Relevant bibliographies by topics / Zionism Arab-Israeli conflict

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Zionism Arab-Israeli conflict'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 7 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Zionism Arab-Israeli conflict"

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Da'Na, Seif. "Israel's Settler-Colonial Water Regime: The Second Contradiction of Zionism." Holy Land Studies 12, no. 1 (May 2013): 43–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2013.0059.

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This paper questions the ecological sustainability of the Zionist colonial scheme in Palestine. It outlines an ecologically-based narrative of the Arab-Israeli struggle by juxtaposing colonial Zionism and ecological Zionism to re-narrate the Arab-Israeli conflict using a recent interpretive mode that assumes as a principle concomitant environmental and colonial histories. Examining both the role of water in the history of the Zionist colonial scheme and Zionist agricultural practices, it argues that, similar to previous colonial European ventures, the sustainability of colonial Zionism is challenged by both Palestine's scarce hydrological resources and their mounting exploitation, spawning what I call the ‘inner tension of Zionism’. Given this dialectic of Zionism – that considering, among other things, the nature of Zionist colonial agriculture and settlers’ Western life style, the necessary increasing exploitation of Palestine's scarce resources challenges the sustainability of the colonial venture – the hydrological challenge, entwining with nationalist conflict, constitutes Zionism's second contradiction.11 Due to size limits and nature of this paper, I deal only with the first stage, 1882–1967. I deal with the next stage, 1967 and thereafter, elsewhere, although the typology employed for the distinction between stages is outlined below.
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Reich, Bernard. "JOSEPH HELLER, The Birth of Israel, 1945–1949: Ben-Gurion and His Critics (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2000). Pp. 379. $49.95." International Journal of Middle East Studies 34, no. 1 (February 2002): 152–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743802321068.

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Joseph Heller, associate professor of international relations at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem who has previously written about the transition from the Palestine Mandate to Israel (including a study of the Stern Gang and of Zionist politics in the pre-state period), examines a period of great interest to students of contemporary Middle Eastern history and politics, as well as to those who focus on Zionism, Israel, and the Arab–Israeli conflict. He analyzes the internal decision-making of the Zionist Yishuv (Jewish community in Palestine) leadership in Jerusalem from the end of World War II until the armistice agreements at the termination of the first Arab–Israeli War (the Israeli War of Independence; al-Nakba for the Arabs)—in other words, the events leading to and immediately following the creation of the State of Israel.
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Quer, Giovanni Matteo. "Israel and Zionism in the Eyes of Palestinian Christian Theologians." Religions 10, no. 8 (August 19, 2019): 487. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10080487.

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Christian activism in the Arab–Israeli conflict and theological reflections on the Middle East have evolved around Palestinian liberation theology as a theological–political doctrine that scrutinizes Zionism, the existence of Israel and its policies, developing a biblical hermeneutics that reverses the biblical narrative, in order to portray Israel as a wicked regime that operates in the name of a fallacious primitive god and that uses false interpretations of the scriptures. This article analyzes the theological political–theological views applied to the Arab–Israeli conflict developed by Geries Khoury, Naim Ateek, and Mitri Raheb—three influential authors and activists in different Christians denominations. Besides opposing Zionism and providing arguments for the boycott of Israel, such conceptualizations go far beyond the conflict, providing theological grounds for the denial of Jewish statehood echoing old anti-Jewish accusations.
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Scholz, Norbert. "BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PERIODICAL LITERATURE." Journal of Palestine Studies 33, no. 3 (2004): 206–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2004.33.3.206.

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This section lists articles and reviews of books relevant to Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Entries are classified under the following headings: Reference and General; History (to 1948) and Geography; Palestinian Politics and Society; Jerusalem; Israeli Politics, Society, and Zionism; Arab and Middle Eastern Politics; International Relations; Law; Military; Economy, Society, and Education; Literature and Art; Book Reviews; and Reports Received.
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Scholz, Norbert. "BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PERIODICAL LITERATURE." Journal of Palestine Studies 34, no. 1 (2004): 195–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2004.34.1.195.

