Academic literature on the topic 'Zulu culture'

The Zulu kingdom holds a special place in both popular culture and historical scholarship. Zulu—a famous name, easy to spell and pronounce—is as recognizably American as gangster rap. The website of the “Universal Zulu Nation” (www.hiphopcity.com/zulu_nation/) explains that as “strong believers in the culture of hiphop, we as Zulus … will strive to do our best to uplift ourselves first, then show others how to uplift themselves mentally, spiritually, physically, economically and socially.” The Zulu Nation lists chapters in New York, Philadelphia, Chicago, Washington, Miami, Virginia Beach, Los Angeles, Detroit, New Haven, Hartford, New Jersey, and Texas. Mardi Gras in New Orleans has featured a “Zulu Parade” since 1916. The United States Navy underscores its independence from Britain by using “Zulu time” instead of Greenwich Mean Time. Not to be outdone, the Russian Navy built “Zulu Class” submarines in the 1950s and Britain's Royal Navy built a “Tribal Class Destroyer,” HMS Zulu. The common factor linking black pride, Africa, and prowess in war is the Zulu kingdom, a southeast African state that first attained international fame in the 1820s under the conqueror Shaka, “the black Napoleon.” His genius is credited with innovations that reshaped the history of his region. “Rapidly expanding his empire, Shaka conquered all, becoming the undisputed ruler of the peoples between the Pongola and Tugela Rivers … In hand-to-hand combat the short stabbing spear introduced by Shaka, made the Zulus unbeatable.” In South Africa Shaka's fame continues to outshine all other historical figures, including Cecil Rhodes and Paul Kruger. A major theme park, “Shakaland,” commemorates his life and Zulu culture. A plan was unveiled in 1998 to erect a twenty-story high statue of the Zulu king in Durban Harbor that would surpass the ancient Colossus of Rhodes.

AbstractIn this paper, ancient Greek and Zulu sacrificial ritual are compared in order to test the validity of Burkert's hypothesis about the origins and function of sacrifice. Similarities and differences between the two ritual systems are analysed. The Zulus do not clearly differentiate between Olympian and chthonic deities and sacrifices and seem to sacrifice exclusively to or for the shades or ancestors. The absence of a fully-developed ancestor cult in ancient Greek religion (the cult of heroes and the cult of the dead bear some resemblance to one) seems to reflect the nature of a pólis culture which cuts across the boundaries of tribes and phratries: no such culture is evident amongst the Zulus and ancestor cult thus reflects the lineage and kinship system characterising Zulu life. Burkert believes that sacrifice has its origins in the ritualisation of the palaeolithic hunt. Crucial aspects of the theory do not seem to be validated by Zulu thought-patterns: e.g. there is little or no trace of guilt or anxiety at ritual killings, a guilt which might be expected from a people deeply attached to their animals, often personified in praises addressed to them. Following G.S. Kirk, this paper attempts to illustrate that composite accounts of both ancient Greek and Zulu sacrifice acquire misleading emotional resonances which individual sacrifices might not have. This comparative study does not disprove Burkert's theory, but attempts to demonstrate that explanations offered in terms of origins or formative antecedents are fraught with speculative problems and throw no light on the motivation for sacrifice.

Through translation the target reader is exposed to other cultures. Translators, therefore, have to use the target language to convey the source text message to the target reader. There are various choices at their disposal as to how they wish to convey the source text message. They may choose to adopt the norms and conventions of the source text message, and therefore those of the source language and culture, or choose those of the target language. Commonly, adherence to the target language norms and conventions leads to a strategy in which the foreignness of both linguistic and cultural conventions is reduced. According to Venuti (1995) this is domestication. Since translations are rarely equivalent to the original, this article seeks to examine how Makhambeni uses Venuti‟s domestication as a translation strategy, with the purpose of rewriting the original to conform to functions instituted by the receiving system. The descriptive approach to translation, which advances the notion that translations are facts of the target culture, will be used to support the arguments presented in this article. It will be shown that, although Achebe has used a lot of Igbo expressions and cultural practices in his novel, Makhambeni has not translated any of the Igbo expressions and cultural practices into Zulu. Instead Makhambeni used Zulu linguistic and cultural expressions such as similes, metaphors, idioms, proverbs and of cultural substitutions to bring the Igbo culture closer to her audience. It will be concluded that through the use Zulu linguistic and cultural conventions Makhambeni has effectively minimised foreign culture and narrowed the gap between the foreign and target cultures. She has successfully naturalised the Igbo culture to make it conform more to what the Zulu reader is used to.

