Academic literature on the topic 'Zulu (African people) – Music'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Zulu (African people) – Music.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "Zulu (African people) – Music"
1
Buis, Johann. "Black American Music and the Civilized-Uncivilized Matrix in South Africa." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 24, no. 2 (1996): 28–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502327.
Full textAbstract:
In a recent article by Veit Erlmann in the South African journal of musicology (SAMUS vol. 14, 1995) entitled “Africa Civilized, Africa Uncivilized,” Erlmann draws upon the reception history of the South African Zulu Choir’s visit to London in 1892 and the Ladysmith Black Mambazo presence in Paul Simon’s Graceland project to highlight the epithet “Africa civilized, Africa uncivilized.” Though the term was used by the turn of the century British press to publicize the event, the slogan carries far greater impact upon the locus of the identity of urban black people in South Africa for more than a century.
2
Haselau, Catherine, Madhubala Kasiram, and Barbara Simpson. "AFRICAN MARRIAGE COUNSELLING AND THE RELEVANCE OF WESTERN MODELS OF COUNSELLING." Southern African Journal of Social Work and Social Development 27, no. 2 (2015): 169–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2415-5829/367.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores the relevance of Western models of marriage counselling in the African context and specifically with Zulu couples. It argues that because of different worldviews, there are elements of western therapeutic approaches with couples that do not fit with the beliefs and values of many African people. The article examines some of the philosophies that underlie marriage in contemporary Zulu society, as well as the worldview, values and practices of Zulu people with regard to marriage. It then examines a selection of Western marriage counselling approaches in order to establish whether the Western based marriage counselling theories that are taught and practiced by social workers in South Africa today are relevant when used with Zulu couples.
3
Allen, Lara, and Louise Meintjes. "Sound of Africa! Making Music Zulu in a South African Studio." Yearbook for Traditional Music 35 (2003): 198. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4149334.
Full text
4
Muller, Carol A., and Louise Meintjes. "Sound of Africa! Making Music Zulu in a South African Studio." International Journal of African Historical Studies 36, no. 2 (2003): 449. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3559399.
Full text
5
SHANNON, JONATHAN H. "Sound of Africa! Making Music Zulu in a South African Studio." American Anthropologist 106, no. 2 (2004): 395–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.2004.106.2.395.
Full text
6
Jeewa, Sana, and Stephanie Rudwick. "“English is the best way to communicate” - South African Indian students’ blind spot towards the relevance of Zulu." Sociolinguistica 34, no. 1 (2020): 155–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soci-2020-0010.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe South African University of KwaZulu-Natal has developed an ambitious language policy aiming “to achieve for isiZulu the institutional and academic status of English” (UKZN LP 2006/2014). Part of this ambition is a mandatory Zulu language module that all undergraduate students have to pass if they cannot prove knowledge of the language. In this article, we examine attitudes of South African Indian students towards this compulsory module against the strained history and relationship between Zulu and Indian people in the province. Situated within the approach of Language Management Theory (LMT), our focus is on students as micro level actors who are affected by a macro level policy decision. Methodologically combining quantitative and qualitative tools, we attempt to find answers to the following broad question: What attitudes do South African Indian students have towards Zulu more generally and the UKZN module more specifically? The empirical findings show that students’ motivations to learn Zulu are more instrumental than integrative as the primary goal is to ‘pass’ the module. South African Indian students have developed a blind spot for the prevalence and significance of Zulu in the country which impacts negatively on the general attitudes towards the language more general and the module more specifically. Language ideologies that elevate the status of English in the country further hamper the success of Zulu language learning.
7
RUDWICK, STEPHANIE. ""Coconuts" and "oreos": English-speaking Zulu people in a South African township." World Englishes 27, no. 1 (2008): 101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-971x.2008.00538.x.
Full text
8
Eisenberg, Andrew. "Sound of Africa! Making Music Zulu in a South African Studio. Louise Meintjes." Journal of Anthropological Research 59, no. 3 (2003): 389–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jar.59.3.3631510.
Full text
9
Erlmann, Veit. "‘Horses in the race course’: the domestication of ingoma dancing in South Africa, 1929–39." Popular Music 8, no. 3 (1989): 259–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026114300000355x.
