug abuse among rural learners.

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26

Hatchard, John. "Delay and the Death Sentence: The Zimbabwean Approach." Journal of African Law 37, no. 2 (1993): 185–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300011244.

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In March 1993 it was reported in a national newspaper in Zimbabwe that four men convicted of murder and under sentence of death were to be executed shortly. They were all sentenced between 1987 and 1988 although in all but one case their appeals were not heard and dismissed by the Supreme Court until 1991. The Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace (CCJP) obtained a provisional order from the Supreme Court interdicting the respondents from carrying out the sentences, pending a decision as to whether to (i) declare that the delay in carrying out the sentences of death constituted a contravention of section 15(1) of the Constitution of Zimbabwe; and (ii) order that such sentences be permanently stayed. Section 15(1) provides that:

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27

D'Angelo, Paul, John C. Pollock, Kristen Kiernicki, and Donna Shaw. "Framing of AIDS in Africa: Press-state relations, HIV/AIDS news, and journalistic advocacy in four sub-Saharan Anglophone newspapers." Politics and the Life Sciences 32, no. 2 (2013): 100–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.2990/32_2_100.

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This study offers the first systematic analysis of the impact of press-state relations, or media systems, on the HIV/AIDS news agenda in African news coverage. The premise is that media systems play a determining role in the degree to which journalists can independently advocate for social change when covering HIV/AIDS. Drawing on comparative research, four sub-Saharan countries were categorized into two media systems: Contained Democratic (South Africa, Nigeria) and Repressive Autocratic (Zimbabwe, Kenya). A sample of HIV/AIDS stories (n = 393) published from 2002–2007 in each country's leading Anglophone newspaper was content analyzed. Across all coverage, the topic of social costs was framed more for the responsibility borne by nongovernmental agents than governmental agents. In Contained Democratic media systems, however, story emphasis shifted toward government agents taking responsibility for addressing the social costs of HIV/AIDS. Prevention campaigns were framed more as progress than decline across all newspapers; however, campaigns were reported as being more efficacious in Contained Democratic systems than in Repressive Autocratic systems. No impact of media system on framing of medical developments was found. Results show the value of comparative analysis in understanding the agenda-setting process: with greater emphasis on positive efficacy and government initiative, the news agenda in Contained Democratic media systems can facilitate stronger positive societal-level responses than the news agenda in Repressive Autocratic media systems.

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Matiza, Vimbai Moreblessing. "Women in newspaper cartoon straps during the ‘Operation Restore Legacy’ in The News Day and The Chronicle." DANDE Journal of Social Sciences and Communication 2, no. 2 (2018): 88–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.15641/dande.v2i2.48.

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There is an existing trend of negativity in the portrayal of women through cartoons in local newspapers. This has led to the perpetuation of gender stereotypes against women aimed at demeaning and degrading the social status of women. Cartoons as works of art are expected to reflect on issues as they are happening in the societies. The two newspapers under study are The Chronicle and The News Day which are government owned and private owned respectively. The paper analyses these two newspapers in the manner in which represent women in cartoons and further interrogates circumstances surrounding such portrayal. The period under study is between November 2017 and April 2018. This is the period when Zimbabwe underwent leadership change, after thirty-seven years under one leader. Guided by the Africana womanist perspective the article concludes that women and men are given the same opportunities but if not disciplined women sometimes abuse their position.

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29

Mabweazara, H. M., and L. N. Strelitz. "Investigating the Popularity of the Zimbabwean Tabloid Newspaper uMthunywa: A Reception Study of Bulawayo Readers." Ecquid Novi: African Journalism Studies 30, no. 2 (January 1, 2009): 113–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3368/ajs.30.2.113.

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30

Ruhanya, Pedzisai. "An opposition newspaper under an oppressive regime: A critical analysis of The Daily News." Journal of Alternative & Community Media 1, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 128–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/joacm_00023_1.