Breast cancer is an incapacitating physical illness. It was once reported predominantly by patients in developed countries. With the advent of globalization, it is increasingly becoming a major health concern in developing countries such as South Africa. Breast cancer researchers have continuously advocated for original studies that address this condition from a sociocultural perspective. Consequently, in this article I examine the perceptions of breast cancer patients from underprivileged parts of Kwa Zulu Natal (KZN). Thirty semi-structured interviews were conducted with Zulu women at a tertiary hospital in the region. A culture-centered approach was utilized to gauge their perceptions of life as breast cancer patients within the conservative Zulu community. The findings revealed that this ailment is generally misunderstood, which has adverse implications for the patients. Furthermore, there is a dire need for breast cancer communication interventions that can acquaint the Zulu community with this condition.

<div>In this article my primary aim is to argue for an ontological and phenomenological approach to studying healing rituals within the African Independent Churches in South Africa. Through ethnographic evidence I will argue that the healing rituals are misrepresented in more traditional epistemologically tuned studies, and suggest that a better understanding is to be achieved through a focus on Latour’s ‘natures-cultures’ or Haraway’s ‘naturecultures’, thus showing how health and well-being are achieved through a creative process which continuously strive to break down any distinction of nature and culture as separate entities. I conclude by arguing that the contemporary healing rituals, which surfaced in South Africa in the mid eighteen-seventies, were a sensible and experience based reactions to the colonial contact zones of a racist Colonial regime dependent on African labor.</div>

On a Saturday night of January 1930 several thousand African men clad in loin cloths and the calico uniforms of domestic servants thronged a concert in the Workers' Hall of the Durban branch of the Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union (ICU) in Prince Edward Street. To the pounding sounds of hundreds of sticks, successive teams of dancers, some of them trained by Union officials from the rural hinterland, rushed to the stage performing the virile, stamping ingoma dance. The Zulu term ingoma (lit. ‘song’) covers a broad range of male group dances like isikhuze, isicathulo, ukukomika, isiZulu, isiBhaca, umzansi and isishameni. The kinesic patterns of ingoma are inseparably linked to choral songs in call-and-response structure and, as such, constitute a complex statement of the unity of dance and song in Zulu performance culture. The peak of Zulu-speaking migrants' dance culture, ingoma evolved out of the profound transformation of traditional rural Zulu culture through impoverishment, dispossession and labour migration around the first World War. But on that night of January 1930, at the climax of the spectacle, the ingoma dancers struck a particularly defiant note:Who has taken our country from us?Who has taken it?Come out! Let us fight!The land was ours. Now it is taken.We have no more freedom left in it.Come out and fight!The land is ours, now it is taken.Fight! Fight!Shame on the man who is burnt in his hut!Come out and fight! (Perham 1974, p. 196

As missionaries from New England made initial forays into Zululand and Natal in the 1830s, the Zulu people were in a state of considerable stress. Dingan had come to power in 1828 after participating in the assassination of his brother Shaka, the notorious warrior king whose conquests after 1816 brought people from dozens of clans and chieftanships into a Zulu state. Ecological crises caused by drought and competition for scarce resources contributed to Shaka's ability to exert unprecedented authority, as did the predatory incursions of European traders seeking ivory, skins, and slaves in various parts of southeast Africa. Expanding on a tradition of religious initiation and military ranking known as ambutho, Shaka crated a system of loyalty to the state that built on but also compromised the loyalties to particular clans commanded by lesser chiefs.

Submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Department of African Languages at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 2012.
Lona ngumsebenzi wocwaningo oluhlelwe ngokwezahluko eziyisihlanu. Ucwaningo olwenzelwe kulo msebenzi lumayelana nokubaluleka kwelobolo njengesiko lamaZulu. Isahluko sokuqala sethula ucwaningo jikelele ngokucwaningisisa izinjongo zocwaningo, intshisekelo yocwaningo, indlela yokuqhuba ucwaningo, imidiyo yocwaningo, abazohlomula kulolu cwaningo kanye nezingqinamba ucwaningo olungahle luhlangabezane nazo. Isahluko sesibili sethula ngokugcwele ukubaluleka kwesiko lokulobola, kwethulwa imibono yongoti abehlukene ngaleli siko nokubaluleka kwalo. Kubuye kwethulwa ngokuqhathanisa isiko lokulobola emandulo kanye nasesikhathini samanje. Kubuye kwabhekwa ngokujulile ukuthi ubani olobolayo nokuthi umuntu onjani olotsholwayo. Kuso lesi sahluko kubuye kwabhekwa ukuthi amanye ama-Afrika wona analo yini leli siko kanye nezizwe zaphesheya kwezilwandle. Isahluko sesithathu sethula imithetho yokuqhuba isiko lokulobola nezindlela okumele zilandelwe kuleli siko. Kuqalwe ngokuba kuchazwe ngokugcwele ukuthi kulotsholwa ngani. Kubuye kwavezwa ukuthi kulotsholwa kanjani. Zonke izinto eziphathelene nokulobola zichazwe ngokugcwele. Ngasekugcineni kwesahluko kuveziwe ukuthi umuntu ulotsholwa kangaki? Kuphi? Izithombe nazo ziveziwe ukucacisa ezinye izinto. Isahluko sesine sethula amanye amasiko ancikene nesiko lokulobola nezinto ezingaba nomthelela ongemuhle ongagcina ulifiphazile leli siko. Athintwe onke amasiko ancikene nesiko lokulobola. Ziveziwe nezinto eziyimikhuba uma kuqhutshwa leli siko. Ziveziwe izinto ezingalikhuthaza nalezo ezingalifiphaza leli siko. Isahluko sesihlanu simayelana nokuhlaziya nokuphothulwa kocwaningo. Siphethe izincomo nokusonga jikelele kocwaningo. Lesi sahluko sibophe saqinisa onke amafindo abesele elenga ocwaningweni sawabopha athula du.

