Journal articles: 'Zoroastrian Persian'

1

Stausberg, Michael. "Hell in Zoroastrian History." Numen 56, no. 2-3 (2009): 217–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852709x404991.

Full text

Abstract:

The present article surveys some relevant developments of conceptualizations of hell in the Rg-Veda, the Avestan corpus and the Middle Persian (Pahlavi) literature of the Zoroastrians, where hell is more extensively discussed. The article concludes by looking at the belief in heaven and hell among the world-wide Zoroastrian diaspora communities, urban laity in Mumbai, and professional priests in Westen India.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Williams, Alan. "The literary re-placement of ‘Iran’ in India: The Qeṣṣe-ye Sanjān of the Zoroastrian ‘Persians’ (Parsis)." Acta Orientalia Vilnensia 8, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 15–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/aov.2007.1.3752.

Full text

Abstract:

University of ManchesterThe Persian Qeṣṣe-ye Sanjān (‘the Story of Sanjān’), written in 1599 CE, is our only source for the account of the supposed Zoroastrian ‘migration’ from Iran to India in the 8th cent. The last of the Sasanian kings, Yazdegard III, had been deposed after the battle of Nehāvand in 642 CE, and Zoroastrian Iran was overrun by Arab invaders who Islamicized Iran after hundreds of years of Zoroastrian domination of the country under Achaemenian, Parthian and Sasanian empires (530 BCE–651 CE). According to the Qeṣṣe-ye Sanjān, ‘Iran’ was ‘shattered’ by the Arab conquest, and those who remained faithful to the old religion fled from persecution by the new Muslim presence. The Qeṣṣe-ye Sanjān tells of the long journey of a group of Zoroastrians to seek asylum in India, and the subsequent resettlement there, where they later became the Parsis, ‘the Persians’. The key factor in this re-placement of Iran is their finding a new monarch, not in human form but in a sacred fire, called ‘King of Iran’. When it is read as a myth of charter and series of rites de passage, it reveals much about the literary construction of place as a form of religious and social commentary.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Zargaran, Arman, Alireza Mehdizadeh, Hassan Yarmohammadi, and Abdolali Mohagheghzadeh. "Zoroastrian Priests: Ancient Persian Psychiatrists." American Journal of Psychiatry 169, no. 3 (March 2012): 255. http://dx.doi.org/10.1176/appi.ajp.2011.11081185.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Gorshkov, Andrey. "Persian theme in Plutarch’s works based on the episode from the treatise “On Isis and Osiris”." Litera, no. 8 (August 2021): 63–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8698.2021.8.36326.

Full text

Abstract:

The object of this research is the cultural ties between Greeks and Persians, while the subject is the image of Persia and Persian in Plutarch's treatise “On Isis and Osiris”. The author carefully examines such aspects of the topic as the problem of barbarism, Zoroastrianism as the foundation of Persian worldview, Persians from the perspective of Plutarch, description of Persian religious rites and traditions. Special attention is turned to the problems of borrowing Persian words into the Ancient Greek language (Avestan lexemes are being modified in the Ancient Persian language, and then adapted in the Ancient Greek language). It is noted that Greek language has been influenced by the barbarian languages due to deepening ties of the Greeks with other peoples. The conclusion is made that Plutarch was sincerely fascinated with Persians and certain aspects of their worldview; he compares the sayings of the Greek philosophers and poets with Persian ontology — contrary to the stereotypical perception of the Persians as barbarians, standing below the Greeks in their development. The author’s special contribution consists in juxtaposition of the Zoroastrian doctrinal provisions with the rites and practices of the Persians described by Plutarch. The novelty of this research consists in the advanced hypothesis that explains the rich spirit in the lexeme Ὡρομάζη&sigmaf;. The relevance this work lies in examination of interaction between the Greek and Persian worlds, which has not received due attention in the Russian philological science.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

GONZÁLEZ FERNÁNDEZ, Martín. "Omar Khayyám (1040/62-1131/32) y la filosofía árabe / Omar Khayyám (1040/62-1131/32) and Arab philosophy." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 21 (October 1, 2014): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v21i.5910.

Full text

Abstract:

This article analyzes the figure of Omar Khayyam (Nîsâbur, Persia, ca. 1040/62,- ca. 1131/32, Nîsâbur) by looking at his famous quatrains or rubayat,focusing on the reception and review of the Arab philosophies of his time, and the defense that he makes of Persian Archaic, Zoroastrian, Mazdean and Manichean culture and philosophy.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Boyce, Mary. "Dahma Āfriti and some related problems." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 56, no. 2 (June 1993): 209–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00005474.

Full text

Abstract:

The Yazata of the benediction known as the Dahma Āfriti is a figure whose importance in the Zoroastrian pantheon has been obscured, it seems for two main reasons. One is that, although she was apparently originally accorded a place among the thirty ‘calendar’ divinities, she subsequently lost this, probably in an Achaemenian calendar reform. The other is that later still her identity became confused through her name acquiring several Middle Persian forms: Dahm Yazad, Dahmān Āfrīn, Dahmān, the last, since it is a formal plural, causing some misunderstandings in her veneration locally.The Avestan adjective dahma is understood to have meant originally ‘instructed’, that is, in the Zoroastrian faith; but, to judge from its use in context, it developed the sense of ‘pious, devout’, occurring frequently with ašavan as a term for a good Zoroastrian. The name of the benediction is accordingly generally rendered as the ‘Pious Blessing’. Much power was attributed by Zoroastrians to solemnly pronounced words, and the compilers of the extended yasna liturgy set the ‘Pious Good Blessing’, Dahṃa VaohviĀfriti, after the Ahuna Vairya, Ašəm Vohū and Yenhē hātąm as the fourth of the mighty utterances which crush and destroy Anra Mainyu and his hordes (Y.61:l–2). (The other three form a group because together they precede the Gāthās, and together are the subject of the commentary which forms (Y. 19–21.)