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This study focuses on the unprecedented ways in which newspaper journalism helped the cause of democratisation at the height of the economic and political governance crisis, also known as the Zimbabwe Crisis, from 1997 to 2010. The research is designed as a qualitative case study of The Daily News, an independent private newspaper. It was based on semi-structured interviews with respondents, who were mainly journalists and politicians living in Zimbabwe. The analytical lens of alternative media facilitates a construction of how The Daily News and its journalists experienced, reported, confronted and navigated state authoritarianism in a historical moment of political turmoil. The study discusses the complex relationships between the independent and privately owned press, the political opposition and civil society organisations. The research provides an original analysis of the operations of The Daily News and its journalists in the context of a highly undemocratic political moment. Some journalists crossed the floor to join civic and opposition forces in order to confront the state. The state responded through arrests and physical attacks against the journalists; however, journalists continued to work with opposition forces while the government enacted repressive media and security law to curtail coverage of the crisis.

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Pitts, M., and H. Jackson. "AIDS and the press: An analysis of the coverage of AIDS by Zimbabwe newspapers." AIDS Care 1, no. 1 (January 1989): 77–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09540128908260238.

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32

Maunganidze, Farai, Debby Bonnin, and Shaun Ruggunan. "Economic Crisis and Professions: Chartered Accountants in Zimbabwe." SAGE Open 11, no. 1 (January 2021): 215824402199480. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244021994802.

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This study examined the effects of a declining economy on the profession of chartered accountants (CAs) in Zimbabwe. The study adopted a qualitative approach using a pragmatic grounded theory design. Primary data were obtained through in-depth interviews with five purposively sampled CAs and two key informants drawn from the professional body and an institution that trains CAs. Furthermore, secondary data were drawn from the professional body’s archives and from newspapers. Data from interviews and documents were analyzed through thematic analysis and content analysis, respectively. The study has revealed that the profession of CAs has been changing in response to the declining economy and the changes include losing its status and autonomy, increased competition from other accounting fields and compromised professional standards. It also emerged that professionals themselves engage in both negative and positive activities that enable them to survive the effects of a declining economy. Recommendations are provided for the professionals and the professional body in dealing with the impact of a precarious economy.

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33

Simba, Amon, David J. Smith, and Tatenda Dube. "Competing with the grey market: Puzey and Payne in Zimbabwe." CASE Journal 14, no. 2 (March 5, 2018): 145–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/tcj-03-2017-0027.

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Synopsis The case study analyses competition in the automobile industry in Zimbabwe, a developing economy. From that perspective, it discusses Puzey and Payne’s business operations; a company with a long-standing history in the country’s automobile industry. Since its establishment during the Colonial era, the company endured a prolonged period of rapid car and spare parts sales decline in 2012. Following a management buyout deal in 2013, the decline in sales proved to be its real dilemma and it required strategic decisions to diffuse the impact of the “grey markets”. Government policies added to the company’s problems. Research methodology The case study follows a qualitative research approach. Information about Puzey and Payne’s business operations was gathered from archived materials, through qualitative conversations as well as company artefacts. Published materials in newspapers and magazines were used to provide background information. Relevant courses and levels The case study is appropriate for both undergraduate and postgraduate students studying International Business Management.

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Kurebwa, Jeffrey. "The Institution of Traditional Leadership and Local Governance in Zimbabwe." International Journal of Civic Engagement and Social Change 5, no. 1 (January 2018): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijcesc.2018010101.

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This article describes how traditional leaders play important developmental, administrative and political roles in rural areas, despite modern state structures. They regulate rural life, control access to land, and settle various disputes. They are respected leaders in their communities. The existence of traditional leaders means that both the decentralisation and the strengthening of local governance are not taking place in a vacuum. Documentary sources such as the Constitution of Zimbabwe; the Traditional Leaders Act (2000) and Chiefs and Headmen Act (1982); newspapers and unpublished non-governmental organisations (NGOs) evaluations and reports were used in this article. Traditional leaders have played a pivotal role in ensuring that the ZANU-PF government remains in power since 1980. In principle, traditional leaders should not be drawn into party politics and their role should remain one of the neutral leadership. If the traditional leader assumes a party-political role, one should appoint a substitute to handle their traditional role to avoid a conflict of interest.