Full textAbstract:
On a Saturday night of January 1930 several thousand African men clad in loin cloths and the calico uniforms of domestic servants thronged a concert in the Workers' Hall of the Durban branch of the Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union (ICU) in Prince Edward Street. To the pounding sounds of hundreds of sticks, successive teams of dancers, some of them trained by Union officials from the rural hinterland, rushed to the stage performing the virile, stamping ingoma dance. The Zulu term ingoma (lit. ‘song’) covers a broad range of male group dances like isikhuze, isicathulo, ukukomika, isiZulu, isiBhaca, umzansi and isishameni. The kinesic patterns of ingoma are inseparably linked to choral songs in call-and-response structure and, as such, constitute a complex statement of the unity of dance and song in Zulu performance culture. The peak of Zulu-speaking migrants' dance culture, ingoma evolved out of the profound transformation of traditional rural Zulu culture through impoverishment, dispossession and labour migration around the first World War. But on that night of January 1930, at the climax of the spectacle, the ingoma dancers struck a particularly defiant note:Who has taken our country from us?Who has taken it?Come out! Let us fight!The land was ours. Now it is taken.We have no more freedom left in it.Come out and fight!The land is ours, now it is taken.Fight! Fight!Shame on the man who is burnt in his hut!Come out and fight! (Perham 1974, p. 196
10
Tang, Patricia. "Louise Meintjes. Sound of Africa! Making Music Zulu in a South African Studio. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2003." Journal of Popular Music Studies 16, no. 3 (2004): 308–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1524-2226.2004.0029d.x.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Zulu (African people) – Music"
1
Pewa, Elliot Sagila. "The philosophical, behavioural and academic merit of uMaskandi music." Thesis, University of Zululand, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10530/277.
Full textAbstract:
A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Music at the University of Zululand, 2005.<br>This document on umaskandi is about a vocal musical style that was created and nurtured by the Zulu people. Externally and, at a distance, the style may not appear to be artistically captivating, praiseworthy, and linguistically significant. It is but only on closer scrutiny that the aesthetic worth of the music can be realized. Even then, without a considerable research into a sizeable amount of the people's arts in relation to their life activities, a casual listener may not identify any worthiness in the practice of umaskandi music. This is generally the case with all the music of Africa. The music is contained in the life activities of the people. Having discovered the entertaining element in the music, a serious listener will still be faced with the greater challenges of fathoming the organization of sound, the significance of the libretto and the physical execution, in relation to the lifestyles of the performers. The sound of the music, the observed rhythmic activity of the performers, and the language of the libretto and its elocution are only the surface of the activity. There is still, but, more signification in the unsaid source of the music.
The reason for the neglect of this music style by Western cultures and by some modern local indigenous Africans, was not a mere oversight, but a result of stigmatization of all African arts by Europeans, whose intention was to dominate the whole of Africa. They would not succeed in managing the people dictatorially without destroying the latter's culture- For some time, therefore, because of such pressures and the demands of the culture of cities, and missionary education, the Westerners were able to 'convert' some Africans against their own (African) culture. Such attempts to 'Europeanize' Africans took place wherever there were European settlers on African soil. But, because of the breadth of the continent, they could not cover the whole surface of the country. Even amongst those that were reached, like the Zulus, there were always people who were not willing to abandon their indigenous heritage. Many were unbending and insisted on maintaining their traditional arts and cultures. It was from such a cultural attitude and disposition that umaskandi idiom was born.
The coming in of democratic rule in South Africa has, however, restored the dignity of every human culture in the country. Therefore, all nationalities are free to practise their various cultures with firmness and self-assurance. This attitude lent more confidence to those that performed umaskandi music.