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Dobroruka, Vicente. "Hesiodic reminiscences in Zoroastrian–Hellenistic apocalypses." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 75, no. 2 (May 15, 2012): 275–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x12000043.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThis article fits into the general picture of investigations on meta-historical thinking in Antiquity, as well as possible links between Persian apocalyptic literature and early Christian literature. The paper also explores the long-standing debate on the influence of Zoroastrian thought on Jewish–Christian apocalyptic – or whether it was rather the other way round.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Khoroche, Peter. "Kids and Colts in Pahlavi." Indo-Iranian Journal 53, no. 4 (2010): 297–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/001972410x519911.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThe occurrence in a fragmentary text in Manichaean Middle Persian of the word twštr 'goat' provides the meaning for the corresponding word in Zoroastrian Middle Persian, which, because of its rarity, has hitherto not been recognized. This in turn suggests a slight emendation, giving better sense, to a page in the Dēnkard.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Russell, J. R. "Parsi Zoroastrian Garbās and Monājāts." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 121, no. 1 (January 1989): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0035869x00167863.

Full text

Abstract:

It is a strange circumstance, yet one immediately observable, that the Parsi community in India, so innovative and so energetically creative in many other respects, has failed to distinguish itself in the sphere of indigenous arts. In the acquisition of tastes and skills in European or hybrid pseudo-Persian architecture, in European-style portraiture, and in Classical music, the Parsis have been diligent, even as they long ago became eloquent masters of the English tongue. What of their arts can properly be called Zoroastrian?

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Silk, Jonathan A. "Putative Persian perversities: Indian Buddhist condemnations of Zoroastrian close-kin marriage in context." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 71, no. 3 (October 2008): 433–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x08000827.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractAncient and medieval sources from Greece to Korea speak of the morally reprehensible habits of the Persians, who engage in close-kin marriage. Indian Buddhist texts also preserve similar ideas. One interesting passage in a narrative text makes use of this motif in a particularly interesting way, thereby indicating the character who appeals to the trope as ethically beyond the pale. The present paper explores the background of this common depiction of Persian marriage customs for its own intrinsic interest, and as a means to explicate the passage in question.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

11

Zulyeno, Bastian. "Sastra Sufistik Persia; Citra Kehidupan dalam Masnawi Maknawi Karya Jalaluddin Rumi." EDUCULTURAL: International Journal of Education, Culture and Humanities 1, no. 1 (August 21, 2018): 40–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.33121/educultur.v1i1.28.

Full text

Abstract:

Persian literature has been developing since hundreds of years BC, this can be seen from the Zoroastrian or "Avesta" holy books. This book contains mostly about the praise and greatness of the Lord "Ahuramazda" written in the form of poetry. The name Avesta itself comes from the name of the writing and the language used in this book, therefore the researchers named this holy book with the name Avesta. Avesta is the root of ancient Persian before Parthi, Soghdi and Pahlavi. One of the scientific traditions inherited by the Persians is the science of Tasawwuf and Sufistic literature is the biological child born of him. Persian land has long been fertile with Sufism thought with its typical eastern imagination. One of the Persian maestros whose thinking was global was Jalaluddin Muhammad ibn Sultan al Ulama Bahauddin Muhammad ibn Huasain ibn khatibi Bakri Balkhi who was better known as Rumi and all the works he left behind used Persian. Sufistic or mystical literature is a work produced by Sufi poets or a wise person whose poetry is based on his Sufistic experience. This paper discusses the main theme based on several verses of poetry contained in the Masnawi Maknawi of the great works of the great Persian Sufi of the 13th century.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

12

Sifei, Li. "Iranian Religious Elements in Chinese Medieval Art: Remarks on “Zoroastrian Protective Spirits”." Iran and the Caucasus 25, no. 1 (April 22, 2021): 13–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20210104.

Full text

Abstract:

This article aims at discussing the possible origin and meaning of winged fantastic creatures, which appear quite often in the 6th century A.D. Sogdian funerary monuments in China and specifically on the Shi Jun 史君 one (580 A.D.). It cannot be ruled out that composite creatures like the one on the Shi Jun funerary monument originated from the Greek ketos and hippocampus that were introduced into Persia, Central Asia and northwestern India after the conquest of the Persian Empire by Alexander the Great. The impact of Chinese cultural elements on this little investigated group of funerary monuments contributed to create a long forgotten unique and still enigmatic artistic production that scholars called “Sino-Sogdian”.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

13

Cereti, Carlo G. "Some Passages on Turkic Peoples in Zoroastrian Pahlavi Literature." Journal of Persianate Studies 6, no. 1-2 (2013): 197–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341257.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract Following on similar contributions focusing on geographical chapters and subjects in Pahlavi literature, in this article the author briefly presents the main evidence on the presence of Turkic people and on place names relative to the vast area of Turkestân, as found in Middle Persian Zoroastrian texts.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

14

Timuş, Mihaela. "Breaking the Rules: Considerations on Zoroastrian Terminology Related to the Idea of Heresy." Numen 66, no. 2-3 (April 10, 2019): 271–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341540.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThe present article is a part of a wider project devoted to the Zoroastrian Middle Persian terminology often translated in European languages as “heresy” or “heretic.” I offer here an analysis of the Middle Persian ahlomōγ according to only one text of the exegetical literature of this religious tradition, written down after the Arab conquest of Iran, namely Dēnkard 7. I propose a hypothesis according to which the majority of the contexts in which this term is used refers to Mazdak and the Mazdakites, suggesting that the author of Dēnkard 7 here draws a historical scheme of this sectarian movement. Other meanings, though not so many, can be found, such as “apostasy.” Among the methodological considerations, one finds that the same notion may have slightly changed meaning from one text to another, from one period to another. The Avestan ašǝmaoγa, for which the Middle Persian ahlomōγ is a translation, does not clearly lead to the idea of heresy, understood as schism or sect.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

15

GRAMI, BAHRAM. "Perfumery Plant Materials As Reflected In Early Persian Poetry." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 23, no. 1 (January 2013): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186312000715.

Full text

Abstract:

Sweet smelling plant materials have attracted human attention since ancient times. It was realised that some plant materials have a better aroma when placed on burning firewood, which is how rituals all over the world came to include both plants and incense. The ceremonial feeding of the perpetual fire in Zoroastrian fire temples, performed five times in 24 hours, is called būy (aroma). The ancient Iranian scriptures – the Avesta and scriptures written in Pahlavi – all mention aromatics and several kinds of incense.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

16

Weinreich, Matthias. "Giving Sense to it All: The Cosmological Myth in Pahlavi Literature." Iran and the Caucasus 20, no. 1 (May 2, 2016): 25–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20160103.