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Kutyauripo, Innocent, Nyaradzo Prisca Mavodza, and Christopher Tafara Gadzirayi. "Media coverage on food security and climate-smart agriculture: A case study of newspapers in Zimbabwe." Cogent Food & Agriculture 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 1927561. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23311932.2021.1927561.

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Tshabangu, Thulani, and Abiodun Salawu. "An evaluation of constructive journalism in Zimbabwe: A case study of The Herald’s coverage of the coronavirus pandemic." Journal of African Media Studies 13, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 477–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jams_00060_1.

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The coverage of crises such as the global health pandemic, COVID-19, is to a large extent guided by national interest, journalistic culture and editorial policies of media outlets. This article argues that the state-controlled newspaper, The Herald, in Zimbabwe deployed constructive journalism as an approach to report COVID-19. Constructive journalism is about injecting positive angles into news reports while abiding by the core news values of accuracy, impartiality and balance. The findings reveal that constructive journalism elements of solutions orientation, future orientation, and explanation and contextualization were frequently deployed by The Herald to advance a safe nation narrative whose objective was to prevent public hysteria in the face of a deadly COVID-19 outbreak in the country. The paper concludes that the deployment of constructive journalism in less developed countries like Zimbabwe to inspire hope through positive psychology in the face of global crises does not always yield the intended outcomes.

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Mutanana, Ngonidzashe. "Social Media and Political Mobilisation: An Analysis of the July 2016 Zimbabwe Shut Down." American Journal of Trade and Policy 4, no. 1 (April 30, 2017): 19–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.18034/ajtp.v4i1.412.

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This study sought to carry out an analysis of the effects of the social media in political mobilization. These were analyzed using the following indicators (i) the social media as a communication tool and (ii) the role of social media in political mobilization. The study was using a one-day demonstration that occurred in Zimbabwe code named #ZimShutDown2016 as a case study. In the study, a qualitative case study research design was used. Secondary data from online newspaper reports and Social Media Networks was used to analyze the effects of the social media movement in bringing real socio-economic and political change in developing countries such as Zimbabwe. In-depth interviews with five key informants from local universities helped in the analysis and they were identified using purposive sampling technique. Findings from the study revealed that social media is an effective tool of communication among citizens. Information is exchanged minute by minute among citizens, and this encourages ‘citizenry journalism.’ As such, the social media has a positive impact in mobilizing the community in bringing real social, political and economic change. The study, therefore, recommends a longer survey on the challenges of the social media movement in developing countries such as Zimbabwe.

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Vambe, Maurice Taonezvi. "Hypertextuality and the Economic Novel in Zimbabwe." Matatu 49, no. 2 (December 20, 2017): 400–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-04902009.

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Abstract Recent surges and advances in the popular use of electronic technology such as Internet, email, iPad, iPhone, and touch-screens in Africa have opened up great communicative possibilities among ordinary people whose voices were previously marginalized in traditional elitist media. People far apart geographically and living in different times can communicate rapidly and with great ease. This technological revolution has challenged and broken down boundaries of dependence on television, newspapers, and novels, the traditional forms of communication. It is now possible to upload a novel onto an iPad and read it as one moves from place to place. The burden of carrying hard copies is relieved but not eradicated; in most African countries, including Zimbabwe (the centre of focus in the present article), the creative work of art or hard copy of a novel is still relied upon as source of information. There are creative, experimental innovations in the novel form in Zimbabwe which to some extent can justify one’s speaking of a hypertextual novel. This new type of novel incorporates multiple narratives, and sometimes deliberately uses genres such as the email form as a constitutive narrative style that confirms as well as destabilizes previous assumptions of single coherent stories told from one point of view. Using the concepts of hypertextuality, intertextuality, and Bakhtin’s notions of carnivalesque and heteroglossia in speech and written utterances, this article reconsiders the implications of the presence of ideologies of hypertextuality in one novel from Zimbabwe, Nyaradzo Mtizira’s The Chimurenga Protocol (2008). The article argues that the multiplicity of narratives constitutes the hypertextual dimension of the novelistic form.