It took some time before 'sophisticated' Africans could appreciate the sound and movement in performance of umaskandi performance style. The other nationalities took a little longer. Up to this day, those that have not been orientated in the language of the performers have not grasped the essence in umaskandi music, because of the social contextual nature of the music. Should a form of prejudice against indigenous African languages be sustained, ignorance about the life and thought patterns of Africans shall grow. This will be a drawback for the South African people as a whole. This phenomenon is worthy of mention
because the propagation of isiZulu is getting threatened in
many ways. First: There is a big population of Zulu and
non-Zulu learners that do not receive tuition of their
vernacular because some school managers are negative
towards African languages. Secondly: Umaskandi musicians,
who are the custodians of isiZulu language and culture, and
other Zulu artistes, shall never be comprehended if the
language is ignored. So, for those unfortunate learners
who do not have isiZulu in their curriculum, the doors are
closed on both sides. Since they are not given tuition in
the classroom, they are most likely to develop a negative
attitude towards the language, which would be a great
disaster. In their schooling career, they will also miss
the further * education through music' that is provided by
Zulu music practitioners at large. Umaskandi musicians, who
are speakers of isiZulu language, are in their own way,
keepers and propagators of isiZulu culture. Their
instruments are tuned in isiZulu style, which is their own instrumental creation bashed on their singing style. Their libretto is in isiZulu. They are historians of isiZulu life and its relevant culture of yesteryear. This will be missed.
Umaskandi concept, which embraces the isiZulu instrumental tuning, isiZulu manner of dancing, isiZulu vocal harmony and isiZulu elocution of izibongo (praise poetry) , originated in the indigenous lives of the Zulu people. These people were so solid in their belief and practice that they clang tenaciously onto their culture even when they were exposed to a conglomeration of foreign cultures in the horrible
mining environment. Umaskandi concept, therefore, had an effect on the people's behaviour.
When the African indigenous people came across the new musical instrumentation at their disposal, they adapted the latter and used them to become an extension of their vocal styles.
When conditions in the mines were depressing, degrading and debasing, they painfully sang of the good life that they had left behind in their indigenous homes. Through this umaskandi style, they have, therefore, been able to relate a people's history.
The final question in the last chapter is whether umaskandi concept can be a method of education in the performance of instruments just as tonic solfa is a method of vocal music. The question can be extended further to inquire whether umaskandi concept can be a method of moral and cul tural determination and perseverance as it has been the case with Zulu musicians.
2
Ndlovu, Caesar Maxwell Jeffrey. "Religion, tradition and custom in a Zulu male vocal idiom." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002315.
Full textAbstract:
The study is about a Zulu male vocal tradition called isicathamiya performed by 'migrants' in all night competitions called ingomabusuku. This is a performance style popularized by the award winning group Ladysmith Black Mambazo. Isicathamiya, both in its symbolic structure and in the social and culturalpractice of its proponents has much in common with the ritual practices of Zionists. And Zionists are worshippers who integrate traditional beliefs and Christianity. This study will reveal that isicathamiya performance and Zionists are linked in three major areas:in the sqcial bases and practice of its proponents, in the structural properties of their performances and tn the meanings attached to these practices. Firstly, Zionists, who are also called a Separatist or African Independent church, and isicathamiya performers have minimal education and are employed in low income jobs in the cities. Most groups are formed with 'homeboy networks'. Furthermore, performers, unlike their brothers in the city, cling tenaciously to usiko [custom and tradition]. Although they are Christians, they still worship Umvelinqangi [The One Who Came First], by giving oblations and other forms of offerings. Amadlozi [the ancestors] are still believed to be their mediators with God. Also commonplace in this category is the practice of ukuchatha, [cleansing the stomach with some prepared medicine]; and ukuphalaza [taking out bile by spewing, which is also done as a way of warding off evil spirits]. These are rural practices that have meaning in their present domiciles. The second area of similarity consists in the structure of the nocturnal gatherings that form the core of the ritual and performance practices among isicathamiya singers and Zionists. Thus, a core of the ritual of Zionists is umlindelo [night vigil] which takes place every weekend from about 8 at night until the following day. Likewise, isicathamiya performers have competitions every Saturday evening from 8 at night until about 11 am the following day. Although Zionists night vigils are liturgical and isicathamiya competitions secular, the structures of both isicathamiya choreography and Zionists body movements appear the same. These movements are both rooted in a variety of traditional styles called ingoma. Thirdly, the meanings attached to these symbolic correspondences must be looked for in the selective appropriation of practices and beliefs taken to be traditional. Using present day commentaries in song and movement, ingoma and other rural styles performed in competitions and Zionists night vigils reflect a reconstruction of the past. Isicathamiya performers and Zionists see themselves as custodians of Zulu tradition, keeping Zulu ethnicity alive in the urban environment. This is why in this study we are going to see rural styles like ingoma, isifekezeli [war drills], ukusina [solo dancing] that were performed on the fields, now performed, sort of feigned and 'held in' as they are p~rformed in dance halls with wooden stages.