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This section lists articles and reviews of books relevant to Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Entries are classified under the following headings: Reference and General; History (to 1948) and Geography; Palestinian Politics and Society; Jerusalem; Israeli Politics, Society, and Zionism; Arab and Middle Eastern Politics; International Relations; Law; Military; Economy, Society, and Education; Literature and Art; Book Reviews; and Reports Received.
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Scholz, Norbert. "Bibliography of Periodical Literature." Journal of Palestine Studies 42, no. 2 (2013): 188–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2013.42.2.188.

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This section lists articles and reviews of books relevant to Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Entries are classified under the following headings: Reference and General; History (through 1948) and Geography; Palestinian Politics and Society; Jerusalem; Israeli Politics, Society, and Zionism; Arab and Middle Eastern Politics; International Relations; Law; Military; Economy, Society, and Education; Literature, Arts, and Culture; and Book Reviews.
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Scholz, Norbert. "Bibliography of Periodical Literature." Journal of Palestine Studies 42, no. 3 (2013): 212–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2013.42.3.212.

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This section lists articles and reviews of books relevant to Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Entries are classified under the following headings: Reference and General; History (through 1948) and Geography; Palestinian Politics and Society; Jerusalem; Israeli Politics, Society, and Zionism; Arab and Middle Eastern Politics; International Relations; Law; Military; Economy, Society, and Education; Literature, Arts, and Culture; and Book Reviews.
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Scholz, Norbert. "Bibliography of Periodical Literature." Journal of Palestine Studies 44, no. 4 (2015): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2015.44.4.s2.

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This section lists articles and reviews of books relevant to Palestine and the Arab–Israeli conflict. Entries are classified under the following headings: Reference and General; History (through 1948) and Geography; Palestinian Politics and Society; Jerusalem; Israeli Politics, Society, and Zionism; Arab and Middle Eastern Politics; International Relations; Law; Military; Economy, Society, and Education; Literature, Arts, and Culture; and Book Reviews.
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Scholz, Norbert. "Bibliography of Periodical Literature." Journal of Palestine Studies 45, no. 1 (2015): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2015.45.1.s2.

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This section lists articles and reviews of books relevant to Palestine and the Arab–Israeli conflict. Entries are classified under the following headings: Reference and General; History (through 1948) and Geography; Palestinian Politics and Society; Jerusalem; Israeli Politics, Society, and Zionism; Arab and Middle Eastern Politics; International Relations; Law; Military; Economy, Society, and Education; Literature, Arts, and Culture; and Book Reviews.
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Scholz, Norbert. "Bibliography of Periodical Literature." Journal of Palestine Studies 45, no. 2 (2016): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2016.45.2.s2.

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This section lists articles and reviews of books relevant to Palestine and the Arab–Israeli conflict. Entries are classified under the following headings: Reference and General; History (through 1948) and Geography; Palestinian Politics and Society; Jerusalem; Israeli Politics, Society, and Zionism; Arab and Middle Eastern Politics; International Relations; Law; Military; Economy, Society, and Education; Literature, Arts, and Culture; and Book Reviews.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Zionism Arab-Israeli conflict"

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Demirel, Ipek. "The Failure Of Peace Processes In The Palestinian-israeli Conflict: The Clash Of Arab Nationalism And Zionism." Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607946/index.pdf.

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This thesis aims at analyzing the reasons for the insoluble nature of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The reasons behind the continuation of the conflict are various. However, this thesis mainly concentrated on the ones stemmed from the clash of Arab nationalism and Zionism. This clash basically represents the failure of both sides in making any concession from their territorial attachments which resulted from Arab nationalism and Zionism. Though both nationalisms were constructed on the same founding factors such as religion, territory and culture, Arab nationalists and Zionists gained different positions during the conflict. These positions determined the future of all of the peace processes in the near past. All peace processes that had focused on the solution of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict displayed that any formulation for a last settlement to the conflict should take into consideration the inability of the parties to agree on a territorial compromise and the adoption by both sides of the continuation of the conflict as a political instrument.
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Ramos, Cátia Filipa de Oliveira. "A primavera árabe no Egito e na Síria: repercussões no conflito israelo-palestiniano." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/6468.