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McDowell, Matthew L. "Scottish Football and Colonial Zimbabwe: Sport, the Scottish Diaspora, and ‘White Africa’." Journal of Scottish Historical Studies 37, no. 1 (May 2017): 73–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jshs.2017.0203.

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In 1969 and 1970 respectively, Clyde and Kilmarnock Football Clubs embarked on highly controversial tours of Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe), then in conflict with the UK over its failure to enact a timetable for majority, non-white rule, and its 1965 unilateral declaration of independence to protect such a system. Despite defying the wishes of the UK Government, these tours were covered very little in Scottish newspapers, and there was little sustained public outcry. This article examines the uneven Scottish and Westminster reactions to the tours (in particular, Kilmarnock's) in the context of broader policies and movements against Rhodesian and South African sport. It also examines Rhodesian press accounts of the trips, which stressed communion with elements of the Scottish diaspora within Rhodesian civic society. It addresses the tours' place within the broader context of work, race and migration during the period 1965–80, when the Rhodesian Front government and its white settler supporters were under continual siege from a multi-pronged nationalist resistance. Critically, this article asks whether or not Scotland and indeed Scottish sport can be extricated from the horrors of decolonisation, in a region where both had deep historic roots.

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Hove, Mediel, Tinashe Nyamunda, and Patience Mukwambo. "Violent state operations at Chiadzwa (Zimbabwe) diamond fields 2006-2009." Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research 6, no. 1 (January 7, 2014): 56–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jacpr-11-2012-0014.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to investigate the debilitating socio-economic impact caused by the diamonds at Chiadzwa area in Zimbabwe on the illegal mining community that emerged and inhabited the hills of Chiadzwa between 2006 and the beginning of 2009. The research was carried out for academic proposes, as an advocacy strategy to expose the abuses and violent state operations perpetrated by the security forces. In addition, it intends to equip policy makers and implementers about the heavy handedness of Zimbabwe's security sector during its operations in the area in an effort to enable policy implementers to defend the rights of the affected people at Chiadzwa. Design/methodology/approach – The methodology engaged was chiefly qualitative and the study was a product of primary sources (especially in-depth interviews) and secondary sources (text books, journal articles, newspapers and the internet). Purposive and snowballing sampling techniques were used to collect the data between 2007 and 2009. Collected data were analysed and compiled between 2009 and 2013. Some of the names used in this study for our respondents are pseudo and this was done to ensure anonymity and secure the providers of information against possible retribution. On the other hand real names were used in particular where violent state driven operations were discussed. Findings – Initially the government of Zimbabwe was reluctant to intervene in the illegal extraction of diamonds in search of political leverage. Later it responded with violent manipulative strategies and operations with detrimental consequences on the illegal miners. The brutal strategies employed by individuals and the state led to injury, illness and death of people amid a harsh socio-economic environment. Research limitations/implications – A number of respondents preferred to use pseudonyms because they feared that information collected could be used against them. Practical implications – The study is a good example of conflict between the state machinery and its citizens over a natural resource. It reveals excessive use of force by the state which appears to be the norm in other countries where diamonds are dubbed “blood diamonds”. Social implications – In the midst of the diamond-related violence a new and vibrant social identity emerged commonly referred to as magweja. The area experienced challenges especially with regards to the provision of health services and the traditional use of herbs was endangered by the destruction of vegetation. Originality/value – It reveals a milieu, state regulation enforcement and security agents, magombiro (armed robbers or murderers) all who discharged violence on magweja the foremost victims of the violent systems and practices. In addition, it encourages policy markers and implementers to devise non-violent strategies when dealing with illegal exploitation of natural resources.

