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Journal articles on the topic 'Zoroastrian'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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1

Niechciał, Paulina. "Contemporary Zoroastrians." Anthropos 115, no. 1 (2020): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0257-9774-2020-1-9.

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The article shares the findings based on participant observation conducted during the 11th World Zoroastrian Congress as well as on the analysis of other resources linked to contemporary Zoroastrians. Paying attention to the internal differentiation of the Zoroastrian world community, it focuses on the components that stand in the way to its integration, as disagreements that refer to customs, religion, or the matter of who the “real” Zoroastrians are. It also discusses the boundaries between those who believe to be Zoroastrians form generations and the outside world, as well as the ways these boundaries eventually can be crossed through conversion or intermarriages.

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2

Niechciał, Pauline. "Calendar as an Identity Marker of the Zoroastrian Community in Iran." Iran and the Caucasus 23, no. 1 (2019): 35–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20190104.

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The article reflects on the idea of both calendric time and its material supports used by the Zoroastrians of Iran in reference to the identity of the group. The qualitative analysis of the data collected during the fieldwork among the Zoroastrian community has shown that a distinctive time-reckoning system plays the role of an important marker that strengthens the community’s Zoroastrian identity in the face of Muslim domination. In the post-Revolutionary Iran, the calendar is one of the key pillars of the Zoroastrians’ collective self-awareness—both as an idea of a specific time-reckoning system designating ritual activities, and as a material subject that acts as a medium to promote specific values and ideas.

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3

Stausberg, Michael. "Hell in Zoroastrian History." Numen 56, no. 2-3 (2009): 217–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852709x404991.

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The present article surveys some relevant developments of conceptualizations of hell in the Rg-Veda, the Avestan corpus and the Middle Persian (Pahlavi) literature of the Zoroastrians, where hell is more extensively discussed. The article concludes by looking at the belief in heaven and hell among the world-wide Zoroastrian diaspora communities, urban laity in Mumbai, and professional priests in Westen India.

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Mazuz, Haggai. "Qur’ānic Commentators on Jewish and Zoroastrian Approaches to Menstruation." Review of Rabbinic Judaism 15, no. 1 (2012): 89–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007012x622935.

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Abstract The early Qur’ānic commentators argued that, in pre-Islamic times, Arabs observed many Jewish customs relating to menstruation. From the tenth century on, we find Qur’ānic commentators who claim that pre-Islamic Arabs observed Zoroastrian menstruation customs rather than Jewish ones. From the eleventh century on, commentators combined Jewish and Zoroastrian customs in their commentary on Qur’ān 2:222. This paper sets out the close relationship between Jewish and Zoroastrian rules regarding menstruation, which may explain why Jewish and Zoroastrian menstruation customs are connected in some Muslim scholars’ commentaries: the Muslim commentators were making an accurate assessment of the similarities between the two sets of customs. At the same time, we only find Jews and the Zoroastrians mentioned side by side in the Qur’ānic commentaries from the eleventh century on, since only by then had Muslim scholars’ understanding of other religions expanded enough to provide this knowledge. Early commentators simply did not know enough about Judaism and Zoroastrianism to notice the similarities. It is possible, though by no means certain, that the post-tenth century Qur’ānic commentators who mention only the Jews in regard to pre-Islamic menstruation rituals did so because they were not familiar with Zoroastrian customs and their similarities to those of Judaism.

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Agostini, Domenico. "Some Observations on Ahriman and his Miscreation in the Bundahišn." Journal of Persianate Studies 14, no. 1-2 (August 10, 2022): 95–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-bja10019.

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Abstract The Bundahišn (Primal Creation) is one of the most important surviving Zoroastrian works in Pahlavi Middle Persian. In this book, the evil spirit Ahriman and his demons play a crucial role in the cosmogonic drama from creation until the end of times, according to the well-known Zoroastrian dualistic system. This article describes the forms and the effects of the onslaught of Ahriman and his evil creatures, and how Zoroastrians explained the nature and the presence of evil and its real influence on the good creation and creatures of Ohrmazd as found in the Bundahišn.

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Niechciał, Paulina. "Zaratusztrianki w świątyniach: miejsca kultu religijnego z perspektywy zaratusztriańskiej diaspory w USA." Studia Religiologica 55, no. 1 (2022): 33–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844077sr.22.003.16557.

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Zoroastrian Women in Temples: Places of Worship in the Perspective of the Zoroastrians Diaspora in the USA In this article, I approach the issue of temple visits by Zoroastrian women living in the USA. I analysed the field material in terms of the motivations and circumstances of these visits. The analysis showed that the women visit both Zarathushtrian places of worship in the immediate area, as well as those located further away, including in their old homelands, although they valorise them differently and motivate the need for such visits differently. Some perform religious practices at temples of other religions.

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7

Molchanova, Elena. "On the headdresses of the Zoroastrian women of Iran." Rodnoy Yazyk. Linguistic journal, no. 1 (June 2021): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.37892/2313-5816-2021-1-55-63.

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The article presents some observations on a poorly studied topic — headdress vocabulary among Zoroastrian women. The study is based on written sources, dictionaries and the author’s recorded field work in the city of Yazd, the center of the Iranian Zoroastrians.

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Ardakany, Poorchista Goshtasbi. "Construction Analysis of “Srōš Bāǰ”: The Opening Part of the Zoroastrian Prayer." Asian Culture and History 15, no. 1 (May 30, 2023): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ach.v15n1p111.

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The present study examines the structure of Srō&scaron; Bāǰ Avesta, which forms the first part of the Zoroastrian prayer, in order to determine its different parts and how to construct it. The Zoroastrian prayer was created by Zoroastrian religious leaders, and over time Zoroastrian religious leaders added things to it or subtracted things from it. In this research, it will be determined from which part of the Avesta each part of Srō&scaron; bāǰ was taken and which parts were made by Zoroastrian religious leaders and included in this Avesta. In this article, both Iranian Srō&scaron; Bāǰ and Indian Srō&scaron; Bāǰ will be examined and analyzed in order to determine the structure of each one from which part of the Avesta it is taken from. Based on the findings of this research, Indian Srō&scaron; Bāǰ has parts of Avesta that Iranian Srō&scaron; Bāǰ does not have. Also, Indian Srō&scaron; Bāǰ has two parts in Pārsī Gujarātī language and Iranian Srō&scaron; Bāǰ has a part in Persian language. The results obtained from this research show that Pārsīs of India read Srō&scaron; Bāǰ in a different way at the beginning of their prayers, and Pārsī religious leaders have added parts to it to complete Srō&scaron; Bāǰ.The author of this article is one of the Iranian Zoroastrians and is fully acquainted with the prayers of the Pārsīs of India and the Pārsī Gujarātī language.

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Crone, Patricia. "Zoroastrian Communism." Comparative Studies in Society and History 36, no. 3 (July 1994): 447–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500019198.

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According to Xanthus of Lydia, who wrote in the fifth century B.C., the Magi considered it right to have intercourse with their mothers, daughters, and sisters and also to hold women in common. The first half of this claim is perfectly correct: Xanthus is here referring to the Zoroastrian institution of close-kin marriage (khwēdōdāh), the existence of which is not (or no longer) in doubt. But his belief that the Magi held women in common undoubtedly rests on a misunderstanding, possibly of easy divorce laws and more probably of the institution of wife lending. In the fifth century A.D., however, we once more hear of Persians who deemed it right to have women in common; and this time the claim is less easy to brush aside. The Persians in question were heretics, not orthodox Zoroastrians or their priests; their heresy was to the effect that both land and women should be held in common, not just women (though the first attempt to implement it did apparently concern itself with women alone); and the heretics are described, not just by Greeks, let alone a single observer, but also by Syriac authors and the Persians themselves as preserved in Zoroastrian sources and the Islamic tradition.

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10

Stausberg, Michael. "Der Zoroastrismus als iranische religion und die Semantik von ,Iran' in der zoroastrischen religionsgeschichte." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 63, no. 4 (2011): 313–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007311798293575.

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AbstractZoroastrianism, one of the three recognized religious minorities in the Islamic Republic, can claim a specific linkage with Iran since the Avestan Vendidād and its other primary religious documents were written in Iranian languages and its history has for the most part unfolded in Iran (in a larger geographical sense). The term Aryan is used in inscriptions by the Achaemenian king Darius I as a way to gloss the name of the deity Ahura Mazdā (the 'God of the Aryans'). In the Sasanian period, Iran became the name of the empire. Zoroastrian literature written under Islamic rule, reaffirms the idea of a unity between kingship and (Zoroastrian) religion, but transposes its realization into the eschatological future. After centuries of decline and discrimination, twentieth-century modernization entailed the prospect of societal reintegration for Zoroastrians; an unachieved hope under the Pahlavis, this prospect has become even more remote under the political conditions imposed by the Islamic Republic, where Zoroastrians now use the vocabulary of martyrdom to express their commitment to their homeland.

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SUNDERMANN, WERNER. "Zoroastrian motifs in non-Zoroastrian traditions." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 18, no. 2 (April 2008): 155–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186307008036.