3
Ntuli, Sihle Herbert. "The history of the Mthiyane people who were removed from Richards Bay to Ntambanana wendsday 6 January 1976." Thesis, University of Zululand, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10530/1310.
Full textAbstract:
Mini-thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the degree B.A. Honours in the History at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 1998.<br>This paper seeks specifically to analyse the history of the people who were forcibly removed from the present day Richards Bay (previously called Mhlathuze Lagoon.) to the arid land of Ntambanana. The Paper will concentrate on the experience endured by these people' during this unfortunate episode. The experience entailed difficulties, deaths, hunger, resistance and even in some cases willingness or happiness, homelessness etc. It is also interesting to indicate that the Group Areas Act, which strongly manifested itself through force removal was forcefully implemented in moving the original inhabitants of Richards Bay.
4
Ndlovu, Sanelisiwe Primrose. "A critical exploration of the ideas of person and community in traditional Zulu thought." University of the Western Cape, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/8346.
Full textAbstract:
Magister Artium - MA<br>The issue of personhood has long been of concern to many philosophers. The primary concern
has been about determining the necessary and sufficient conditions for an entity to be a person
at a particular point in time. The most common answer in Western terms is that to be a person
at a time is to have certain special mental properties such as psychological connectedness. On
the other hand, others argue that we can only ever understand the ascription of mental
characteristics as part of a necessarily joint set of physically instantiated properties. Most recent
contributions to the topic have however cast doubt on these earlier attempts to understand
personhood solely in terms of bodily and psychological features. Not only do they suggest a
model of personhood that is individualistic, they also fail to make reference to communal and
social elements. In particular, many non-Western, specifically African, cultures foreground
these communal and social aspects. This is true of the Akan, Yoruba and Igbo cultures. As
Kwasi Wiredu and Kwame Gyekye; Dismas Masolo; Segun Gbadegesin; and Ifeanyi Menkiti
have shown respectively. However, there is a lack of comparable philosophical inquiry in the
Southern African context. The primary aim of this study is to critically explore the
metaphysical, cultural, linguistic and normative resources of the Zulu people in understanding
what it means to be a person. The approach is predominantly conceptual and analytic, but it
also draws on some empirical data with a view to extending the results of the literature-based
study. Not only does this extend the field of cultural inquiry to personhood, it also opens up
new opportunities to tackle old problems in the debate, including the question of what should
be the proper relationship between the individual and the community. Specifically, I argue that
rather than focus attention on the priority of the individual or community in relation to each
other, consideration of the notion of personhood in Zulu culture reveals that notwithstanding
significant communal constraints forms of agency are available to individuals.
http://
5
Simelane, Antonio L. "The origin of the Mkhwanazi tribe under Mkhontokayise J. Mkhwanazi." Thesis, University of Zululand, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10530/1192.
Full textAbstract:
Submitted to the Faculty of Arts in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree B.A. Honours in the Department of History at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 1993.<br>The History of the Mkhwanazi tribe between the UMhIathuze and the
UMlalazi rivers in the east and west respectively and the Indian
Ocean and the Ongoye moun tains in the South and North is an off
shoot of the Mkhwanazi tribe of the chief Somkhele in the Hlabisa
district • Its history can be clearly' understood by first
looking at the history of the Mkhwanazi tribe in the Hlabisa district.
6
Ngubane, Mlungisi. "Sources of succession disputes in respect of ubukhosi / chieftainship with regard to the Cele and Amangwane chiefdoms, KwaZulu-Natal." Thesis, University of Zululand, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10530/436.
Full textAbstract:
Submitted to the Faculty of Arts in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Anthropology and Development Studies at the University of Zululand, 2005.<br>This dissertation seeks to take up the challenge of contributing to such an understanding of chieftainship by looking at the chieftainship succession disputes in the Cele clan of Phungashe and AmaNgwane clan of Bergville in the Province of KwaZulu -Natal, South Africa. The incorporation of indigenous political structures within the wider South African state has a long history, starting from the movements of people from one area to the other, the formation of smaller chiefdoms and bigger chiefdoms and to the rise of the Zulu kingdom. The entire process of Zulu state formation has been through a series of succession disputes which exist among many clans even nowadays.
Also, the role of successions runs from the arrangements of indirect rule at the latter part of the nineteen-century to the pivotal role played by traditional leaders in the homeland administration and after 1994, the recognition of the institution, status and role of traditional leadership in the country's first democratic constitution and the enactment of the Traditional Leadership and Governance Framework Act. No. 41 of 2003 which makes provision for the establishment of the Chieftainship Dispute Resolution Commission.
7
Wylie, Dan. "White writers and Shaka Zulu." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002276.
Full textAbstract:
The figure of Shaka (c. 1780-1828) looms massively in the historical and symbolic landscapes of Southern Africa. He has been unquestioningly credited, in varying degrees, with creating the Zulu nation, murderous bloodlust, and military genius, so launching waves of violence across the subcontinent (the "mfecane"). The empirical evidence for this is slight and controversial. More importantly, however, Shaka has attained a mythical reputation on which not only Zulu self-conceptions, but to a significant degree white settler self-identifications have been built. This study describes as comprehensively as possible the genealogy of white Shakan literature, including eyewitness accounts, histories, fictions and poetry. The study argues that the vast majority of these works are characterised by a high degree of incestuous borrowing from one another, and by processes of mythologising catering primarily to the social-psychological needs of the writers. So coherent is this genealogy that the formation of an idealised notion of settler identity can be discerned, especially through the common use of particular textual "gestures". At the same time, while conforming largely to unquestioning modes of discourse such as popularised history and romance fiction, individual writers have attempted to adjust to socio-political circumstances; this study includes four close studies of individual texts. Such close stylistic attention serves to underline the textually-constructed nature of both the figure of Shaka and the "selves" of the writers. The study makes no attempt to reduce its explorations to a single Grand Unified Explanation, and takes eclectic theoretical positions, but it does seek throughout to explore the social-psychological meanings of textual productions of Shaka - in short, to explore the question, Why have white writers written about Shaka in these particular ways?
8
Mthethwa, Absalom Muziwethu. "The history of abakwaMthethwa." Thesis, University of Zululand, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10530/1193.
Full textAbstract:
A research project submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for B.A. Honours degree in the Department of History at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 1995.<br>AbaKwaMthethwa form a very important component of the
Zulu nation as we know it today. They were in fact
the vanguards in the implementation of the idea of a
confederation of smaller states (clans) under one
supreme ruler or a king who become their overlord.
The history of abaKwaMthethwa is so wide that one
would need volumes to do justice to it. This project
is only going to deal with their movement from around
uBombo mountains round about AD 1500 to 1818 when
king Dingiswyo was assassinated by Zwide, inkosi of
the Ndwandwe people.
This project will furthermore concentrate on the life
of Dingiswayo from the time he escaped death from his
father. The project also seeks to examine the
controversy surrounding Dingiswayo's formative
journey. It is intended that Dingiswayo's influence
and his contribution socially, politically, military
and economically to the upliftment of the Mthethwa
confederacy will be examined. Finally mention will
be made of the royal imizi, some principal imizi not
necessarily royal ones, as well as religious imizi
that are to be found at KwaMthethwa.
9
Makhanya, Ntombizonke Eunice. "Ucwaningo olunzulu ngesibaya." Thesis, University of Zululand, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10530/1195.
Full textAbstract:
Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree B.A. Honours in the Department of African Languages at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 1997.<br>Lolu cwaningo luhlose ukuvusa ugqozi lokufuya kubantu.
Esikhathini eside abantu balahle amasiko abo , balibala amasiko
ezinye izizwe.
Lolu cwaningo luhlose ukuqwashisa iSintu ukuthi, yize
sesingasazi ukuthi kumele sibhekephi, nokho lisekhona ithemba
nekhambi elingenziwa. Uma nje besingaba nesineke, sivume
ukuqalaza emuva, nokho bezingabuya emasisweni .
Lolu cwaningo luzoveza ngokusobala bha ukuthi kwakukhonjwa
ngophakathi kwelokhokho. Kuzovela yonke in::okozo yasekhaya
ngaphandle kokuwa uvuka , uqhathanisa onsumbulwana. Ingani
phela uphokophele ukuthola ukudla okwakha umzimba, njengobisi ,
amasi nokunye.
Lolu cwa.'1ingo luzoveza ukubambisana komndeni ekumiseni insika
yawo isibaya.
Lolu cwaningo luzoveza isidingo sesibaya emzini womnumzane .
10
Friedson, Steven M. "The dancing prophets of Malawi : music and healing among the Tumbuka /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/11238.
Full textBooks on the topic "Zulu (African people) – Music"
1
Sound of Africa!: Making music Zulu in a South African studio. Duke University Press, 2003.
Find full text
2
Nightsong: Performance, power, and practice in South Africa. University of Chicago Press, 1996.
Find full text
3
Erlmann, Veit. The early social history of Zulu migrant workers' choral music in South Africa. Das Arabische Buch, 1990.
Find full text
4
Southern African Music Rights Organisation. Princess Magogo: A portrait. Southern African Music Rights Organisation, 2003.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Zulu (African people) – Music"
1
Okigbo, Austin C. "Music and the Politics of Culture in a South African Zulu HIV/AIDS Experience: Implications for “Post-Apartheid” Discourse." In Contemporary Africa. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137444134_8.
Full text
2
Sanders, Mark. "Ipi Tombi." In Learning Zulu. Princeton University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691167565.003.0004.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter examines the historical significance of Ipi Tombi, a 1974 musical by South African writers Bertha Egnos and her daughter Gail Lakier, and describes it as an episode in the secret history of learning Zulu. Ipi Tombi was produced with the collaboration of black people, contains African music and dance, and was enthusiastically consumed by black audiences. After opening in Johannesburg in March 1974, where it ran for several years at the Brooke Theater, Ipi Tombi toured in various cities worldwide, including New York where it sparked protests from groups who accused the show of being a propaganda ploy by the South African government. The chapter also considers the legend of Johnny Clegg, a pop singer who blended rock with elements of Zulu music and performance, and concludes with a discussion of the meaning of the phrase “Ipi Tombi” as “Where are the girls?”.
3
Sacré, Robert. "Black Music USA: From African to African American Music." In Charley Patton. University Press of Mississippi, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496816139.003.0001.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter discusses the history of African American Music. Many of the roots of black American music lie in Africa more than four hundred years ago at the start of the slave trade. It is essential to realize that the importance given to music and dance in Africa was reflected among black people in America in the songs they sang, in their dancing, and at their folk gatherings. As such, every aspect of jazz, blues, and gospel music is African to some degree. Work songs and the related prison songs are precursors of the blues. One can assume that primitive forms of pre-blues appeared around 1885, mostly in the Deep South and predominantly in the state of Mississippi. However, it was several more years before the famous AAB twelve-bar structure appeared, and when it did, one of its leading practitioners was Charley Patton.
4
Summit, Jeffrey A. "Music and the Construction of Identity among the Abayudaya (Jewish People) of Uganda." In The Garland Handbook of African Music. Routledge, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203927878-28.
Full text
5
Cataliotti, Robert H. "“Not Many People Ever Really Hear it”: Richard Wright, Ann Petry & James Baldwin." In The Music in African American Fiction. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429423864-8.
Full text
6
Cataliotti, Robert H. "“There Must Be Some People Who Lived for Music”: Margaret Walker & William Melvin Kelley." In The Music in African American Fiction. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429423864-11.
Full text
7
Makhado, Mashudu Peter, and Tshifhiwa Rachel Tshisikhawe. "How Apartheid Education Encouraged and Reinforced Tribalism and Xenophobia in South Africa." In Advances in Religious and Cultural Studies. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-7099-9.ch008.
Full textAbstract:
Apartheid like colonialism was anchored on the divisions of African people according to ethnic and tribal orientations among others. The idea of the South African apartheid government was to build tribal exceptionalism and superiority which would make one tribe feel more superior than the other. A Zulu would feel better human than a Sotho, while a Venda would feel the same over a Tsonga, for example. This is a qualitative desktop study investigating how apartheid education was used to fuel tribalism and xenophobia in South Africa.
8
Barron, Charrise. "Between Free Grace and Liberty." In Theology, Music, and Modernity. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198846550.003.0012.
Full textAbstract:
African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Bishop Richard Allen’s hymnody, when coupled with his anti-racist activism and his encouragement of communal music-making in worship, evoked eschatological freedom from sin and called for socio-political freedom for people of African descent in the years following the founding of the United States of America. To fully comprehend Allen’s hymnody, one should consider the urgency he bore for freedom and justice for black people in America. Allen (1760–1831) first published a hymnal in 1801, followed by a revised edition in the same year; the included hymns articulate his belief that people could receive individual freedom from both sin and God’s wrath at the final judgement. Allen held to the evangelical hope of Christ’s return which would inaugurate the emancipation of all enslaved people; likewise, eschatological justice must include freedom from political bondage for people of African descent in America. While holding the expectation of eschatological freedom and justice, he adamantly pursued this political freedom during his lifetime, as evidenced in his theo-political writings against slavery and other forms of racial injustice. Consequently, While the lyrics in his 1801 hymnbooks do not explicitly speak against contemporaneous racial injustice, Allen’s life’s work and prose suggest that this is an integral part of the context for Allen’s compilation of eschatological hymnody.
9
"Singing for Change: Music as a Means of Political Expression for Young People in Sierra Leone and Liberia." In Travelling Models in African Conflict Management. BRILL, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004274099_009.
Full text
10
Walker, Iain. "The Comorian People." In Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190071301.003.0008.
Full textAbstract:
The final chapter looks more closely at the islands’ people: their matrilineal kinship systems, age systems, associated rituals and powerful forces for social cohesion. It surveys their material culture, clothing, music and food, and explores the different types of social and ethnic identities that Comorians might invoke, particularly the hierarchies that continue to distinguish the noble born, those of Arab ancestry, and the descendants of slaves, the African, particularly on Ndzuani. On Mayotte, now firmly part of France, different identities are at play. The importance of the Comorian diaspora is explained, whether in Zanzibar, Madagascar or in France, and their contribution, particularly in terms of remittances, to local economic development. This chapter ends with some reflections on the future of the archipelago – both the independent state and French Mayotte.
Conference papers on the topic "Zulu (African people) – Music"
1
Paulo, Avner, Carlos Eduardo Oliveira De Souza, Bruna Guimarães Lima e Silva, Flávio Luiz Schiavoni, and Adilson Siqueira. "Black Lives Matter." In Simpósio Brasileiro de Computação Musical. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação - SBC, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/sbcm.2019.10459.
Full textAbstract:
The Brazilian police killed 16 people per day in 2017 and 3/4 of the victims were black people. Recently, a Brazilian called Evaldo Rosa dos Santos, father, worker, musician, and black, was killed in Rio de Janeiro with 80 rifle bullets shot by the police. Everyday, the statistics and the news show that the police uses more force when dealing with black people and it seems obvious that, in Brazil, the state bullet uses to find a black skin to rest. Unfortunately, the brutal force and violence by the state and the police to black people is not a problem only in this country. It is a global reality that led to the creation of an international movement called Black Lives Matter (BLM), a movement against all types of racism towards the black people specially by the police and the state. The BLM movement also aims to connect black people of the entire world against the violence and for justice. In our work, we try to establish a link between the reality of black people in Brazil with the culture of black people around the world, connecting people and artists to perform a tribute to the black lives harved by the state force. For this, the piece uses web content, news, pictures, YouTube’s videos, and more, to create a collage of visual and musical environment merged with expressive movements of a dance, combining technology and gestures. Black culture beyond violence because we believe that black lives matter. such as the Ku Klux Klan, which bring the black population of the world into concern for possible setbacks in their rights. In Brazil, it is not different. Brazil is the non African country with the biggest afro descendant population in the world and one of the last country in the world to abolish slavery. Nowadays, a black person is 3 times more propense to be killed and most part of the murders in the country happened to afro Brazilians. Marielle Franco, a black city councillor from Rio, the only black female representative and one of seven women on the 51-seat council was killed in 2018. The killers were two former policeman. According to Human Rights Watch, the police force in the state of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, killed more than 8,000 people between 2005 and 2015, 3/4 of them were black men. At the same time, the African culture strongly influenced the Brazilian culture and most part of the traditional Brazilian music and rhythms can be considered black music.