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of African Language at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 2009.
Lolu cwaningo luyimizamo nemvuselelo yamasiko okusingatha abantwana besuka ebeleni baze babe badala. Kunezigaba eziningana umntwana edlula kuzo kulolu khalo lokukhula oluphikelele ebudaleni. Namuhla kunezinkinga ezitholakalayo lapho abazali bekhulisa abantwana babo. Izinkinga ezibangwa ukunyonkela isikomqondo laseNtshonalanga. AbaseNtshonalanga abakhombisi nhlanganyelo uma bekhulisa abantwana babo. AmaZulu wona athi umntwana owesizwe, okaBayede Ongangezwe lakhe, iNgonyama. Abantwana bamaZulu bakhuliswa ngenhlanganyelo kusukela konina, kubazanyana kuze kuyofika emaqhikizeni uma kanti umntwana uyintombazane. Abafana bona bakhulela esizikithini sabanewabo okuyibona beqondisa indlela yabo ezinkomeni. Umcwaningi uthi uZulu ake awaphonse emuva abone ukuthi babekhuliswa, besingathwa kanjani abantwana kwelasendulo. Isahluko sokuqala sigxile ezinhlosweni kanye nenkuthazo efikele umcwaningi ngenkathi ebona umonakalo nencithakalo isizwe esesiphila kuyo. Ucwaninge ngalesi sihloko egcizelela amasiko ayegcinelwa abantwana ngezikhathi ezithile zokukhula. Kulesi sahluko kubukwe nendlela okuzoqhutshwa ngayo ucwaningo. Kuyokwenziwa njani ukuze lolu cwaningo lube yimpumelelo. Lapha kubuye kwabhekwa izikhali eziyosetshenziswa ukuyifezekisa inhloso yocwaningo. Kuzothi kanti kubuzwa kubantu bangakhohlakali ongoti, omakadebona. Banolwazi oseluhloliwe lwathenjwa yisizwe. Isahluko sesibili kubhekwa umuzi wesiZulu njengekhaya akhulela kulo umntwana. Ikhaya ngokwalo lingumqeqeshi isibili. Abantwana bafunda ekhaya ukuhlonipha abanye kanye nabadala. Uhlonze lwekhaya lubonakala kumntwana okhuliswe yilo. Asifiki isikhathi lapho abantu bethi: “Lokhu kwakhulela esimpontshini njengephela.” Kulesi sahluko kubhekwa izindlu nokubaluleka kwazo. Kubhekwa uthango, isibaya nemithetho yokusingatha lezi zakhiwo. Kusekhaya lapho abantwana befundiswa ngezimakade ezinjengoMvelinqangi noNomkhubulwana. Kulesi sahluko abantwana bafundiswa ngenhlonipho yempahla, izinkomo nezimbuzi. Bafundiswa ngobungcwele bobisi nokuphathwa kwalo. Imfundiso ihamba ize iyofika ebulongweni imbala. Nabo buphathwa ngenhlonipho njengobisi. Kulesi sahluko kubukwa ukuphathwa kwamanzi phakathi komuzi wesiZulu. Abantwana bafundiswa ukungahambi ebusuku funa badibane nemimoya efuqayo. Abantwana bafundiswa inhlonipho yokungabizi amagama abantu abadala. Bafunda nokuthakazela okusigcwalisa nswi isiZulu. Isahluko sesithathu sigxile endlini kagogo njengesizinda okhalweni lokukhaliphisa abantwana. Kukule ndlu lapho abantwana beqoqana khona ngezintambama bezofunda ubuchwepheshe kuninakhulu. Yiyo le ndlu eyisizinda sezinganekwane, iziphicaphicwano, imidlalo yokufunda ukubala izinyoni. Kukuyo le ndlu lapha abantwana befundiswa khona imilolozelo yokuthulisa abantwana. Abantwana bafundiswa ngabathakathi nemikhovu. Isahluko sesine sibheka imidlalo yabantwana njengesu lokubakhulisa. Kunezinhlobo eziningi zemidlalo ekhulisa imiqondo yabantwana. Kulesi sahluko kubalwa okhelekhele, ukubala izinyoni njengomdlalo. Ukudla iphaphu kungumdlalo omkhulu wabafana ekwaluseni. Abantwana bafundisana ukuzingela amabuzi neminye imidlalo. Isahluko sesihlanu silandela abafana ekwaluseni nalapho behlangana nezinyoni. Abafana bafunda ngezinyoni ezingadliwa nezidliwayo. Kufundwa ngomthelela wezinyoni esintwini. Ezinye zingabahlonzi bezikhathi, zibikezela ihlobo. Zivusa omame ukuba batshathe amakhuba bayolima. Kubukwa nendlela ezizalela ngayo. Lezo zinyoni ziwondla ngani amaphuphu azo. Ezinye izinyoni ziphila ngokusizana ekufukameleni amaqanda nasekondleni amaphuphu. Kukhona ezinye izinyoni ezidla ezinye. Ezinye zilusizo, zilayela abafana izinyosi. Kunezisho nezaga zesiZulu ezisuselwa ezinyonini. Isahluko sesithupha siyingqikithi yalolu cwaningo. Kubukwa abantwana bengena ezigabeni ezehlukene, bengena ngemigidi nangamasiko. Kulesi sahluko kubalwa ukuklekla namasiko okukusingatha. Kulesi sahluko kukhulunywa ngesiko lokusukula. Lisingathwa kanjani leli siko. Abantwana balandelwa base bakhule, amantombazane vi aphuke. Uma intombazane yephukile, isingathwa kanjani imicimbi yalokho kwephuka. Uma umfana eshaywe izibuko, kwenziwa njani ukusingatha leyo micimbi. Isahluko sesikhombisa kubukwa abantwana baze bakhule. Uma sebekulesi sigaba babe sebexibulana beshelana belungisela ukuganana. Kukhulunywa ngamacece ahlanganisa abasha. Abantwana bakhula phansi kweso elibukhali lamaqhikiza uma bengamantombazane. Bakhula phansi kweso elibukhali labanewabo uma bengabafana. Abantwana bafundiswa indlela yokuziphatha uma benosofasilahlane babo. Isahluko sesishiyagalombili siveza isihlaziyo lapho kuhlaziywa khona ucwaningo. Kuvezwa nezincomo ezingalandelwa ukuvula amehlo omphakathi ukuze usizakale ezinkingeni zawo. Izincomo zikhuthaza kakhulu umuzi oNsundu ukuba unamathele emagugwini awo okuyindlela amasiko nenkolo yoMdabu ukuze kuthi noma beqhuba ngendlela yesilungu kodwa bangakulahli okwakubo okuyindlela yawokhokho babo. Kulesi sahluko kubesekuboshwa onke amafindo abengakaboshwa. Aboshwa aqiniswe kube isiphethiwe-ke imbenge.