Full text

Abstract:

The article provides a literary analysis of three Middle Persian tales: the Story of Jōišt ī Friyān, the Memorial of Zarēr, and the Explanation of Chess and the Invention of Backgammon. Similar to most works of Zoroastrian narrative literature, composed in the late Sasanian and early Islamic era, they are based on oral traditions and contain numerous references to personalities and events also familiar from other Iranian sources. But, different from comparable stories belonging to the same context and time, they are thematically closely interwoven with the Zoroastrian cosmological myth. The reason for this striking intertextual connection is sought in their authors’ intent to provide didactic narratives for religious instruction to an audience hoping for eschatological deliverance from social oppression and spiritual evil.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

17

Shapira, Dan D. Y. "Banners, Spears, Black Raiders and Byzantines: Some Textual Notes on Late Sasanian and post-Sasanian Zoroastrian Apocalyptic Texts." Journal of Persianate Studies 6, no. 1-2 (2013): 39–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341248.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract This article is a philological study of literary motifs in the Middle Persian apocalyptic work of uncertain date, Zand ī Wahman Yašt. The author claims that the motifs under his consideration in the text of ZWY (=Zand ī Wahman ī Yašt) go back to Middle Persian version of several Avestan Yašts, especially, to the Middle Persian translation of the second part of Yašt 1 (known as Wahman Yašt), Yašt 11, and Yašt 8.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

18

Bitsch, Sebastian. "Sengende Hitze, Eiseskälte oder Mond? Zum Echo zoroastrischer eschatologischer Vorstellungen am Beispiel des koranischen zamharīr." Der Islam 97, no. 2 (October 7, 2020): 313–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/islam-2020-0025.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThis article discusses eventual Qurʾānic allusions to Zoroastrian texts by using the example of zamharīr (Q 76:13). In the early tafsīr and ḥadīth-literature the term is most commonly understood as a piercing cold, which has frequently been interpreted as a punishment in hell. This idea, it is argued, has significant parallels to the concept of cold as a punishment in hell or to the absence of cold as a characteristic of paradise in the Avestan and Middle-Persian literature. In addition, Christian and Jewish texts that emphasize a similar idea and have not been discussed in research so far are brought into consideration. The article thus aims to contribute to the inclusion of Zoroastrian texts in locating the genesis of the Qurʾān – or early Islamic exegesis – in the “epistemic space ” of late antiquity.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

19

Secunda, Shai. "The Fractious Eye: On the Evil Eye of Menstruants in Zoroastrian Tradition." Numen 61, no. 1 (2014): 83–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341302.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractLike all religions, Zoroastrianism evolved, and its rich textual record provides us with the material to trace some of its developments across the centuries. This article attempts to reconstruct an ancient Iranian myth preserved in Zoroastrian tradition about the dangerous powers of the gaze of menstruating women, and traces its development as it grows out of theAvestaand interacts with Western philosophical traditions in the Middle Persian writings of late antiquity and the early middle ages.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

20

Silverman, Jason M. "Achaemenid Creation and Second Isaiah." Journal of Persianate Studies 10, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 26–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341305.

Full text

Abstract:

For many years, scholars have entertained the idea that monotheism appeared in Second Isaiah as a result of Zoroastrian influence. Since the issue of monotheism is inappropriate for either the Persian or the Judaean contexts, this paper argues that a more fruitful angle to pursue the Persian context of Isaiah is through analysis of the concept of creation. This paper takes the Achaemenid creation prologues in the Old Persian inscriptions as a comparator for the use of creation in Second Isaiah, and places these two in a broader ancient Near Eastern context of creation mythology. It is argued that both share distinctive features in the way creation is presented and understood. Given the novel and similar concepts visible in both corpora, it is argued that the vision of creation and form of yhwh as creator are the earliest attested instance of “Iranian influence” on the Judaean tradition.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

21

Agostini, Domenico. "“This Earth will be Uncrowned, without Depression, Flat”. An Edition and an Annotated Translation of the Iranian Bundahišn 34." Annali Sezione Orientale 77, no. 1-2 (June 21, 2017): 116–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24685631-12340028.

Full text

Abstract:

The chapter thirty-four is one of the most interesting and important sections of theIranian Bundahišn. It describes the eschatological events that will occur at the end of the Zoroastrian cosmic era such as the resurrection of the body and the final judgment. This article provides a critical edition of the text in Middle Persian (mp) based on the codextd1 accompanied by an annotated translation including a commentary on the most relevant mythological and religious issues.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

22

Mirjalili, Faranak. "Goddess of the Orient: Exploring the Relationship between the Persian Goddess Anahita and the Sufi Journey to Mount Qaf." Religions 12, no. 9 (August 30, 2021): 704. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12090704.

Full text

Abstract:

This paper explores the possible connections between the Persian Goddess Aredvi Sura Anahita and Sufi cosmology. How can we trace images, symbols and functions of the goddess in the symbolic journey to Mount Qaf in Sufism? The research question was posed by the author after a collision of mystical experiences and dreams with the figure of Anahita while being on the Sufi path. The paper offers a linguistic, scriptural and hermeneutic analysis of Anahita in the Avesta and her role in Zoroastrian cosmology, while looking at the symbolic importance of Mount Qaf and the figure of Khezr in Sufism. The comparative study draws on the work of Henry Corbin and Shahab al-Din Sohrawardi to explore the threads between these two ancient Persian traditions.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

23

Nechaeva, Ekaterina. "Seven Hellenes and One Christian in the Endless Peace Treaty of 532." Studies in Late Antiquity 1, no. 4 (2017): 359–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2017.1.4.359.