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We owe to Zoroaster one of the oldest religions of mankind. We cannot call Zoroaster's doctrine a world religion in the strict sense, for it did not spread far beyond the limits of the Iranian world, nor did its followers spread over the world as the Parsis do now and the Manichaeans once did. But many ideas first expressed by Zoroaster or his followers, such as the all-encompassing dualism of good and evil, light and darkness, or the resurrection of the dead in the flesh, or the responsibility of mankind for the fate of this world and the world beyond, have influenced, from the middle of the first millennium BCE on, the spirituality of the near eastern peoples and so also the religions of Judaism, and by way of Judaism, Christianity and Islam, too. This is sufficient to grant the religion of Zoroaster a most important position in the history of human religiosity.

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Sahner, Christian C. "Zoroastrian law and the spread of Islam in Iranian society (ninth–tenth century)." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 84, no. 1 (February 2021): 67–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x21000021.

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AbstractThis article explores three important Zoroastrian legal texts from the ʿAbbasid period, consisting of questions and answers to high-ranking priests. The texts contain a wellspring of information about the social history of Zoroastrianism under Islamic rule, especially the formative encounter between Zoroastrians and Muslims. These include matters such as conversion, apostasy, sexual relations with outsiders, inheritance, commerce, and the economic status of priests. The article argues that the elite clergy responsible for writing these texts used law to refashion the Zoroastrian community from the rulers of Iran, as they had been in Late Antiquity, into one of a variety of dhimmī groups living under Islamic rule. It also argues that, far from being brittle or inflexible, the priests responded to the challenges of the day with creativity and pragmatism. On both counts, there are strong parallels between the experiences of Zoroastrians and those of Christians and Jews, who also turned to law as an instrument for rethinking their place in the new Islamic cosmos. Finally, the article makes a methodological point, namely to show the importance of integrating Pahlavi sources into wider histories of Iran and the Middle East during the early Islamic period.

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Williams, Alan. "The literary re-placement of ‘Iran’ in India: The Qeṣṣe-ye Sanjān of the Zoroastrian ‘Persians’ (Parsis)." Acta Orientalia Vilnensia 8, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 15–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/aov.2007.1.3752.

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University of ManchesterThe Persian Qeṣṣe-ye Sanjān (‘the Story of Sanjān’), written in 1599 CE, is our only source for the account of the supposed Zoroastrian ‘migration’ from Iran to India in the 8th cent. The last of the Sasanian kings, Yazdegard III, had been deposed after the battle of Nehāvand in 642 CE, and Zoroastrian Iran was overrun by Arab invaders who Islamicized Iran after hundreds of years of Zoroastrian domination of the country under Achaemenian, Parthian and Sasanian empires (530 BCE–651 CE). According to the Qeṣṣe-ye Sanjān, ‘Iran’ was ‘shattered’ by the Arab conquest, and those who remained faithful to the old religion fled from persecution by the new Muslim presence. The Qeṣṣe-ye Sanjān tells of the long journey of a group of Zoroastrians to seek asylum in India, and the subsequent resettlement there, where they later became the Parsis, ‘the Persians’. The key factor in this re-placement of Iran is their finding a new monarch, not in human form but in a sacred fire, called ‘King of Iran’. When it is read as a myth of charter and series of rites de passage, it reveals much about the literary construction of place as a form of religious and social commentary.

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Boyce, Mary. "Dahma Āfriti and some related problems." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 56, no. 2 (June 1993): 209–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00005474.

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The Yazata of the benediction known as the Dahma Āfriti is a figure whose importance in the Zoroastrian pantheon has been obscured, it seems for two main reasons. One is that, although she was apparently originally accorded a place among the thirty ‘calendar’ divinities, she subsequently lost this, probably in an Achaemenian calendar reform. The other is that later still her identity became confused through her name acquiring several Middle Persian forms: Dahm Yazad, Dahmān Āfrīn, Dahmān, the last, since it is a formal plural, causing some misunderstandings in her veneration locally.The Avestan adjective dahma is understood to have meant originally ‘instructed’, that is, in the Zoroastrian faith; but, to judge from its use in context, it developed the sense of ‘pious, devout’, occurring frequently with ašavan as a term for a good Zoroastrian. The name of the benediction is accordingly generally rendered as the ‘Pious Blessing’. Much power was attributed by Zoroastrians to solemnly pronounced words, and the compilers of the extended yasna liturgy set the ‘Pious Good Blessing’, Dahṃa VaohviĀfriti, after the Ahuna Vairya, Ašəm Vohū and Yenhē hātąm as the fourth of the mighty utterances which crush and destroy Anra Mainyu and his hordes (Y.61:l–2). (The other three form a group because together they precede the Gāthās, and together are the subject of the commentary which forms (Y. 19–21.)

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Russell, James. "Zoroastrian Notes." Iran and the Caucasus 6, no. 1 (2002): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338402x00025.

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Szanto, Edith. "“Zoroaster was a Kurd!”: Neo-Zoroastrianism among the Iraqi Kurds." Iran and the Caucasus 22, no. 1 (May 15, 2018): 96–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20180108.

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Disgusted with ISIS, some Kurds turned away from Islam following the fall of Mosul in 2014. Many became atheists, while others sought comfort in Zoroastrianism. Zoroastrianism, according to converts, was the “original” religion of the Kurds before they embraced Islam. In 2015, two Zoroastrian centers opened in Sulaimani, both of which are recognized by the Kurdish Regional Government in northern Iraq. Notably, neither has tried to recreate Zoroastrianism the way it is currently and has been historically practiced in Iran and South Asia. Instead, they have created their own versions of Zoroastrianism, which is nationalist, postmodern, and liberal. Kurdish Zoroastrians argue that the reason Kurds are “backward” is Islam. They seek to rectify the present situation through a Kurdish “authenticated” and “original” form of Zoroastrianism. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork at these two centers, the present article examines this new religious movement in Sulaimani, an important city in the Kurdish region of northern Iraq. It analyses the rise and distinctiveness of Kurdish Zoroastrianism looking at how Zoroastrian Kurds articulate their views on Islam, women’s rights, human rights, and Kurdish independence.

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Marashi, Afshin, and Dinyar Patel. "Special Issue: Parsis and Iranians in the Modern Period." Iranian Studies 56, no. 1 (January 2023): 3–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irn.2022.38.

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A hundred years ago in colonial Bombay, on September 10, 1922, a group of Parsis established an organization called the Iran League. Meant to strengthen ties with their Iranian Zoroastrian coreligionists inside Iran, the Iran League also endeavored to recast wider economic and cultural relations between India and the country which Parsis regarded as their ancient homeland. That ancient homeland, after all, was undergoing seismic change. In the years following Reza Khan's 1921 coup and the establishment of the Pahlavi dynasty in 1925, Parsis watched with growing anticipation and excitement as Iran's new leader increasingly promoted a new national culture rooted in Iran's ancient past. Prominent Parsis, many of them leaders in the Iran League, fervently believed that Pahlavi Iran would herald all sorts of progressive change: improved conditions for the Iranian Zoroastrians, deeper appreciation of Zoroastrianism among Iran's Muslim majority, conditions for significant Parsi investment in Iran, and even the possibility of a mass Parsi “return” to the shah's domain, reversing the direction of centuries of Zoroastrian migration.1

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Niechciał, Paulina, and Mateusz M. Kłagisz. "Are Zoroastrians a Nation? Different Identity Formations/Patterns of Iranian and Indian Zoroastrians." Iran and the Caucasus 20, no. 3-4 (December 19, 2016): 277–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20160303.

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The article contributes to the debate on the modern transformations of collective identities and nation-building processes. We compare different identity patterns of Zoroastrians in Iran and India and answer the question whether one can consider them as a nation or as separate ethno-religious communities. The paper is an answer to a suggestion made by Rashna Writer about national ties linking Zoroastrians worldwide. Basing on field research of Zoroastrians in Iran and India, we argue that among them there are no visible traits regarding the construction of a national identity, only certain trends to remember ties with their diasporas. We believe that among the factors shaping rather a sense of belonging to a local ethno-religious community, are the concept of local ethnohistory, the usage of the Zoroastrian Dari language, strong Iranian nationalism based on a common Iranian history and a culture effectively separating Iranian Zoroastrians from their Indian coreligionists.The focus of the article is collective identity understood as something socially constructed mainly by local community’s leaders. We compare the process of identity construction of Iranian and Indian Zoroastrians, considering it as something rooted in different historical, as well as sociocultural and political contexts.

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SANDERS, JACK T. "Whence the First Millennium? The Sources behind Revelation 20." New Testament Studies 50, no. 3 (July 2004): 444–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688504000256.

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Many scholars in a former generation thought that Zoroastrian ideas had influenced the concept and structure of the millennium in Rev 20. More recently, however, nearly all scholars who deal with Revelation think rather that Ps 90.4 was responsible for the formulation in Rev 20. A careful review of both Jewish and Zoroastrian texts that bear on the issue, however, shows that, while absolute proof may be lacking, we should still give very serious consideration to the likelihood of a Zoroastrian background.

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Bitsch, Sebastian. "Hell’s Kitchen: The Banquet in the Hereafter and the Reflexion of Zoroastrian Eschatological Motifs in the Qurʾān." Iran and the Caucasus 26, no. 4 (November 30, 2022): 323–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20220402.

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This article discusses potential Zoroastrian prefigurations concerning the Qurʾānic imagination of tormenting and distasteful food in hell. Although research on paradise and hell in the Qurʾān and the Islamic tradition has recently undergone a significant revival, recognizing potential allusions to Jewish, Christian, and—to a lesser extent—ancient Arabic traditions, Zoroastrian texts continue to be largely neglected. While scholars have argued that the banquet scenes in hell have no antecedents in Jewish or Christian literature and should therefore be understood as echoing or rather inverting and perverting ancient Arabic evocations of generous hospitality, some remarkable parallels in the Zoroastrian tradition will be brought to attention here. It is thus intended to argue for the plausibility of a reflection of Zoroastrian ideas in the Qurʾānic milieu, particulary in relation to eschatological ideas.

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KRONEN, JOHN D., and SANDRA MENSSEN. "The defensibility of Zoroastrian dualism." Religious Studies 46, no. 2 (February 11, 2010): 185–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034412509990357.

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AbstractContemporary philosophical discussion of religion neglects dualistic religions: although Manichaeism from time to time is accorded mention, Zoroastrianism, a more plausible form of religious dualism, is almost entirely ignored. We seek to change this state of affairs. To this end we (1) present the basic tenets of Zoroastrian dualism, (2) argue that objections to the Zoroastrian conception of God are less strong than typically imagined, (3) argue that objections to the Zoroastrian conception of the devil (and evil) are less strong than typically imagined, and (4) offer some brief concluding thoughts.

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Cantera, Alberto. "The Zoroastrian Long Liturgy." La lettre du Collège de France, no. 8 (March 1, 2014): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/lettre-cdf.2030.

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Bhattacharjee, Anindo, and Sandeep Singh. "Zoroastrian Ethics in Business." IIMS Journal of Management Science 12, no. 3si (2021): 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/0976-173x.2021.00010.5.

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Foltz, Richard. "Zoroastrian Attitudes toward Animals." Society & Animals 18, no. 4 (2010): 367–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853010x524325.

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AbstractThe ancient religion of Zoroastrianism devotes considerable attention to relations between human and nonhuman animals. All animal species are seen as being in one of two categories—either beneficent or malevolent, aligned either with the forces of good or with the forces of evil in an ongoing cosmic battle. Humans should treat each species accordingly, zealously protecting “beneficent” species while ruthlessly exterminating “malevolent” ones. Zoroastrian attitudes toward nonhuman animals have likely had a range of influences, both positive and negative, on those found in other traditions, especially Judaism, Christianity, and Islam.

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HINTZE, ALMUT. "Monotheism the Zoroastrian Way." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 24, no. 2 (December 19, 2013): 225–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186313000333.

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AbstractThis article examines seemingly monotheistic, polytheistic and dualistic features of Zoroastrianism from the point of view of the Zoroastrian creation myth. Exploring the personality of the principal deity, Ahura Mazdā, the origin of the spiritual and material worlds and the worship of the Yazatas, it is argued that Zoroastrianism has its own particular form of monotheism.

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Betts, Alison V. G., Gairatdin Khozhaniyazov, Alison Weisskopf(†), and George Willcox. "Fire Features at Akchakhan-kala and Tash-k’irman-tepe." Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 24, no. 1-2 (November 5, 2018): 217–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700577-12341331.

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AbstractFire is an intrinsic aspect of Zoroastrian ritual and religious traditions. Akchakhan-kala can be conclusively linked with pre-Sasanian Zoroastrian practice through evidence from the recent discovery of murals depicting Avestan deities. Close similarities in apparently ritual features suggest that Tash-k’irman-tepe can also be linked to such traditions. Both sites also have a rich array of fire features which can be linked to respect for, and veneration of, fire in a variety of forms. This paper discusses these features, how they might fit into the wider picture of pre-Sasanian Zoroastrian development, and their significance for a deeper understanding of the history of Ancient Chorasmia.

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Paraskiewicz, Kinga. "Cursing the daēvas as an Example of Verbal Aggression in the Zoroastrian “Declaration of Faith”?" Cracow Indological Studies 26, no. 1 (June 7, 2024): 191–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/cis.26.2024.01.09.

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This article examines the notion of verbal aggression evident in Zoroastrian prayers. Although one may be surprised that a declaration of Zoroastrian faith, called Fravarānē (Yasna 12), begins with the words “I hate / abhor / am disgusted” instead of “I believe,” cursing (nifrīn kunišn) the demons is a pious religious act.

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Malandra, W. W., and G. Kreyenbroek. "Sraoša in the Zoroastrian Tradition." Journal of the American Oriental Society 107, no. 2 (April 1987): 369. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/602873.

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Foltz, Richard. "When was Central Asia Zoroastrian?" Mankind Quarterly 38, no. 3 (1998): 189–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.46469/mq.1998.38.3.1.

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30

Nigosian, S. A. "Zoroastrian Perception of Ascetic Culture." Journal of Asian and African Studies 34, no. 1 (1999): 4–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852199x00130.

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This paper is a critical examination of the guiding principle in Zoroastrianism on renunciation and worldly engagement. The religious ideal of an ascetic, hermit, mendicant, mystic, monk, and recluse, typical in other religions, has no counterpart in Zoroastrianism. The reason for this difference, I shall argue, derives primarily from the basic ideals and concepts of virtue and righteousness in Zoroastrianism. In fact, virtue and righteousness is equated with pleasure, enjoyment, upholding the Good Principle, and helping the world in its progress towards perfection - not with self-denial, self-sacrifice, self-injury, or the abandonment of the world, all of which assist the Evil Principle.

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Neale, Harry S. "The Zoroastrian in ‘Attār'sTadkiratu'l-Awliyā’." Middle Eastern Literatures 12, no. 2 (August 2009): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14752620902951140.

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Niechciał, Paulina. "Essentialism in Zoroastrian boundary construction." Anthropology Southern Africa 43, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23323256.2020.1755874.

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Zargaran, Arman, Alireza Mehdizadeh, Hassan Yarmohammadi, and Abdolali Mohagheghzadeh. "Zoroastrian Priests: Ancient Persian Psychiatrists." American Journal of Psychiatry 169, no. 3 (March 2012): 255. http://dx.doi.org/10.1176/appi.ajp.2011.11081185.

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Nigosian, S. A. "Zoroastrian Perception of Ascetic Culture." Journal of Asian and African Studies 34, no. 1 (January 1, 1999): 4–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002190969903400102.

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Russell, J. R. "Parsi Zoroastrian Garbās and Monājāts." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 121, no. 1 (January 1989): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0035869x00167863.

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It is a strange circumstance, yet one immediately observable, that the Parsi community in India, so innovative and so energetically creative in many other respects, has failed to distinguish itself in the sphere of indigenous arts. In the acquisition of tastes and skills in European or hybrid pseudo-Persian architecture, in European-style portraiture, and in Classical music, the Parsis have been diligent, even as they long ago became eloquent masters of the English tongue. What of their arts can properly be called Zoroastrian?

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Ramelli, Ilaria L. E. "Christian Apokatastasis and Zoroastrian Frashegird." Religion & Theology 24, no. 3-4 (2017): 350–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15743012-02403007.

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The theory of universal restoration (apokatastasis), the eventual eviction of evil and the purification, conversion and salvation of all rational creatures, was prominent in early Christian thinkers and present in more Patristic theologians than is commonly assumed. But, besides having philosophical, Biblical, and Jewish roots, may it have stemmed from another religion? The only suitable candidate would be Zoroastrianism. An analysis of the available sources concerning Zoroastrian eschatology shows that it is improbable that this may have influenced the Christian apokatastasis doctrine. At least, it is impossible to prove anything like this, mainly for chronological reasons. Fruitful interactions may, however, have occurred at the time of Bardaisan. This essays shows the importance of comparative religio-historical studies, and the reconceptualizing of theological doctrines into social discourse, for research into early Christianity.

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Shapira, Dan. "ZOROASTRIAN SOURCES ON BLACK PEOPLE." Arabica 49, no. 1 (2002): 117–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700580252934027.

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Butolin, V. D. "The Zoroastrian Calendar in New Persian Poetry: “Names of Persian Days” by Masʿud Saʿd Salman." Orientalistica 6, no. 3-4 (November 19, 2023): 669–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7043-2023-6-3-4-669-690.

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The calendar introductions were quite widespread in the Persian poetry of the Early Classical period (X–XIII centuries). The court poets on the occasion of a seasonal holiday (Nauruz, Mihran or Sade) or the beginning of a new season turned not only to the description of weather phenomena and changes in nature, but also to the Iranian names of months and days related to holidays and seasons. Such poetization of the Zoroastrian calendar became an integral part of Persian calendar poetry; references to Zoroastrian names of days and months can be found in many poets of the era: Rūdakī, Manūčihrī, ʿUnṣurī, Farruxī. In the cycle “Names of Persian days and months” by Masʿud Saʿd Salman this poetization is revealed most fully: each day of each Zoroastrian month in the poems of this cycle is heralded as a holiday. This article publishes a commented translation of the largest part of the cycle: the thirty poems devoted to the days of the Zoroastrian month. Despite the fact that the works of Masʿud Saʿd Salman are the object of scientific interest for a wide range of both national and foreign researchers, this poetic cycle is introduced into scientific discourse for the first time.

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Edrey, Meir. "Achaemenid / Early Zoroastrian Influences on Phoenician Cultic Practices during the Persian Period." Journal of Eastern Mediterranean Archaeology and Heritage Studies 11, no. 2-3 (September 1, 2023): 209–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jeasmedarcherstu.11.2-3.0209.

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ABSTRACT The Achaemenid rule is often perceived by modern scholars as religiously tolerant and nonintrusive, mainly due to the biblical narrative and the Cyrus decree. However, even if the Achaemenids did not impose their beliefs and religious ideology on their subordinates, Achaemenid and Zoroastrian influences seem to have seeped into the religion and cultic practices of peoples under their hegemony. In the southern Levant, dramatic changes to Phoenician cult practices occurred during the Persian period, some of which are consistent with principles of the Zoroastrian faith. Although written sources suggest the Achaemenids did interfere with the cultic practices of various peoples, it seems unlikely that they forced their system of beliefs on the Phoenicians, with whom they maintained good relations. It is, however, more than possible that as part of those warm relations, certain Zoroastrian ideas diffused into Phoenician society bringing about changes to the Phoenicians’ cultic practices.

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Ahmadi, Amir. "On the coherence of Yasna: a critical assessment of recent arguments." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 81, no. 1 (December 21, 2017): 57–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x17001392.

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AbstractIn recent years a number of scholars have proposed more or less detailed schemas of the formation of the Zoroastrian ritual. These schemas offer accounts of the arrangement of the texts in the liturgy, the process of its formation, and even its function from an endogenous perspective. One way or another, they argue that the official Zoroastrian liturgy is an integrated ritual with a coherent text, and that the function of the ritual and the intention behind the arrangement of the texts can be determined by means of philological, literary and comparative analyses. The questions of formation and meaning of the Zoroastrian liturgy these scholars have placed on the agenda are important not only for the study of Zoroastrianism but also for the history of religions and ritual theory. I consider their accounts with respect to the texts they invoke and the methods they use, and show that their arguments suffer from fatal flaws.

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Хаmidova, Dilfuzа U. "HISTORY OF BRICKWARES OF ZOROASTRIAN RELIGION." JOURNAL OF LOOK TO THE PAST 4, no. 10 (October 30, 2021): 92–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9599-2021-10-11.

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History of the brickwares related to Zoroastrian religion is examined in this article. Features, forms and decorations of the artefacts found at archaeological excavations in the different regions of Uzbekistan, are studied in him. The focus is on the history of the Ostodons, which reflects the customs and rituals of historical periods, such as mourning events. The history of the ceramics found in the monuments is analyzed, the processes of restoration and repair are studied, scientific research works are classified and studied.Index Terms:ceramics, artefact, archaeology, monument, Zoroastrian religion, ritual, maintenance, study, Middle Asia, region

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JAMZADEH, Parivash. "Remarks on Some Zoroastrian Architectural Features." Studia Iranica 30, no. 1 (January 1, 2001): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/si.30.1.291.

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Baitanayev, Bauyrzhan A., and Boris А. Zheleznyakov. "Zoroastrian Funerary Vessels from South Kazakhstan." Povolzhskaya Arkheologiya (The Volga River Region Archaeology) 2, no. 32 (June 25, 2020): 119–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.24852/pa2020.2.32.119.129.

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Moazami, Mahnaz. "Evil Animals in the Zoroastrian Religion." History of Religions 44, no. 4 (May 2005): 300–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/497802.

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Zaehner, R. C. "Zoroastrian Survivals in Iranian Folklore II." Iran 30 (1992): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4299870.

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Grenet, Frantz. "Was Zoroastrian Art Invented in Chorasmia?" Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 24, no. 1-2 (November 5, 2018): 68–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700577-12341327.

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AbstractBefore the recent discoveries of the Karakalpak-Australian Expedition to Ancient Chorasmia (KAE) evidence for Zoroastrianism in Chorasmia was scant, coming only from the official use of the Zoroastrian calendar, the onomastics, and the archaeologically documented funerary practices of the region, while the interpretation of remains of temples or fire chapels is subject to discussion.During the last seasons of work on the material of the KAE excavations at Akchakhan-kala, the royal seat of Chorasmia in the 2nd century BC – 2nd century AD, substantial fragments of wall paintings from the rear wall of the main columned hall of the “Ceremonial Complex” were cleaned and reassembled. It appeared at once that they belong to oversized standing figures, most probably deities. The best preserved image has been identified as Srōsh, god of prayer and protector of the soul after death. The second figure is probably to be identified as a personification of the group of the Fravashis, pre-created souls of the ancestors and protectors of “Aryan people” in battles, also worshipped as deities. A third figure, very partly preserved, perhaps represents Zam-Spandarmad, goddess of the Earth. If these identifications are valid, these deities appear to have been chosen because of their association with the turn of the year. This would be consistent with the possibility that the already known “portrait gallery” of Akchakhan-kala was related to the commemoration of royal and clanic ancestors at the end of the year.Notwithstanding much still needs to be elucidated, it appears already certain that these paintings, dating about the beginning of the 1st century AD, are the earliest documented attempt to create a Zoroastrian art directly inspired by the Avesta. The identification of some figures in the Toprak-kala “High Palace” (2nd-3rd centuries AD) can perhaps be reconsidered in the light of this new evidence.

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Dobroruka, Vicente. "Hesiodic reminiscences in Zoroastrian–Hellenistic apocalypses." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 75, no. 2 (May 15, 2012): 275–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x12000043.

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AbstractThis article fits into the general picture of investigations on meta-historical thinking in Antiquity, as well as possible links between Persian apocalyptic literature and early Christian literature. The paper also explores the long-standing debate on the influence of Zoroastrian thought on Jewish–Christian apocalyptic – or whether it was rather the other way round.

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Mirjalili, Farânak. "A Psychological Approach to Zoroastrian Cosmogony." Journal for the Academic Study of Religion 37, no. 1 (May 30, 2024): 89–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/jasr.28593.

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Creation stories at times intertwine cosmogonic narratives of both creation and destruction, grounding the human psyche in its origins and providing cultural or faith-based meaning to the workings of the universe. The Zoroastrian creation story stands out with its unique dance between opposites, reflecting the stark dualities in Zoroaster’s teachings. Noteworthy is the place of ‘evil’ as Ahriman, the Zoroastrian evil twin of the truthful God Ohrmazd, is not only destructive but becomes the catalyst for the transfiguration and regeneration of earthly life. This article explores a new perspective on this cosmic drama by drawing on the insights from analytical psychology (psychoanalysis C. G. Jung) and its symbolic and introverted approach to ancient mythology. The work of Donald Kalsched, a contemporary Jungian author and clinician, offers a compelling psychological lens for interpreting these archetypal dichotomies that have captivated humanity for millennia through integrating recent studies on trauma and developmental psychology.

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Weinreich, Matthias. "In the Spirit of Zarathustra: Intertextual Legitimation in Pahlavi Literature." Iran and the Caucasus 26, no. 2 (June 17, 2022): 105–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20220201.

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The present study investigates the intertextual relationship between the Pahlavi “Story of Jōišt ī Friyān” and the biography of Zarathustra, as recorded in pre-modern Zoroastrian sources. The first part of the study contains the presentation and analysis of intertextual fragments within the Pahlavi tale, which can be discerned as referencing the Zoroastrian prophet’s life and deeds, forging an associative link between the central character of the story and the image of Zarathustra. The second part provides an attempt to explain why the author of the story might have considered such a link necessary and what could have inspired him to choose Zarathustra’s image and associate it with his protagonist.

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Akbar, Ali. "The Zoroastrian Provenance of Some Islamic Eschatological Doctrines." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 49, no. 1 (October 14, 2019): 86–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429819844499.

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Zoroastrianism, as the major Iranian religion before the fall of the Sasanian Empire in the seventh century, exercised a deep influence on other religious traditions of the region around it. In particular, it has exercised a strong influence on the development of eschatological ideas in the Arabic and Islamic literature. This article explores some of the main features of the transmission of ideas from Zoroastrian sources to Islamic literature, focusing on doctrines regarding the judgment of souls after death. It argues that the Islamic literature that emerged in the first centuries of Islamic history borrowed several eschatological themes covered in Zoroastrian sources, and incorporated them into an Islamic theological system.

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