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of African Languages at the University Of Zululand, South Africa, 2014
This research investigates the importance of Zulu culture, with special emphasis on umsamo and isibaya. This research looks at the role played by umsamo and isibaya when amaZulu perform their culture. This research attempts to find out the sanctity of umsamo to the Zulu nation. It also gives an explanation of what umsamo is to those who might not understand it, so that they can understand it. The research also reveals when umsamo is used, who has the right or responsibility to address umsamo and also what is taken to umsamo when addressing it. Furthermore, the research shows the relationship between umsamo and isibaya, since both these places and areas are the abode of the ancestors. Just like umsamo, isibaya’s importance as well as the work or functions conducted there are revealed by this research. This research is divided into five chapters. Chapter one is the introduction where we look at the problem leading to the research, the aims of the research, the motivation for the research, the method of conducting the research and the beneficiaries of the research. Chapter two looks at the different forms of data collection then finally select those forms to be used to conduct the research. Chapter three looks at all the data that has ever been collected on umsamo and isibaya. The section also shows different ideas by different writers and well-experienced researchers who have done research on this subject. The researcher analyses other researcher’s ideas to find out their similarities and differences. Chapter four shows the ideas from people residing in Mandeni who are knowledgeable about Zulu culture. These people were born and bred in Mandeni and are relied upon or trusted on their knowledge of Zulu culture. This section also touches on the information of newspapers especially Isolezwe, Ilanga neLanga LangeSonto since they have columns vii dedicated to investigating and explaining Zulu culture. In these columns different Zulu culture intellectuals are used. Chapter five gives an overall summary of the research, recommendations and conclusion.