Full text

Abstract:

The so-called Endless Peace treaty, signed between Rome and Persia in 532, contained several provisions that regulated issues of population transfer. According to the famous evidence of Agathias of Myrina, in the treaty there was also a clause guaranteeing safety from persecution and the tolerance of religious beliefs in the territory of the Roman Empire for the seven Neoplatonic philosophers returning from their Persian emigration. The present article proposes a re-evaluation of the clause mentioned by Agathias by extracting parallel information from an East-Syriac hagiographical source: an anonymous account of martyrdom of the high-profile Persian Christian convert Mar Grigor. The study deconstructs Agathias' evidence regarding the circumstances of the philosophers' emigration and return, and examines the available set of “conventional” sources on how the Endless Peace treaty regulated the status of different categories of displaced people. The investigation proceeds with an analysis of the Martyrdom of Mar Grigor, arguing for the importance of the East-Syriac hagiographical account for a comprehensive reconstruction of the conditions of the Endless Peace agreement. Assessing information provided by the Martyrdom of Mar Grigor and other available data, the author reveals the high relevance of the East-Syriac evidence for the discussion of the so-called clause of protection. The scope of the article is to demonstrate, for the first time in historiography, that the clause, included in the treaty to protect the seven Hellenic philosophers upon their return to the Christian Roman Empire, was not unilateral. It is suggested that the same diplomatic agreement contained a similar promise of safe conduct for the Christian Persian general, Pīrān-Gušnasp / Mar Grigor, coming back from Roman captivity to Zoroastrian Persia.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

24

Borjian, Habib. "Median Succumbs to Persian after Three Millennia of Coexistence: Language Shift in the Central Iranian Plateau." Journal of Persianate Studies 2, no. 1 (2009): 62–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187471609x454671.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThe so-called Central Plateau Dialects or simply Central Dialects belong to the South Median group of Northwest Iranian languages and are spoken in central Iran, where the prevailing language is Persian. Currently, vestiges of these dialects are limited to several dozen remote villages as well as to the older generation of the Jewish and Zoroastrian communities living in the cities and in diaspora. The dominant influence of Persian for more than a millennium has resulted in the ousting of the vernaculars not only in major towns but also in a majority of villages. Historical evidence suggests that Central Dialects were native to the entire central Iranian Plateau, larger towns included, until the late medieval period. The big shift may have taken place during and after the Safavid dynastic rule, perhaps as a result of forceful propagation of Shi'ism, among other economic and socio-political vicissitudes of those days. Concrete evidence becomes available only in the later nineteenth century when European travelers and local geographers began to report on the language situation of the area. These documents enable us to speculate on the patterns and rates of language shift in various regions speaking Central Dialects. This trend has been accelerating parallel with the enormous socio-economic changes in the last half century. In many villages the local dialect is moribund and becoming increasingly limited to the elders, and the extinction will be the inevitable result of the forces of modernization and globalization in general and the rapid expansion of Persian education and mass media in particular. This paper attempts to show the dynamics of language shift among Central Dialects. The possible causes of the shift within village communities is discussed, while the urban Jewish and Zoroastrian speakers receive individual attention. Part of the data comes from the author's own fieldwork.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

25

Zenoozian, Mostafa Samiee, Davood Esfehanian, Hosein Aliyari, and Assadallah Salehi Panahi. "Archaism and Nationalism of the Principles of Political Identity of Pahlavi I." Journal of Politics and Law 9, no. 6 (July 31, 2016): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v9n6p81.

Full text

Abstract:

<p>Nationalism was the main axes of the first Pahlavi era that was followed by using the Persian language and ethnicity, paying attention to the historical past and relying on the antiquity were of its manifestations the result of which was crystallized in the homeland patriotism. In this age of homeland, close bond component was king worship and archaism. Reza Shah's government, by leading the intellectuals sought to replace Imperial ideology of nationalism with the Iranian and Islamic culture and rests the legitimacy of his regime on it. One of the features and characteristics of the Pahlavi regime was the emphasis on the idea of nationalist glory and honor of the Zoroastrian religion of pre-Islamic Iran and the Persian language worshiped by that time.This article aims at the crystallization phenomenon of nationalism and ancient Persian language and ethnicity importance of convergence in the approach of the Iranian (Aryan era) in the first Pahlavi era and investigated the implications and intentions of the founders approach.</p>

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

26

Panaino, Antonio. "Parthian moγ and Middle Persian moγ/mow in Light of Earlier Eastern and Western Iranian Sources." Iran and the Caucasus 25, no. 3 (August 25, 2021): 252–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20210303.

Full text

Abstract:

The present article analyses the historical importance assumed by Parthian and Middle Persian moγ/mow (and related words) in the framework of the religious and administrative language of Late Antiquity despite its seemingly absolute absence in the Avestan Sprachgut. Although moγ should be reasonably considered as a word of (prominent) Western Iranian derivation, i.e. from Median and Old Persian magu-, the progressive phonetic evolution toward a spelling, such as that of early Parthian and Middle Persian *moγ(u)- created a fitting resonance with a rare Avestan word (in its turn probably nonexistent in the older strata of the language, if not even a Western loanword itself), specifically moγu-°, which is attested only in the Y.Av. compound moγu.tb̰ iš-. The rising weight assumed by the priestly college of the Magi in secular activities already during the Achaemenian period promoted the preservation of this title also after the diffusion of the Avestan liturgy in Western Iran. This development also ensured that the designation of *moγ(u)- became extended to the whole family of the Zoroastrian priests following the Avestan tradition.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

27

Mancini, Alessio, and Tommaso Mari. "FIRE AND ITS ASIAN WORSHIPPERS: A NOTE ON FIRMICUS MATERNUS’DE ERRORE PROFANARVM RELIGIONVM5.1." Classical Quarterly 67, no. 2 (October 12, 2017): 662–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838817000647.

Full text

Abstract:

Persae et Magi omnes qui Persicae regionis incolunt fines ignem praeferunt et omnibus elementis ignem putant debere praeponi. (Firm. Mat.Err. prof. rel.5.1)The Persians and all the Magi who dwell in the confines of the Persian land give their preference to fire and think it ought to be ranked above all the other elements.Iulius Firmicus Maternus was a Latin writer who lived in the fourth centurya.d. In the 340s, following his conversion to Christianity, he wrote theDe errore profanarum religionum, which has been preserved only in the tenth-century manuscript Vaticanus Palatinus Latinus 165. In this work he argues against the pagan cults, calling for the emperors to suppress them. The first sections are dedicated to the pagan worship of the natural elements: objects of a cult are water among the Egyptians, earth among the Phrygians, air among the Assyrians. The chapter we are dealing with, the fifth, is dedicated to fire, a central element of the Zoroastrian religion. Greek and Roman writers, pagans and Christians alike, were aware of this, and references to some sort of fire-cult among Persians are numerous in literature and are found as early as Herodotus (1.131, 3.16). Just like Firmicus Maternus, some authors also state that the Magi worship fire as a god or divine element and that they conduct fire-related rituals. In Greek and Latin authors there is a view that the Magi, these specialists of the rituals of the Persian religion, were originally a Median tribe. As shown by the passages of Ammianus and Basil, such knowledge was also available to Firmicus Maternus’ contemporaries, and there do not appear to be particular differences in the way in which Greek and Latin authors viewed the Magi in Achaemenid and Sassanid times. Regrettably, one cannot know for certain which of these sources Firmicus Maternus knew.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