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Tese de Mestrado em Relações Internacionais
O Médio Oriente assume especial importância para os países ocidentais pela sua posição geoestratégica, relativamente às rotas que permitem o acesso e o abastecimento de recursos energéticos. Tem, também, um papel fundamental na segurança mundial, devido à necessidade de contenção do terrorismo jihadista internacional. A Primavera Árabe embora, desde logo, associada às aspirações democráticas das populações árabes tornou, ainda mais, indefinida a conjuntura da região. A expansão de grupos fundamentalistas islâmicos junto dos movimentos revolucionários preocupa a comunidade internacional e o Estado de Israel. O debate em torno da “questão palestiniana” é, neste contexto, cada vez mais atual e pertinente. O conflito israelo-palestiniano tem um impacto significativo nas relações entre os países da região, e representa uma ameaça à já frágil estabilidade que caracteriza o Médio Oriente. Os obstáculos que, ao longo de mais de 60 anos, impediram a resolução desta problemática tiveram como resultado o desenvolvimento de mais radicalismo e violência. Neste sentido, as revoltas árabes podem implicar alterações importantes na geopolítica da região e nas alianças que asseguraram o statu quo israelita.
The Middle East plays a special role to the western countries due to its geostrategic position regarding the routes that allow the access and supply of energetic resources. It also displays a special role in the world’s safety due to the need of containing terrorism of the international jihad. The Arab spring, although associated to the democratic aspirations of the Arab people, made the conjuncture of the region even more undefined. The expansion of Islamic fundamentalists’ groups within the revolutionary movements worries the international community and the state of Israel. The debate over the “Palestine issue” is, in this context, more current and relevant. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has a significant impact on the relations between the countries in the region and represents a threat to the already fragile stability that characterizes the Middle East. The obstacles that over more than 60 years prevented the resolution of this problematic had as a result the development of more radicalism and violence. In this sense, the Arab revolutions’ may implicate important changes on the geopolitics of this region and in the alliances’ that assured the Israeli statu quo.
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Israel, Rebekah. "The American Politics of a Jewish Judea and Samaria." FIU Digital Commons, 2013. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/999.

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This dissertation poses a set of six questions about one of the Israel Lobby’s particular components, a Potential Christian Jewish coalition (PCJc) within American politics that advocates for Israeli sovereignty over “Judea and Samaria” (“the West Bank”). The study addresses: the profiles of the individuals of the PCJc; its policy positions, the issues that have divided it, and what has prevented, and continues to prevent, the coalition from being absorbed into one or more of the more formally organized components of the Israel Lobby; the resources and methods this coalition has used to attempt to influence U.S. policy on (a) the Middle East, and (b) the Arab-Israeli conflict in particular; the successes or failures of this coalition’s advocacy and why it has not organized; and what this case reveals about interest group politics and social movements in the United States. This dissertation follows the descriptive-analytic case-study tradition that comprises a detailed analysis of a specific interest group and one policy issue, which conforms to my interest in the potential Christian Jewish coalition that supports a Jewish Judea and Samaria. I have employed participant observation, interviewing, content analysis and documentary research. The findings suggest: The PCJc consists of Christian Zionists and mostly Jews of the center religious denominations. Orthodox Jewish traditions of separation from Christians inhibit like-minded Christians and Jews from organizing. The PCJc opposes an Arab state in Judea and Samaria, and is not absorbed into more formally organized interest groups that support that policy. The PCJc’s resources consist of support and funding from conservatives. Methods include use of education, debates and media. Members of the PCJc are successful because they persist in their support for a Jewish Judea and Samaria and meet through other organizations around Judeo-Christian values. The PCJc is deterred from advocacy and organization by a mobilization of bias from a subgovernment in Washington, D.C. comprising Congress, the Executive branch and lobby organizations. The study’s results raise questions about interest group politics in America and the degree to which the U.S. political system is pluralistic, suggesting that executive power constrains the agenda to “safe” positions it favors.
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El, Hankouri Ouadia. "La politique britannique au Proche-Orient au prisme des relations anglo-israéliennes : de la première guerre israélo-arabe (1948-1949) à la guerre des Six-Jours (1967)." Thesis, Paris Est, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PESC0001.