A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of African Languages at the University Of Zululand, 2017
The research is basically looking at respect and culture as building blocks of the Zulu nation. The main focus is on the impact of the historical and contemporary socio-cultural practices. Chapter one is the introduction of the research topic where the following sub-topics form part of the research proposal: background to the study, the problem statement, the purpose of the study, delimitation of the study, the study methodology, beneficiaries of the study, division of the chapters and the conclusion. Chapter two deals with formations and transformations in nation building by looking at beliefs, indigenous knowledge systems, mythology, culture and history. Chapter three is based on Whites supremacism and its influence on social , political, historical and industrial patterns. Whites came with systems aimed at controlling the psychological reactions of Africans and conditioning them to think of their culture as inferior and inadequate to deal with challenges that face them. Chapter four is looking at home as the point of departure for all socio-cultural activities. Family is home based and a key for social unit. Home is viewed as the source of primary education where respect is learned. Chapter five is based on the promotion, consolidation, development and valuing of cultural heritage, norms and values by utilization of available resources in order to restore culture of respect. Chapter six deals with the challenges facing the culture of respect which derive from misinterpretation of human rights acts, high level of crime, the abuse of drugs and alcohol, imperial ideologies, urbanization, western culture and civilization. Chapter seven covers the findings of research, recommendations of the research and the conclusion of the research.

Virginity Testing, a traditional Zulu pre-nuptial custom that determines the worth of a bride, has been resurrected in communities in KwaZulu-Natal in South Africa as a response to the HIV/AIDS epidemic. The practice takes place during large community festivals when young girls have their genitals physically examined to determine whether they are virgins and results are made public. Supporters of the tradition claim that in fostering a value of chastity among its youth, it encourages abstinence from sexual intercourse which leads to a lower HIV infection rate and prevents the disease from spreading. Human rights activists disagree; Rather than slowing the spread of a disease, they argue, the practice instead endangers girls. Those who fail are often shunned and turn to prostitution, while those who pass may be exposed as potential targets for rape (due to a myth that says intercourse with a virgin cures HIV/AIDS). Despite a ban on the practice in 2005, the testing festivals continue, and are described by supporters as an important part of the preservation of Zulu culture. This thesis examines the ways in which human rights may be re-negotiated for young girls in Zulu communities while maintaining a respect for local culture. It moves beyond the traditional debate between relativism and universalism in order to propose solutions to rights violations in culturally diverse contexts by exploring ideas of inclusive human rights and capabilities theories.

Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for B.A. Honours degree in the Department of African Languages at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 1997.
Zonke izizwe zoMdabu lapha e-Afrika zinenkolo yazo Le nkolo ihambisana nemikhuba ethize. Inkolo yalezi zizwe isemthanjeni yempilo yabantu bakhona kangangoba akulula ukuhlukanisa usikompilo nenkolo yesizwe soMdabu. Imvamisa akekho umqambi walezi nkolo yize bekhona abaqambi bezizwe ezithile. Izizwe ziqiniseka ukuthi 1e nkolo zadatshu1wa nayo nguMdali. NamaZulu nawo anenkolo yawo ayilandelayo, yize-ke isithe ukudungeka idungwa impucuko yaseNtshonalanga ihambisana nenkolo yobuKrestu.

99 leaves printed on single pages, preliminary pages and numberd pages 1-87. Includes bibliography. Digitized at 600 dpi grayscale to pdf format (OCR), using a Bizhub 250 Konica Minolta Scanner.
Thesis (MPhil (Philosophy))--University of Stellenbosch, 2000.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Death is a universal phenomenon and each culture develops its own ways of coping with it. The reaction of people to death also involves a complex network of relationships. To appreciate their responses to this phenomenon requires an understanding of the socio-cultural context in which these responses occur because they influence the individual's responses to issues of life and death. In the African context and indeed in the Zulu culture, death is a continuation of life in the world hereafter. The deceased renews his relationship with his ancestral relatives. Various rites and ceremonies are performed to mark his reunion with his ancestral relatives. For the living, the rites and ceremonies mark a passage from one phase of life to another requiring some readjustment. The belief in the existence of life after death also affects the nature of these rites and ceremonies, the social definition of bereavement and the condition of human hope. The belief in the existence of the ancestors forms an integral part African religion and its importance cannot be over-estimated. This belief flows from the strong belief in the continuation of life after death, and the influence the deceased have on the lives of their living relatives. The contact between the living and the living dead is established and maintained by making offerings and sacrifices to the ancestors. The ancestors, therefore, become intermediaries with God at the apex and man at the bottom of the hierarchical structure. However, for the non-African, the relationship seems to indicate the non-existence of God and the worshipping of the ancestors. Women play a pivotal role in issues of life and death, because African people recognize their dependence and the procreative abilities of women to reconstitute and to extend the family affected by the death of one of its members.Social change and Westernisation have affected the way the African people view death. Social changes have been tacked onto tradition. A contemporary trend is to observe the traditional and Christian rites when death has occurred. The deceased is then buried in accordance with Christian, as well as traditional rites. The belief in the survival of some element of human personality is a matter of belief and faith. It lessens the pain and sorrow that is felt upon the death of a loved one by giving the believer hope that one day he will be reunited with his loved one and thereby easing the fear and anxiety of death. Thus, the purpose of this investigation is to critically analyse the African perception of death and its implications with special reference to the Zulu people. The objective is to expose the complexities, diversities and the symbolism of death. The essence is to demystify the African perception of death and to indicate that the perception of death is not necessarily unique to African people in general and to the Zulu people in particular. Other groups like Christians have perceptions of death particularly with regard to the world hereafter. The aim of the investigation of the topic is to reveal some of the underlying cultural beliefs in death, enhance those beliefs that are beneficial to society and discard those that are anachronistic. Since culture is dynamic, not everything about African tradition will be transmitted to the future generation; there is bound to be cultural exchange.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die dood is 'n universele fenomeen en elke kultuur ontwikkel sy eie manier om daarmee om te gaan. Mense se reaksie op die dood geskied binne 'n komplekse netwerk van verhoudinge. Om mense se reaksie op hierdie fenomeen te begryp, is 'n verstaan van die sosio-kulturele konteks nodig waarin hierdie reaksies plaasvind, aangesien dit die individu se reaksie op lewe en dood beinvloed. In die Afrika-konteks en ook in die Zulu-kultuur word die dood beskou as die kontinuasie van lewe in die hiermamaals. Die oorledene hernu sy verhouding met sy voorouers. Verskeie rituele en seremonies vind plaas om hierdie gebeurtenis te identifiseer. Vir die oorlewendes is die rituele en seremonies die oorgang van een lewensfase na 'n ander en vereis dus 'n mate van aanpassing. Die geloof in die lewe na die dood beinvloed die aard van hierdie rituele en seremonies, die sosiale defenisie van rou en die toestand van menslike hoop. Die geloof in die bestaan van die voorvaders vorm 'n integrale deel van Afrika-religie en die belangrikheid daarvan kan nie oorskat word nie. Die geloof vloei voort uit die sterk geloof in die hiermamaals en die geloof aan die invloed wat oorledenes op hulle lewende nasate het. Die kontak tussen die lewendes en die lewende oorledenes word daargestel en onderhou deur offerandes aan die voorvaders. Die voorvaders word dus gesien as intermediere skakel in 'n hierargie met God aan die bokant en die mens aan die onderkant. Maar, vir nie-Afrikane, dui hierdie struktuur op die nie-bestaan van God en die aanbidding van die voorvaders. Vroue speel 'n deurslaggewende rol in kwessies van lewe en dood aangeslen Afrikane hul afhanklikheid besef van vroue se voortplantingsbekwaamhede om die famile wat deur die dood geaffekteer is te herkonstitueer en te vergroot. Sosiale veranderinge en verwestering affekteer Afrikane se houding teenoor die dood. Sosiale veranderinge is bo-oor tradisie geplaas. 'n Hedendaagse neiging is om Christelike sowel as tradisionele rituele na te volg na 'n sterfte. Die oorledene word begrawe in ooreenstemming met sowel tradisionele as Christelike praktyke. Die geloof in die oorlewing van elemente van die menslike persoon is 'n kwessie van geloof. Dit verminder die pyn en lyding na die afsterwe van 'n geliefde deur aan die gelowige oorlewende die hoop van 'n herontmoeting te bied - en verminder dus die vrees en angs wat met die dood gepaard gaan. Dus is die doel van hierdie ondersoek om 'n kritiese analise te maak van die Afrika-siening van die dood en die implikasies daarvan, met spesiale verwysing na die Zulu-nasie. Daar word probeer om die kompleksiteite, verskeidenhede en simbolisme van die dood aan te toon. Die essensie hiervan is om die Afrika-houding teenoor die dood te de-mistifiseer en te wys dat die siening van die dood nie noodwendig uniek van Afrikane in die algemeen en spesifiek van die Zoeloes is nie. Ander groepe soos Christene het beskouinge oor die dood met spesifieke verwysing na die hiernamaals. Die doel van die ondersoek is om sekere onderliggende kulturele oortuiginge aangaande die dood te onthul, om die beskouinge wat voordelig is, te versterk en om die anachronistiese beskouinge aan die kaak te stel en so te diskrediteer. Aangesien kultuur dinamies is, sal nie alles wat betref die Afrika-tradisie oorgedra word aan toekomstige generasies nie; daar sal noodwendig kulturele interaksie wees.

Thesis (MTech (Design))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2012.
Judging from the market growth of African-style designs, including beadwork, it is clear that beadwork continues to recur in contemporary fashion, both locally and internationally. This thesis addresses the role traditional South African beadwork plays in contemporary fashion, in an attempt to determine its impact on fashion trends over time. It explores the history of beadwork in South Africa: its development from the pre-colonial era, under colonial rule, and during apartheid. The beadwork of the Ndebele, Zulu and Xhosa are looked at specifically, since beadwork forms a vibrant part of their cultures. The research examines the history of South African beads, as far back as 75 000 years ago, when beads were first made, used and traded. This research is underpinned by the way in which beads contribute to a cultural identity in society. The research considers how South Africa's colonial and apartheid past inhibited the development of beadwork in South African fashion. This thesis describes the process and dynamics of traditional beadwork in contemporary fashion; the way in which beadwork has been infused into fashion; and the reasons for these trends. It also investigates the way in which African designs, patterns, colours and techniques began to playa role in negotiating fashion designers' identities during the African renaissance and at present. This is a qualitative study that through in-depth interviews, analyses the relationship and balance between beadwork and fashion trends. Lastly, the research indicates whether South African fashion consciously affirms beadwork and beading techniques in contemporary fashion design.

This chapter examines how the trial of Jacob Zuma, former deputy president of South Africa. spawned questions of “Zulu” as a pure language and Zuma as “100% Zulu Boy.” After Zuma was implicated in corruption, he was dismissed by President Thabo Mbeki. In November 2005, he was indicted for rape. His supporters, demonstrating outside the Johannesburg High Court, wore t-shirts with the slogan “100% Zulu Boy,” and Zuma himself explained his actions in terms of Zulu culture. Judge Willem van der Merwe, who opened his address in Zulu. acquitted Zuma. The chapter considers how, during Zuma's trial, the codes of ilobolo (bridewealth) and inhlawulo (forfeit, fine) reduce everything to a set of heterosexual assumptions, functioning within a patriarchy, but more importantly—like the idea that if one is raped one must be a lesbian—they tend in practice to leave aside, or negotiate away, the matter of consent.

Apartheid like colonialism was anchored on the divisions of African people according to ethnic and tribal orientations among others. The idea of the South African apartheid government was to build tribal exceptionalism and superiority which would make one tribe feel more superior than the other. A Zulu would feel better human than a Sotho, while a Venda would feel the same over a Tsonga, for example. This is a qualitative desktop study investigating how apartheid education was used to fuel tribalism and xenophobia in South Africa.