28

Rahmanian, Elaheh, and Reza Ashrafzadeh. "Women in Shahnameh: An Overview on Mythical, Lyrical and Social Aspects." Revista humanidades 10, no. 1 (November 28, 2019): e39816. http://dx.doi.org/10.15517/h.v10i1.39816.

Full text

Abstract:

Shahnameh is the most significant Persian epic masterpiece and it is the world's lengthiest epic poem written by a single poet. Shahnameh mainly describes mythical and historical dimensions of the Persian Empire in series of stories. The manifestation of love in the stories of Shahnameh is a real stimulus to prowess and epic. In this regard, Ferdowsi delicately paid attention in developing women characters of Shahnameh. In this article, it is tried to investigate mythical, lyrical and social aspects of women in different sections of Shahnameh. Mythical aspects of Shahnameh including zoroastrian beliefs are reviewed. The lyrical bases including poetry, playing, loving and marriage are considered in this research. And many women such as Roodabeh, Tahmineh and Jarirehwho contribute to lyrical aspects of Shahnameh are found and their character and other related dimensions are investigated and described. Interestingly it is found that in Shahnameh stories, gallantry alone cannot help a hero reach his goals unless love and affection are combined with it. Also, our research shows that some women in Shahnameh express their love consciously over their beloved man. Further, social roles of women in the romantic stories are categorised in political, martial, and artistic forms and further discussed.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

29

Boyce, Mary. "On the Orthodoxy of Sasanian Zoroastrianism." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 59, no. 1 (February 1996): 11–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00028536.

Full text

Abstract:

It is some time since a book has been published which focuses entirely on Sasanian Zoroastrianism, and one from Professor Shaul Shaked, who has studied the religion at this period for many years, is sure of eager attention. The Sasanian epoch naturally attracts scholars approaching Zoroastrian studies from the Persian or Semitic fields; and the author points moreover to its interest for students of religions more generally, since this was a time when a number of other faiths were jostling for place within Iran, from Judaism, Buddhism and Christianity to the ill-fated but then vigorously expanding Manichaeism, and lesser ones of diverse hues. All this, and ‘an openness to Greek scientific and philosophical ideas’, made for as ‘lively and diversified a period of intellectual and religious activity as could ever be found in ancient Iran’ (p. 12).

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

30

Southgate, Minoo S. "Vīs and Rāmīn: an anomaly among Iranian courtly romances." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 118, no. 1 (January 1986): 40–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0035869x00139097.

Full text

Abstract:

Composed somewhere between 1040 and 1054, Fakhr al-Dīn As'ad Gurgānī's metrical romance of Vīs and Rāmīn celebrates the adulterous love of Queen Vīs and the King's younger brother, Rāmīn. In his introduction the poet informs us that the tale of Vīs and Rāmīn enjoyed great popularity in his time although it was not widely understood in its Pahlavi version or satisfactorily rendered into New Persian. Based on a lost Pahlavi original, Gurgānī's version takes place in ancient Zoroastrian Iran. Scholars have variously identified its setting as Sasanian (A.D. 226–651) and Arsacid Iran (247 B.C.–A.D. 224). Perhaps our scant knowledge of the Arsacid nobility prevents us from deciding between an Arsacid and a Sasanian setting; moreover, even if the story is of Arsacid origin, its subsequent adaptations and interpretations must have altered its original characteristics.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

31

Bowman, Bradley. "From Acolyte toṢaḥābī?: Christian Monks as Symbols of Early Confessional Fluidity in the Conversion Story of Salmān al-Fārisī." Harvard Theological Review 112, no. 1 (January 2019): 55–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816018000342.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThis paper will examine the narrative of Salmān al-Fārisī/”the Persian” and his conversion to Islam, as recounted in the eighth-centurySīraof Ibn Isḥāq, as a lens into the laudatory interpretation of Christian monasticism by early Muslims. This account of Salmān al-Fārisī (d. 656 CE), an originalCompanion(ṣaḥābī) of the Prophet Muḥammad, vividly describes his rejection of his Zoroastrian heritage, his initial embrace of Christianity, and his departure from his homeland of Isfahan in search of a deeper understanding of the Christian faith. This quest leads the young Persian on a great arc across the Near East into Iraq, Asia Minor, and Syria, during which he studies under various Christian monks and serves as their acolyte. Upon each master’s death, Salmān is directed toward another mystical authority, on a passage that parallels the “monastic sojourns” of late antique Christian literature. At the conclusion of the narrative a monk sends Salmān to seek out a “new Prophet who has arisen among the Arabs.” The monks, therefore, appear to be interpreted as “proto-Muslims,” as links in a chain leading to enlightenment, regardless of their confessional distinction. This narrative could then suggest that pietistic concerns, shared between these communities, superseded specific doctrinal boundaries in the highly fluid and malleable religious culture of the late antique and early Islamic Near East.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

32

Dizdarević, Sedad, and Mensur Valjevac. "THE MAZDAIST ROOTS OF HERACLITUS’S PHILOSOPHY." Zbornik radova 15, no. 15 (December 15, 2017): 237–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.51728/issn.2637-1480.2019.15.237.