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L'objectif de cette thèse est d'étudier la politique de la Grande-Bretagne vis-à-vis du conflit israélo-arabe au prisme de ses intérêts au Proche-Orient entre la première guerre israélo-arabe (1948-1949) jusqu'à la guerre des Six-Jours en 1967. Nous avons essayé de préciser, en ce sens, qu'en plus des intérêts politiques, géostratégiques et économiques, cette politique a été aussi marquée par les changements des rapports de force qui s'imposaient inévitablement dans le monde entier, notamment l'avènement des États-Unis et de l'URSS comme superpuissances mondiales, le nationalisme arabe…etc. Dans ce cadre d'intérêts politiques et économiques, nous avons souligné que la création de l'État d'Israël répondait aux besoins stratégiques des puissances occidentales au Moyen-Orient. D'ailleurs, cette approche prouvera sa validité dès 1956 quand l'État d'Israël va jouer un rôle déterminant pendant l'expédition de Suez. Nous avons mis l'accent sur la place qu'occupait l'industrie du pétrole et les intérêts commerciaux dans le processus de la décolonisation britannique du Moyen-Orient pendant les années 1950 et 1960. Bien que l'étude de la politique britannique au Proche-Orient soit négligée, et ce, en raison de son « déclassement politique », notre recherche a bien montré que la Grande-Bretagne a joué un rôle aussi important que celui des Américains dans la sauvegarde de leurs intérêts à travers une « gestion » commune des affaires du Moyen-Orient
The aim of this thesis is to study the British policy towards the Arab-Israeli conflict through the prism of British interests in the Middle East from the first Arab-Israeli war in 1948-1949 to the Six-Day War in 1967. In addition to economic and political interests, we show that in the years under review the British policy has also been marked by a change in the world balance of power, namely the emergence of the United States and the Soviet Union as the world's leading superpowers, Arab nationalism ... etc. In this context, we emphasize that the creation of the State of Israel met the strategic needs of Western powers in the Middle East. This approach will prove its effectiveness only eight years after the creation of Israel when the latter played a decisive role during the tripartite invasion of Egypt in late 1956. Moreover, we point out the place occupied by oil industry and commercial interests in the process of British decolonization in the Middle East in the 1950s and 1960s. The study of British foreign policy in the Middle East has been neglected because of the “demise of Britain's political supremacy” worldwide. Nevertheless, we show that Britain has played a role as important as that of the United States in safeguarding their common interests in the Middle East through a close collaboration
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Gomes, Aura Rejane. "A Questão da Palestina e a Fundação de Israel." Universidade de São Paulo, 2001. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-24052002-163759/.

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O objetivo deste trabalho foi compreender, do ponto de vista da política internacional, os fatores que viabilizaram a fundação de Israel no território da Palestina, provocando um dos mais prolongados e dramáticos conflitos da história contemporânea. A criação de Israel, decidida na ONU, em 1947, violou os direitos fundamentais do povo árabe palestino (70% do total da população nesse ano), garantidos pela Carta das Nações Unidas e pelo Pacto da Sociedade das Nações, ambos fontes do Direito Internacional, e violou o título jurídico adquirido pelos árabes através do acordo firmado com os países da Entente, durante a Primeira Guerra Mundial, que garantia a independência da Palestina, causando revolta generalizada no mundo árabe, já profundamente ressentido do imperialismo ocidental na região. Considerando a conjuntura internacional desse período, delineada pela Guerra Fria, e considerando que os principais atores do sistema internacional tinham consciência de que tal decisão causaria a hostilidade dos países árabes, acarretando altíssimos custos militares, políticos e econômicos, uma vez que a Liga Árabe declarou não reconhecer uma decisão que considerava ilegal, tivemos interesse em conhecer quais foram as expectativas de ganhos que levaram os EUA, a ex-URSS e outros países a assumirem os riscos e os custos dessa decisão. Várias conclusões foram obtidas. Os EUA não tinham nenhuma expectativa de ganho com o apoio à criação de Israel, pelo contrário, esse evento acarretou pesados custos à nação norte-americana, advertidos permanentemente pelos Secretários de Estado e Defesa. A decisão pró-Israel foi uma iniciativa do Presidente Truman para defender seu interesse pessoal nas eleições seguintes, quando pretendia contar com o apoio da comunidade judaica de seu país. A posição de Truman garantiu a forte pressão dos EUA, na forma de chantagem e suborno, sobre vários países que sustentavam posições contrárias, na votação da partilha, na ONU. Quanto à decisão soviética, não há uma compreensão conclusiva. Stalin, durante muitos anos, um antagonista intransigente ao projeto sionista, surpreendeu a todos apoiando de última hora a criação de Israel, na votação na ONU. Grande parte dos estudiosos considera que o objetivo soviético era simplesmente prejudicar a Grã Bretanha. Aparentemente, nessa mudança de posição momentânea, houve um equívoco nos cálculos políticos, percebido pouco tempo depois, levando esse país a reconsiderar novamente sua posição em favor dos árabes. Grande parte dos países de ambos os blocos assumiram simplesmente o alinhamento automático às decisãos das duas superpotências. Por último, cabe destacar que o interesse do Brasil era permanecer alinhado com os EUA e, nesse sentido, Oswaldo Aranha, como Presidente da Assembléia Geral, prestou um serviço fundamental. No dia da votação, devido à avaliação de que a proposta pró-Israel seria derrotada, Oswaldo Aranha decidiu encerrar mais cedo os trabalhos, adiando a votação, dando, assim, aos sionistas o tempo que necessitavam para “convencer” os países contrários, a fim de mudar seu voto.
The aim of this research was understand, through the aproach of international policy, the factors that make possible to establish Israel in Palestine, event that caused one of the most extended and dramatic conflicts of contemporary history. The creation of Israel, decided at UN in 1947, violated the fundamental rights of the Palestinian Arab people (70% of the whole population in that year), rights that were assured by the UN Charter and by the Pact of the League of Nations, both sources of international law, and violated the juridical title acquired by Arab people through the agreement signed with the countries of the Entente, during the First World War, that guaranteed the independence of Palestine, provoking uprising in the whole Arab world, already deeply resentful of Western imperialism in the region. We had the interest to know what was the expectation of profits that led USA, former USSR and other countries to assume the risks and costs of this decision, taking into account the international scenery of the Cold War in 1947 and that the main actors of international system was aware that such decision would cause the hostility of Arab countries bringing high military, plitical and economic costs, since that Arab League declared not recognize that illegal decision. The conclusion was that USA didn’t have any expectation of gains supporting the creation of Israel, on the contrary, this event caused heavy costs to American nation. The decision of support Israel was a initiative of President Truman to defend his personal interest in the following election, opposing the Secretary of State and Secretary of Defense, because he wanted guarantee the vote of American Jews. The decision of Truman assured the strong prssure of United States by extortion and bribery over many countries to make them to vote on behalf of the creation of Israel. We didn’t find a conclusive understanding about the Soviet decision. Stalin, that was for many years an intransigent antagonist to the Zionist project, surprised everybody supporting the creation of Israel at UN. Mostly of scholars consider that the Soviet intent was just to damage Britain. There seemingly was a mistake in the Soviet political calculation, perceived later, leading this country to change its position. Many countries of both blocs only asumed an automatic alignment with the decisions of the two superpowers. Finally, it’s important to point out that Brazilian interest was to remain aligned with the USA and, in this sense, Oswaldo Aranha, the President of General Assembly, was very useful. In the day of partition voting, due to appraisal that the pro-Israel proposal would be defeated, Oswaldo Aranha simply decided finish earlier the session, postponing the voting, in order to give time to Zionists make pressure and suborn over the opponent countries, to change their votes.
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Van, Zyl Minette. "Joodse aansprake op die land Israel - teologies oorweeg." Diss., Pretoria : [s.n.], 2009. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-06182009-130057.