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Bhebhe, Sindiso. "Contemporary diplomatics of the civil and deceased estate case files found at the national archives of Zimbabwe." Records Management Journal 25, no. 1 (March 16, 2015): 107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/rmj-03-2014-0019.

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Purpose – This paper aims to discuss how the originality, authenticity, reliability and genuineness of legal records found at the National Archives of Zimbabwe (NAZ) are maintained. Provenance issues and their implications in diplomatics are also discussed. It notes that the status quo at the NAZ favours the diplomatic archiving of paper records, while electronic records are neglected. Design/methodology/approach – The paper uses a qualitative research approach. The data will mainly be collected using document analysis augmented by observations from the NAZ. Literature in regard to the Court Legal system of Zimbabwe will be reviewed and this even includes newspaper articles. Academic research papers on the archiving of electronic records in the less developed nations and developed nations will be reviewed also. Findings – The qualitative research approach revealed that the electronic national heritage of Zimbabwe is being lost mainly due to the archaic legislation which is silent on the management of electronic records. The results show again the violation of the sanctity of provenance principles in some selected cases. It was also found that the government is now producing both paper and electronic records, but the National Archives is only archiving paper records, the result of this being the incompleteness of records, thereby negatively affecting their diplomatics. Originality/value – Whereas a lot has been published about the management of electronic records in the developing world, this paper does not try to duplicate that but tries to bring a new dimension into this by showing how the diplomatics of these records is affected.

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Mabweazara, Hayes Mawindi. "Regional identity and the politics of belonging in the consumption of Zimbabwe's vernacular tabloid newspaper, uMthunywa in Bulawayo." Journal of African Media Studies 1, no. 3 (December 1, 2009): 449–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jams.1.3.449/1.

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Chirisa, Innocent. "Touts and the Control of Facilities in ‘Bleeding’ Harare: A Theoretical Explanation of the Dynamics of Corruption in an African City." Social Change 47, no. 2 (April 24, 2017): 264–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0049085717696399.

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This article explores the issue of urban management in the face of ‘informal’ or illegal commercial practices in Harare, the capital of Zimbabwe. It captures the deep-rooted presence of touts who have, for years now, been controlling public spaces of terminals in Harare’s Central Business District. The article is based on narratives from newspapers, radio and comments by stakeholders and aided by theoretical explanations derived from literature review. The western theory of travelling does not differ much from that of Africa only in so much increasing ‘informality’ has distorted it greatly. It has been noted that the major problem is an institutional one yet, the mismanagement of space has overarching challenges for different stakeholders of the city, including passengers and commuter omnibus operators. The article concludes by saying that without the necessary back-up systems, it is a waste of time and resources to embark on aggressive clean-up campaigns of the city. In this case, Harare has no option but to fully ‘capitalise’ its management and develop control mechanisms if the unruliness and distortions posed by touts is to be curbed substantially.

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Nyoni, Mika, Nesbeth Grand, and Tsitsi Nyoni. "Beyond The Humour: a Newspaper Cartoon as Socio-Politico-Economic Commentary: The Case of 'Wasu' of the Manica Post in Zimbabwe." Greener Journal of Social Sciences 2, no. 6 (February 20, 2012): 179–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.15580/gjss.2012.6.102512152.

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Tarakini, Gugulethu, Tongayi Mwedzi, Tatenda Manyuchi, and Tawanda Tarakini. "The Role of Media During COVID-19 Global Outbreak: A Conservation Perspective." Tropical Conservation Science 14 (January 2021): 194008292110080. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/19400829211008088.

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The COVID-19 pandemic is fast driving the ways of life and economies. In this study, we used Zimbabwe as a case study to assess how different forms of media are being utilised to access information of the COVID-19 disease (across age, educational level, and employment status). We investigated people’s perceptions of the origins of COVID-19, its implication on the continued consumption of meat from wildlife species by humans, and management strategies of wildlife species that harbour the coronavirus. We gathered 139 responses using an online structured questionnaire survey. Social media platforms were used to acquire information on the COVID-19 pandemic when compared to traditional sources (television, radio, and newspapers). Most respondents thought that the COVID-19 virus was created by humans (n = 55, mostly the young and middle-aged) while others believed that it originated from animals (n = 54, mostly middle-aged with postgraduate qualifications). The majority (73%) of respondents who cited COVID-19 origin as animals also supported a ban on consumption of meat from the species. The middle-aged respondents (in comparison to the young and older respondents) and those who were employed (compared to the unemployed) were more likely to support the ban in wildlife trade. The likelihood of visiting wildlife centres given the consequences of COVID-19 was significantly lower in the old-aged respondents when compared to the young and the middle-aged respondents. Our results emphasize the need for science to penetrate social media circles to provide appropriate information. The observed perceptions about visiting wildlife centres could negatively impact conservation funding.

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Govender, Karthy, and Paul Swanepoel. "Cynicism and the Rule of Law: A Critical Analysis of President of the RSA V M&G Media Limited 2012 2 SA 50 (CC) and Associated Judgments." Southern African Public Law 30, no. 2 (December 1, 2017): 580–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2522-6800/3593.

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In June 2015 the High Court granted an interim order prohibiting Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir from leaving South Africa. Although Al-Bashir is wanted by the International Criminal Court for war crimes and South Africa is a signatory to the Rome Statute and has passed the Implementation Act, the government failed to arrest him as required by an order of court. Short-term political considerations appear to have outweighed the need to respect the rule of law. Parallels can be drawn between this incident and the decision by the executive to refuse access to the Khampepe Report when requested to do so by the Mail and Guardian newspaper. The report was prepared at the request of former President Mbeki by two senior South African judges, after a visit to Zimbabwe shortly before the election held in that country in 2002. In an attempt to prevent disclosure, the executive approached various courts on six different occasions and drew out the process for more than six years. The main issue in this case is the use of section 80 of the Promotion of Access to Information Act by the courts, a discretionary power that is applied sparingly. In terms of PAIA, the state is prevented from making reference to the content of a record in order to support a claim of exemption. In such instances, section 80 provides courts with the power to inspect the record – a procedure known as a ‘judicial peek’ – in order to make a determination as to whether the exemption is justified. This case provides a clear example of how the state cynically used this provision as a dilatory tactic in refusing access to the report. The current system that relies solely on the courts to handle access to information matters undermines the main objectives of the Act and is inefficient and costly. It is recommended that PAIA be amended to provide for an information commissioner with powers to mediate and make binding decisions.

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Nyathi, Stacy Simelokuhle, and Mthokozisi Phathisani Ndhlovu. "Zimbabwean news media discourses on the intersection of abortion, religion, health and the law." Media, Culture & Society, July 7, 2021, 016344372110298. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/01634437211029885.

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Even though abortion has a long history, it remains predominantly contentious due to religious, medical and legal constraints. For instance, in Zimbabwe, abortion is illegal except under limited circumstances. This has resulted in women resorting to unsafe abortion procedures, leading to an increase in individuals and groups calling for the liberalization of abortion laws. It is against this background that this article uses qualitative content analysis and rhetoric analysis to explore how Zimbabwean daily newspapers frame abortion in relation to religion, health and the law. It contends that the newspapers in question assume conflicting positions as the Chronicle largely condemns abortion while the Daily News boldly calls for its decriminalization. The NewsDay and The Herald, on the other hand, relatively tolerate abortion even though in some instances they condemn it. These findings demonstrate the active role of the news media in arguing for and against abortion to influence policy making.

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Mpofu, Busani. "Perpetual ‘Outcasts’? Squatters in peri-urban Bulawayo, Zimbabwe." Afrika Focus 25, no. 2 (September 14, 2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/af.v25i2.4946.