Full text

Abstract:

Heraclitus is one of the most influential and most controversial thinkers in the human history. His ideas had an impact on the formation and further development of some of the most important and most specific concepts in philosophy, such as idea, dialectics, logos, eternal return, etc. He exerted a significant influence over all great philosophers such as Socrates, Plato, Aristotle, Hegel, Nietzsche, etc. Heraclitus's ideas were exceptionally strange and unusual for his time, so many, very early, started suspecting they were of Greek origin. In this article, we analyze the theories about the Persian origin of the key Heraclitus’s ideas. We point to the most important research in that field, name some of the advantages and disadvantages of certain claims and make our own that is, to some extent, different from the previous ones. We show that Heraclitus was, to a large extent, under the influence of Persian Mazdaist teachings of his time, and that this impact was essential for the conceptualization of his most important concepts, such as teachings about logos, dialectical monism, Unus Mundus, Coincidentia Oppositorium, eternal movement, etc. Furthermore, Heraclitus was the first Greek thinker who mentioned the Zoroastrian magi in his work, criticized the practice of worshiping the idols, depicting the figures of deities, and religious exclusivism following the practice developed in the Achaemenid Empire.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

33

Secunda, Shai. "Talmudic Text and Iranian Context: On the Development of Two Talmudic Narratives." AJS Review 33, no. 1 (March 30, 2009): 45–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009409000038.

Full text

Abstract:

The past few years have witnessed an expansion of the range of sources that Talmudists regularly employ in their research on the Bavli. Scholars now turn to Iranian epic and folk literature; to Zoroastrian, Manichaean, and Eastern Christian ritual and theological writings; to Sasanian civil law; and to other nonrabbinic sources in an effort to broaden and deepen their understanding of the Bavli and its place in the “splendid confusion” that was Sasanian Mesopotamian society. As Yaakov Elman has pointed out, this research trend serves as a corrective for more than half a century of scholarly neglect, which was only encouraged by a dearth of critical editions of Middle Persian literature and more general studies of Sasanian culture and religions. Now, following a steady output of some long-anticipated editions, and, more significantly, as a result of recent collaboration between Talmudists and Iranists, the coming years hold great promise for a radically new understanding of the Bavli and its world.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

34

Ahmadi, Amir. "What isaṣ̌a-?" Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 78, no. 2 (March 12, 2015): 293–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x1500004x.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThe termaṣ̌a-stands in the centre of ancient Iranian thought. It is a pivotal concept in Zoroastrian religious lore, but is not, in its significance, coeval with Zoroastrianism. As an object of eschatological longing,aṣ̌a-has Indo-Iranian roots. It is, in Old and Middle Persian texts, primarily understood as a synecdoche for the divine sphere where the religiously dutiful expect to lead a blessed mental existence after death.Aṣ̌a-is also a deity of the Old Avestan pantheon, thus a deified concept. Finally, the term is regularly used in the Gāthās as both the authoritative instance of measuring human (religious) conduct, and the normative goal of therapeutic (eschatological) activity. In this latter usage, too, and in agreement with its form and etymology,aṣ̌a-signifies a concrete phenomenon. There are good reasons to think that this phenomenon is the world as it was “put together” by Ahura Mazdā, and only subsequently sickened by the forces of deception. Translations to date, such as “truth” and “order”, are examined, all of which are shown to have serious problems. In conclusion I propose to translateaṣ̌a-as “cosmos”.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

35

Crone, Patricia. "Zoroastrian Communism." Comparative Studies in Society and History 36, no. 3 (July 1994): 447–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500019198.

Full text

Abstract:

According to Xanthus of Lydia, who wrote in the fifth century B.C., the Magi considered it right to have intercourse with their mothers, daughters, and sisters and also to hold women in common. The first half of this claim is perfectly correct: Xanthus is here referring to the Zoroastrian institution of close-kin marriage (khwēdōdāh), the existence of which is not (or no longer) in doubt. But his belief that the Magi held women in common undoubtedly rests on a misunderstanding, possibly of easy divorce laws and more probably of the institution of wife lending. In the fifth century A.D., however, we once more hear of Persians who deemed it right to have women in common; and this time the claim is less easy to brush aside. The Persians in question were heretics, not orthodox Zoroastrians or their priests; their heresy was to the effect that both land and women should be held in common, not just women (though the first attempt to implement it did apparently concern itself with women alone); and the heretics are described, not just by Greeks, let alone a single observer, but also by Syriac authors and the Persians themselves as preserved in Zoroastrian sources and the Islamic tradition.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

36

Aliabadi, Fatemeh Sadat Alavi, and Sayed Alireza Vasei. "Persia, the Land of Shiite Faith: The Migration of Imam Ahl al-Bayt and the Encounter between Two Belief Systems in Persia." Wawasan: Jurnal Ilmiah Agama dan Sosial Budaya 6, no. 1 (August 12, 2021): 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jw.v6i1.13198.

Full text

Abstract:

This article attempts to trace the fundamental role of early Persian beliefs, Zoroastrians, to the decision of Ahl al-Bayt’s choice to migrate to Persia (Iran). This research is based on the fact that there are many places for pilgrimage to imams in Iran. Specifically, this research investigates the similarity of several concepts in both religions, Zoroaster and Islam, regarding the teaching in the principle of God (Ilahiyyah), the principle of life after death (eschatology), and the principle of justice and morals of the religion embraced before Islam in Persia. Several studies have also reported on the distortions, opposition, and the consequences of encountering the two beliefs for the first time between Persian beliefs and Islamic teachings. This study employs a qualitative method with historical analysis and literature study along with relevant information of the study. This article also uses the theory of migration and identity to see the interconnectedness of religion in the migration context. The results of this study show the factors that the Persians are interested in accepting and understanding the teachings of Islam. Those are: first, the emotional closeness of beliefs and moral values between Muslims and Zoroastrians (Magi); Second, the inclusive nature of Islam; third, the absence of racial, gender, and status discrimination in Islamic teachings. The descendants of imams Ahl al-Bayt of the Prophet Muhammad SAW continued the prophet's preaching and the Imams in expanding the spread of Islamic teachings to various regions. During this expansion process, they found Iran as the most secure, and suitable region to accept the presence and teaching of Islam especially the Shiite sect. Therefore, they decided to migrate to Iran, and until now Iran is known as a Shiite country.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

37

Bladel, Kevin van. "Dictionary of Manichaean Texts, Volume II: Texts from Iraq and Iran (Texts in Syriac, Arabic, Persian, and Zoroastrian Middle Persian). Edited by François de Blois and Nicholas Sims-Williams. (Corpus Fontium Manichaeorum: Subsidia). pp. xiv, 157. Turnhout, Brepols, 2006." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 17, no. 4 (October 2007): 466–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186307007572.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

38

Basirizadeh, Fatemeh Sadat, Narges Raoufzadeh, and Shiva Zaheri Birgani. "The Image of Women in Eastern and Western Epic literature: Shahnameh and Odyssey." Budapest International Research and Critics Institute (BIRCI-Journal): Humanities and Social Sciences 3, no. 2 (May 8, 2020): 768–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/birci.v3i2.889.