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Becke, Johannes. "Historicizing the settler-colonial paradigm." HATiKVA e.V. – Die Hoffnung Bildungs- und Begegnungsstätte für Jüdische Geschichte und Kultur Sachsen, 2018. https://slub.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A34621.

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Bloch, Barbara, University of Western Sydney, College of Arts, and Centre for Cultural Research. "Unsettling Zionism : diasporic consciousness and Australian Jewish identities." 2005. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/20925.

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The motivation for writing this thesis derives from the lengthy conflict between Israelis and Palestinians and its effects on Jews who have been engaged politically and intellectually in challenging a paradigm most prevalent among Australian and other diasporic Jewry since the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948. The paradigm asserts that Israelis’ right to live safely within secure borders must be of exclusive concern. To challenge this exclusively therefore, by speaking in support of Palestinian justice and needs for similar basic conditions of life which have not yet been met, is viewed by many Jews as disloyalty and even as antisemitism. Australian Jewry has become known as Zionism’s ‘last bastion’. What were the particular conditions in Australia that led to Zionism and identification with Israel becoming the key symbol of Jewish identity within the Jewish community? The Zionist project has been sustained by deeply held metaphors. These include the historically-based claims and lived experiences of victimisation and vulnerability as Jews, whether individual and collective. Through revealing and synthesising the complexities and contradictions that are inherent in Jewish-Zionist subjectivities today, the thesis hopes to illuminate more generally questions of identity formation, diaspora and community, power and victimisation, and the unifying force of discourse.
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
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Books on the topic "Zionism Arab-Israeli conflict"

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I͡Aroslavt͡sev, Igorʹ. Zionism stands accused. Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1985.

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The myths of Zionism. London: Pluto Press, 2004.

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Zionism: The real enemy of the Jews. Stowing Common: World Focus,., 2005.

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A, Wright Clifford. Facts and fables: The Arab-Israeli conflict. London: Kegan Paul, 1989.

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Introduction to Zionism and Israel: From ideology to history. London: Continuum International Pub. Group, 2011.

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Mayer, Arno J. Plowshares into swords: From Zionism to Israel. London: Verso, 2008.

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Plowshares into swords: From Zionism to Israel. London: Verso, 2008.

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Zemach, Mina. Through Israeli eyes: Attitudes toward Judaism, American Jewry, Zionism, and the Arab-Israeli conflict. New York: Institute on American Jewish-Israeli Relations, American Jewish Committee, 1987.

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Zionism, post-Zionism & the Arab problem: A compendium of opinions about the Jewish state. Bloomington, IN: WestBow Press, 2012.

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Ashiurakis, Ahmed M. The Palestinian stone revolution against Zionist colonialism. [Misrata] Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya: ad-Dar al-Jamahiriya for Publishing, Distribution, and Advertising, 1988.

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Book chapters on the topic "Zionism Arab-Israeli conflict"

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Maineult, Thomas. "The French Radical Left and the Jews: The Influence of the Arab-Israeli Conflict on Anti-Zionism Within the French Radical Left Between 1967 and the Early 1980s." In The European Left and the Jewish Question, 1848-1992, 283–99. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-56662-3_18.

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Lewin, Alyza D. "Zionism - The integral component of Jewish identity that Jews are historically pressured to shed." In Hijacking the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 46–63. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003181781-5.