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After independence in 1980 Zimbabwe’s cities experienced a proliferation in the number of squatter camps. This was because of the failure of the urban economy to offer adequate housing and jobs, leaving peri-urban space as the only sanctuary for the urban poor to live in and eke out a living informally. The promotion of rural ‘growth points’ by the national government to promote rural development to discourage migration to urban areas failed. Yet, a poor policy response by the state to this negative outcome of rapid urbanisation that aims to reverse this rural-urban migration has led to unending confrontations between its various arms and squatters who continue to be regarded as encroachers. Focussing on Bulawayo, the second largest city in Zimbabwe, and based on interviews, archival research, Council minutes and newspapers, this article critiques the state’s urban development policy vis-à-vis squatters and informality. It is argued that the persist- ence of a salient perception by government officials that all Africans belong to rural areas and have access to land they can fall back on in hard times serves as a vital lubricant to the state’s action of forcibly sending squatters to rural areas. This ignores the historical pattern of rapid urbanisation and the growth of informal economies supporting the livelihoods of thousands of people. I seek to add to the literature on low-cost housing shortages, urban squatters and peri-urbanism in Zim- babwe and on studies of informality in Third World cities in general. Key words: squatters, outcasts, informality, institutional weaknesses, peri-urban Bulawayo, Zimbabwe

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Santos, Phillip, and Mthokozisi Phathisani Ndhlovu. "The democratic deficit in reporting political crises: The case of Zimbabwe’s 2018 elections." Journalism, May 24, 2021, 146488492110129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14648849211012928.

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Although our impression of the media’s role in a democracy and democratising societies is fairly stable, the situation is fundamentally different under unstable and ever shifting conditions of political crisis. To explore dynamics in the latter scenario we analyse the coverage of Zimbabwe’s 2018 elections by the country’s daily newspapers. This allows us to examine the newspapers’ active role in shaping the conditions of crisis through their interpretation and evaluation of issues and events during the period under study. We use frame and rhetoric analytical tools to analyse front-page stories and editorials, which enables us to explore the dimensions of news media’s agency during the context of crisis and assess the nature and direction of such agency using normative theories of the media in a democracy. We argue that a political crisis can easily polarise news media and subsequently induce them into assuming an active partisan posture in their reportage of political issues and events by using rhetorical discursive strategies not only to persuade the audience to accept their standpoint, but subsequently, to influence their political action in the future, with consequential implications for their functional performance of received normative roles.

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Ngendakumana, Leonidas, and Kennedy Mutimudye. "Effects of Communication Information Technology Threat on Traditional Newspaper Industry in Zimbabwe with a Particular Reference to Zimpaper Group." Journal of Economics, Management and Trade, April 6, 2019, 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.9734/jemt/2019/v23i330133.

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The study sought to examine the effects of information communication technology threat on the newspaper industry in Zimbabwe in a bid to determine how ICT can be adapted for use in the newspaper industry. The research used a case study of the Zimpaper goup where a sample size of 100 respondents were selected using a purposive sampling technique. The study used a combination of three instruments i.e. questionnaire guides, interviews and other records to reduce the disadvantage of using a single method. The study showed that the organisation had a healthy mix of young and old employees who were highly literate. This mix of young and aged workers was likely to be a perfect blend of experience and agility to adoption of ICTs. This implied that the organisation had the inherent potential to adopt ICT in its overall strategy based on the general understanding that a young workforce was likely to adopt ICT more easily compared to an aged workforce. On the hand, the aged workforce would provide useful insights into the existing newspaper products thereby complementing each other. Findings also revealed that while ICT caused serious threats to the traditional newspaper industry it had also the potential to create new business opportunities for the same industry. The study highlighted that the email was the oldest and yet the most prevalent form of communication in the organisation. This implied that the organisation had not yet adopted more robust and yet cost effective forms of communication like Facebook, Twitter, Skype, instant messaging platforms and video conferencing. The study recommended that the organisation should develop a clear change management and communication strategy to articulate its business direction and explain the importance of adopting ICT. This should be followed by extensive training of strategic personnel in ICT skills.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Zimbabwean newspapers'

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