Full text

Abstract:

The research examines two epics, one from the East and one from the West with regards to the question of woman and her images in early epic literature. The epics were selected from the literature. The epics were selected from the literature of two cultures, both of which, in different historical periods produced the most advanced civilizations of their time. The Persian epic, The Shahnameh (the book of Kings) was tooted in the ancient Indo-Iranian pagan as well as Zoroastrian traditions, an epic of approximately 60,000 couplets rewritten in the tenth century A. D. in the final, completed from which has reached us today. The Greek exemplar was the odyssey of Homer, epic with which Greek literature begins and widely influences not only the later periods of Greek literature but also the entire Western literature; this epic is also widely known in the East. Central to our study of The Shahnameh and Homeric epics were the themes of dynamism, the individuality of characters and their struggles in the epic world, the resourcefulness of the human mind ascribed to them, the subject of human crises, and irony, all of which are deep-seated components marking the central literary qualities of these epics. Women are indispensable in the early epics of both traditions and more often than not highly regarded by epic heroes in general and the narrators of the stories in particular. In both Eastern and Western example the structure split the female image in two opposite directions: one force is represented by exalted, praiseworthy, and positive images which also endow the women of The Shahnameh and the Homeric poems with powerful characteristics.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

39

de Jong, Albert. "Mario Vitalone: The Persian revāyat ‘I thoter’: Zoroastrian rituals in the eighteenth century. (Istituto Universitario Orientale. Dipartimento di studi Asiatici. Series Minor, Vol. xlix.) 301 PP. Napoli: Istituto Universitario Orientale, 1996." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 61, no. 2 (June 1998): 350. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00014087.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

40

Konstantakos, Ioannis M. "The Flying King: the novelistic Alexander (Pseudo-Callisthenes 2.41) and the traditions of the Ancient Orient." Classica - Revista Brasileira de Estudos Clássicos 33, no. 1 (May 31, 2020): 105–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.24277/classica.v33i1.898.

Full text

Abstract:

The story of Alexander’s flight is preserved in early Byzantine versions of the Alexander Romance (codex L, recensions λ and γ) but is already mentioned by Rabbi Jonah of Tiberias (4th century AD) in the Jerusalem Talmud. The narrative must have been created between the late Hellenistic period and the early Imperial age. Although there are differences in details, the main storyline is common in all versions. Alexander fabricates a basket or large bag, which hangs from a yoke and is lifted into the air by birds of prey; Alexander guides the birds upwards by baiting them with a piece of meat fixed on a long spear. The same story-pattern is found in oriental tales about the Iranian king Kai Kāūs and the Babylonian Nimrod. Kai Kāūs’ adventure was included in the Zoroastrian Avesta and must have been current in the Iranian mythical tradition during the first millennium BCE. It is then transmitted by Medieval Islamic authors (Ṭabarī, Bal‘amī, Firdausī, Tha‘ālibī, Dīnawarī), who ultimately depend on Sasanian historical compilations, in which the early mythology of Iran had been collected. The story of Kai Kāūs’ ascension is earlier than Pseudo-Callisthenes’ narrative and contains a clear indication of morphological priority: in some versions the Persian king flies while seated on his throne, which reflects a very ancient and widespread image of royal iconography in Iran and Assyria. Probably Alexander’s aerial journey was derived from an old oriental tradition of tales about flying kings, to which the stories of Kai Kāūs and Nimrod also belonged. The throne had to be eliminated from Alexander’s story, because the episode was set during Alexander’s wanderings at the extremities of the world. The Macedonian king had therefore to fabricate his flying vehicle from readily available materials. Later, after the diffusion of Pseudo-Callisthenes’ romance in the Orient, the tale of Alexander’s ascension might have exercised secondary influence on some versions of the stories of Kai Kāūs and Nimrod, regarding specific details such as the use of the bait.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

41

Saadat, Yusef. "Middle Persian abāz-handāxtan." Journal of Persianate Studies 7, no. 1 (May 12, 2014): 137–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341268.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract the verb abāz-handāxtan is used in Dēnkard IV. Different definitions of the verb caused two divergent interpretations of the history of the Zoroastrians scriptures during Sasanian era. This article does not attempt to provide a third category of meaning, but tries to suggest a subtle modification to the traditionally accepted meaning of ‘to collate’. The new nuanced meaning is derived from New Persian texts, which include similar usage of the verb and were written not much later than Middle Persian ones. The suggested meaning is ‘to (re-)measure’.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

42

Kiyanrad, Sarah. "Thou Shalt Not Enter the Bazaar on Rainy Days! Zemmi Merchants in Safavid Isfahan: Shiʿite Feqh Meeting Social Reality." Journal of Persianate Studies 10, no. 2 (December 1, 2017): 158–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341314.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract Many Muslim and non-Muslim merchants from East and West were attracted to Safavid Isfahan, the new “center of the world,” a city that also played host to its own mercantile communities, among them many zemmi traders—Christians, Jews, and Zoroastrians. As representatives of the newly-established Twelver Shiʿite theology, Safavid religious scholars felt the need to offer commentary on evolving issues on a theoretical level, sometimes writing not in Arabic but in New Persian. How did they regard the activities of zemmi merchants? Were zemmi traders subject to religiously-motivated restrictions? Or did they, on the other hand, enjoy exclusive rights? While my paper focusses on these questions, it will also compare the legal opinions of selected Safavid foqahāʾ on the social reality as reflected in travelogues and through historiography.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

43

Horn, Cornelia B. "St. Nino and the Christianization of Pagan Georgia." Medieval Encounters 4, no. 3 (1998): 242–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006798x00151.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThe ancient land of Georgia (Iberia), in the Caucasus, has a long history of settlement and invasion, including incursions by Hittites, Scythians, Persians, and Greeks, to name a few. Pre-Christian beliefs included a varied assortment of beliefs and practices borrowed from Zoroastrian, classical pagan, and other traditions. The accounts of the conversion of Georgia preserved in sources of the 5th, 8th, and 12th centuries reveal how pre-Christian practices were taken up and reinterpreted by the Christian narrators. While there is some evidence of earlier missionary efforts, according to Rufinus' account in the Ecclesiastical History (402-403) Georgia's official conversion to Christianity took place in the first half of the fourth century. This conversion is unique in a number of ways, not the least being that credit for it must be given to a woman, St. Nino, the apostle to the Georgians. Later Georgian sources (12th century) indicate a substantial measure of discomfort with the conversion of Georgia by a woman.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

44

Morris, James Harry. "Some Reflections on the First Muslim Visitor to Japan." American Journal of Islam and Society 35, no. 3 (July 1, 2018): 116–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v35i3.850.