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"STATES REFUSING TO CONDEMN ZIONISM 10 NOVEMBER 1975." In The Routledge Atlas of the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 104. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203074527-104.

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Suleiman, Camelia. "Historic Background." In The Politics of Arabic in Israel. Edinburgh University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474420860.003.0001.

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This chapter lists the major events of Palestinian history. It also discusses what each of the following groups of people considers most significant in the history of the conflict. These groups are: Palestinians in Israel, Palestinians in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, the Jordanians and the Israeli Jews. There is no doubting the fact that the ‘Israeli-Arab’ conflict has shaped the history and the identity of the people in Israel, Palestine, Jordan, and to a lesser but still significant extent, the history and identity of the people in the Arab world for much of the past century. The chapter also discusses the Arab Nahḍa and the role of Palestine in it. It juxtaposes the Nahḍa project with Zionism as a national movement.
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Heller, Joseph. "The Soviet Union, Israel and Soviet Jewry (1964–67)." In The United States, the Soviet Union and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1948-67. Manchester University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526103826.003.0015.

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The new regime in the Kremlin did not bode well for Israel, as Brezhnev and Kosygin continued to condemn Israel as agent of American imperialism. They gave official backing to the new radical regime in Damascus, and supported the PLO’s terrorist activities. In response Israel increased its activities for Soviet Jewry. The establishment of diplomatic relations between West Germany and Israel was another cause for condemning Israel as participating in the anti-soviet campaign, and the Soviet press equated Zionism and Nazism. Israel admitted it was trapped between its demographic need for the emigration of Soviet Jews and its dependence on the west. The visit to the Soviet Union of both Egyptian and Syrian heads of states, and the public Soviet support for their regimes, was ominous. A year before the Six Day War the Kremlin accused Israel of concentrating troops on the border to topple the Syrian regime.
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6

Fiedler, Lutz. "The Israel–Palestine Question." In Matzpen, 78–138. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474451161.003.0003.

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The second chapter, ‘The Israel–Palestine Question’, discusses Matzpen’s independent engagement with, and analysis of, the Palestine problem. It elaborates on how they came to interpret it as a colonial-type conflict between nationalities: a clash between a European population aiming to establish a state and a native population, residing there since before the foundation of Israel. This is analysed, first, in view of the Trotskyist traditions of dissidence that already existed in Palestine before the establishment of the State of Israel. Second, it is situated in the context of Algerian decolonisation, as the dramatic fate of the French Algerians gave the Israeli Left a new conception of their own circumstances in the Israel–Palestine conflict. Applying Albert Memmi’s writings on the coloniser and the colonised and comparing them to Albert Camus’s stance on the Algerian question, the chapter discusses in detail Matzpen’s programme for Israel’s de-Zionisation: A plea to cut ties with the legacy of Zionism which equally entailed the demand towards the Arab world to recognise Israeli Jews’ transformation into a new Hebrew nation who belongs to the region.
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Cairns, Lucille. "Arab–Israeli Conflict Turned Franco–Israeli Conflict." In Francophone Jewish Writers, 193–237. Liverpool University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5949/liverpool/9781781382622.003.0006.

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This chapter assesses the conflict between Israel and France, which exists as a consequence of France’s perceived systematic anti-Israeli/anti-Zionist bias. In her discussion, Cairns analyses the link between French hostility towards Israel and the increase of antisemitism in twenty-first century France and twenty-first century Israeli’s view of France as a deeply anti-Semitic country.
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8

"Zionist Reaction to the White Paper (1939)." In The Arab-Israeli Conflict, 101–2. Routledge, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203871591-19.

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Mahler, Gregory S. "Zionist Reaction to the White Paper (May, 1939)." In The Arab-Israeli Conflict, 125–26. 2nd ed. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315170657-14.

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10

"The Basle Program, Resolutions of the First Zionist Congress (August 30, 1897)." In The Arab-Israeli Conflict, 56. Routledge, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203871591-8.

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