Full text

Abstract:

Japanese relations with Islam and Muslims have a much longer history1than is commonly assumed. Most scholarship on Japanese-Middle East andJapanese-Muslim relations has focused on the modern period. Nevertheless,there is evidence that Persian visitors came to Japan as early as 736CE(Tenpyō hachi nen 天平8年).2 It has been postulated that some of thesePersians were Syriac Christians,3 Zoroastrians, or Manichaeans,4 however,the historical sources do not provide details of their religious affiliationand therefore no definitive conclusions in regards to their religions can bemade.5 This research note explores the visit and biography of a man whocame to Japan some five and a half centuries later than these first Persianvisitors, a man whom Hosaka Shuji notes was the first recorded Muslimvisitor to Japan.6 This figure, known as Sādōulǔdīng 撒都魯丁 in Chineseand Sadorotei in Japanese, came to Japan as part of an envoy sent by Khubilai7Khan (1215-1294CE), the first ruler of the Yuán 元 dynasty (1271-1368CE), in 1275CE. Herein Sādōulǔdīng’s biography and the significanceof his visit to Japan will be explored ...

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

45

Josephson, Judith. "Arash Zeini: Zoroastrian Scholasticism in Late Antiquity: The Pahlavi Version of the Yasna Haptaŋhāiti. (Edinburgh Studies in Ancient Persia.) xxvi, 396 pp. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2020. £95. ISBN 978 1 4744 4288 6." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 84, no. 1 (February 2021): 172–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x21000197.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

46

Bernard, Chams. "A newly discovered Persian variety: the case of “Zoroastrian Persian”." Orientalia Suecana 69 (2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.33063/diva-421118.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

47

Contractor, Farok J. "Zoroastrianism and the Search for Identity in Central Asia: The Spread of the Prophet’s Message and Politics down the Ages." Cyrus Chronicle Journal 3, no. 1 (May 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.52212/ccj2018-v3i1m1.

Full text

Abstract:

Today, some nations of Central Asia, freed of the atheistic rule of the former Soviet Union, are harking back, nostalgically, to their pre-Islamic heritage. UNESCO declared 2003 to be the “3000th Anniversary of Zoroastrian Culture” and funded a “Zoroastrian Project” to compile the history and record Zoroastrian traditions. In nations like Tajikistan, old customs like Nowruz are promoted, links to Persian history emphasized, and Zoroastrian associations were formed, in a search for cultural identity. But others say that these were transparent attempts to counter resurgent Muslim fundamentalism in the region, prop up authoritarian regimes, and are tainted with the rough politics of the region.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

48

"Zur Frage ‘ewiger’ Feuer im Avesta und in der zoroastrischen Tradition." IRAN and the CAUCASUS 19, no. 1 (March 18, 2015): 9–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20150104.

Full text

Abstract:

Since the works of M. Boyce, Zoroastrianism is often analyzed on the axiomatic basis of an “immense conservatism”. This position seems to be methodologically, hermeneutically and empirically unsatisfying. My research on the history of the Zoroastrian cult of fire indicates that even at the heart of Zoroastrian identity – the worship of (an eternal) fire – resides history. In the following article I try to follow, retrogradely, the historical tracks of the eternal fire in Zoroastrianism, from the New Persian Zoroastrian sources to the Young Avestan texts.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

49

Silverman, Jason M. "Vetting the Priest in Zechariah 3: The Satan between Divine and Achaemenid Administrations." Journal of Hebrew Scriptures 14 (January 1, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.5508/jhs.2014.v14.a6.

Full text

Abstract:

This article argues the Satan in Zech 3 was modeled on Achaemenid imperial structure. First, the term in the Hebrew Bible is discussed. Second, a brief overview of Achaemenid offices and loyalty ceremonies is given. These are applied to Zech 3 and the Satan, arguing that the vision is a heavenly version of satrapal confirmation of priests. The article concludes by discussing imperial and theological hubris, arguing that Zech 3 is an instance of political Persian, rather than “Zoroastrian,” influence.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

50

Rezania, Kianoosh. "'Religion' in Late Antique Zoroastrianism and Manichaeism: Developing a Term in Counterpoint." Entangled Religions 11, no. 2 (April 21, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/er.11.2020.8556.

Full text

Abstract:

This article evaluates the development of a generic term for ‘religion’ in late antique Manichaeism and Zoroastrianism. It examines linguistic indications of the use of dēn/δēn as a generic term in the Manichaean Middle Iranian corpora, i.e. Middle Persian, Parthian, and Sogdian, as well as in the corpus of Zoroastrian Middle Persian. The paper considers declination in the plural, the attribution of universal quantifiers or demonstrative adjectives, comparison, and selection, as they occur in the above corpora, to be indicators of generic concepts. Acknowledging that third-century Manichaeism shaped the term for ‘religion’ in the Persian Empire, the paper scrutinizes the reflections of this formative process in Sasanian and also early Islamic Zoroastrianism. The resulting analysis of the linguistic evidence indicates that the newly coined Manichaean concept of ‘religion’ did not find considerable echoes in late antique Zoroastrianism. Furthermore, an investigation of the term daēnā- in the Avestan sources provides earlier evidence for the formation of the term ‘religion’ in pre-Sasanian Zoroastrianism. Finally, the paper highlights the significance of religious contact for the formation of a generic concept of religion.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Journal articles on the topic 'Zoroastrian Persian'

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles