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Journal articles on the topic 'Zulu culture'
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1
Etherington, Norman. "Were There Large States in the Coastal Regions of Southeast Africa Before the Rise of the Zulu Kingdom?" History in Africa 31 (2004): 157–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003442.
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The Zulu kingdom holds a special place in both popular culture and historical scholarship. Zulu—a famous name, easy to spell and pronounce—is as recognizably American as gangster rap. The website of the “Universal Zulu Nation” (www.hiphopcity.com/zulu_nation/) explains that as “strong believers in the culture of hiphop, we as Zulus … will strive to do our best to uplift ourselves first, then show others how to uplift themselves mentally, spiritually, physically, economically and socially.” The Zulu Nation lists chapters in New York, Philadelphia, Chicago, Washington, Miami, Virginia Beach, Los Angeles, Detroit, New Haven, Hartford, New Jersey, and Texas. Mardi Gras in New Orleans has featured a “Zulu Parade” since 1916. The United States Navy underscores its independence from Britain by using “Zulu time” instead of Greenwich Mean Time. Not to be outdone, the Russian Navy built “Zulu Class” submarines in the 1950s and Britain's Royal Navy built a “Tribal Class Destroyer,” HMS Zulu. The common factor linking black pride, Africa, and prowess in war is the Zulu kingdom, a southeast African state that first attained international fame in the 1820s under the conqueror Shaka, “the black Napoleon.” His genius is credited with innovations that reshaped the history of his region. “Rapidly expanding his empire, Shaka conquered all, becoming the undisputed ruler of the peoples between the Pongola and Tugela Rivers … In hand-to-hand combat the short stabbing spear introduced by Shaka, made the Zulus unbeatable.” In South Africa Shaka's fame continues to outshine all other historical figures, including Cecil Rhodes and Paul Kruger. A major theme park, “Shakaland,” commemorates his life and Zulu culture. A plan was unveiled in 1998 to erect a twenty-story high statue of the Zulu king in Durban Harbor that would surpass the ancient Colossus of Rhodes.
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Lambert, Michael. "Ancient Greek and Zulu Sacrificial Ritual a Comparative Analysis." Numen 40, no. 3 (1993): 293–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852793x00194.
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AbstractIn this paper, ancient Greek and Zulu sacrificial ritual are compared in order to test the validity of Burkert's hypothesis about the origins and function of sacrifice. Similarities and differences between the two ritual systems are analysed. The Zulus do not clearly differentiate between Olympian and chthonic deities and sacrifices and seem to sacrifice exclusively to or for the shades or ancestors. The absence of a fully-developed ancestor cult in ancient Greek religion (the cult of heroes and the cult of the dead bear some resemblance to one) seems to reflect the nature of a pólis culture which cuts across the boundaries of tribes and phratries: no such culture is evident amongst the Zulus and ancestor cult thus reflects the lineage and kinship system characterising Zulu life. Burkert believes that sacrifice has its origins in the ritualisation of the palaeolithic hunt. Crucial aspects of the theory do not seem to be validated by Zulu thought-patterns: e.g. there is little or no trace of guilt or anxiety at ritual killings, a guilt which might be expected from a people deeply attached to their animals, often personified in praises addressed to them. Following G.S. Kirk, this paper attempts to illustrate that composite accounts of both ancient Greek and Zulu sacrifice acquire misleading emotional resonances which individual sacrifices might not have. This comparative study does not disprove Burkert's theory, but attempts to demonstrate that explanations offered in terms of origins or formative antecedents are fraught with speculative problems and throw no light on the motivation for sacrifice.
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Masubelele, M. R. "A critical analysis of domestication in Makhambeni’s translation of Chinua Achebe’s novel No longer at ease (1960)." Literator 32, no. 3 (July 30, 2011): 105–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v32i3.212.
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Through translation the target reader is exposed to other cultures. Translators, therefore, have to use the target language to convey the source text message to the target reader. There are various choices at their disposal as to how they wish to convey the source text message. They may choose to adopt the norms and conventions of the source text message, and therefore those of the source language and culture, or choose those of the target language. Commonly, adherence to the target language norms and conventions leads to a strategy in which the foreignness of both linguistic and cultural conventions is reduced. According to Venuti (1995) this is domestication. Since translations are rarely equivalent to the original, this article seeks to examine how Makhambeni uses Venuti‟s domestication as a translation strategy, with the purpose of rewriting the original to conform to functions instituted by the receiving system. The descriptive approach to translation, which advances the notion that translations are facts of the target culture, will be used to support the arguments presented in this article. It will be shown that, although Achebe has used a lot of Igbo expressions and cultural practices in his novel, Makhambeni has not translated any of the Igbo expressions and cultural practices into Zulu. Instead Makhambeni used Zulu linguistic and cultural expressions such as similes, metaphors, idioms, proverbs and of cultural substitutions to bring the Igbo culture closer to her audience. It will be concluded that through the use Zulu linguistic and cultural conventions Makhambeni has effectively minimised foreign culture and narrowed the gap between the foreign and target cultures. She has successfully naturalised the Igbo culture to make it conform more to what the Zulu reader is used to.
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Zwane, Duduzile. "“Our Beauty Is in Our Breasts”: A Culture-Centered Approach to Understanding Cancer Perceptions in Kwa Zulu Natal, South Africa." Qualitative Health Research 31, no. 1 (September 30, 2020): 148–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1049732320960417.
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Breast cancer is an incapacitating physical illness. It was once reported predominantly by patients in developed countries. With the advent of globalization, it is increasingly becoming a major health concern in developing countries such as South Africa. Breast cancer researchers have continuously advocated for original studies that address this condition from a sociocultural perspective. Consequently, in this article I examine the perceptions of breast cancer patients from underprivileged parts of Kwa Zulu Natal (KZN). Thirty semi-structured interviews were conducted with Zulu women at a tertiary hospital in the region. A culture-centered approach was utilized to gauge their perceptions of life as breast cancer patients within the conservative Zulu community. The findings revealed that this ailment is generally misunderstood, which has adverse implications for the patients. Furthermore, there is a dire need for breast cancer communication interventions that can acquaint the Zulu community with this condition.
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Ngubane, Sihawukele. "Death and Burial Practices in Contemporary Zulu Culture." Mankind Quarterly 53, no. 1 (2012): 91–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.46469/mq.2012.53.1.4.
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Groenewald, H. C. "Tradition and reconstruction: the culture play in Zulu." South African Journal of African Languages 21, no. 1 (January 2001): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.2001.10587462.
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Flikke, Rune. "Writing ‘naturecultures’ in Zulu Zionist healing." Nordic Journal of Science and Technology Studies 2, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5324/njsts.v2i1.2131.
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<div>In this article my primary aim is to argue for an ontological and phenomenological approach to studying healing rituals within the African Independent Churches in South Africa. Through ethnographic evidence I will argue that the healing rituals are misrepresented in more traditional epistemologically tuned studies, and suggest that a better understanding is to be achieved through a focus on Latour’s ‘natures-cultures’ or Haraway’s ‘naturecultures’, thus showing how health and well-being are achieved through a creative process which continuously strive to break down any distinction of nature and culture as separate entities. I conclude by arguing that the contemporary healing rituals, which surfaced in South Africa in the mid eighteen-seventies, were a sensible and experience based reactions to the colonial contact zones of a racist Colonial regime dependent on African labor.</div>
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Erlmann, Veit. "‘Horses in the race course’: the domestication of ingoma dancing in South Africa, 1929–39." Popular Music 8, no. 3 (October 1989): 259–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026114300000355x.
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On a Saturday night of January 1930 several thousand African men clad in loin cloths and the calico uniforms of domestic servants thronged a concert in the Workers' Hall of the Durban branch of the Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union (ICU) in Prince Edward Street. To the pounding sounds of hundreds of sticks, successive teams of dancers, some of them trained by Union officials from the rural hinterland, rushed to the stage performing the virile, stamping ingoma dance. The Zulu term ingoma (lit. ‘song’) covers a broad range of male group dances like isikhuze, isicathulo, ukukomika, isiZulu, isiBhaca, umzansi and isishameni. The kinesic patterns of ingoma are inseparably linked to choral songs in call-and-response structure and, as such, constitute a complex statement of the unity of dance and song in Zulu performance culture. The peak of Zulu-speaking migrants' dance culture, ingoma evolved out of the profound transformation of traditional rural Zulu culture through impoverishment, dispossession and labour migration around the first World War. But on that night of January 1930, at the climax of the spectacle, the ingoma dancers struck a particularly defiant note:Who has taken our country from us?Who has taken it?Come out! Let us fight!The land was ours. Now it is taken.We have no more freedom left in it.Come out and fight!The land is ours, now it is taken.Fight! Fight!Shame on the man who is burnt in his hut!Come out and fight! (Perham 1974, p. 196
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Edwards, Stephen D., Jabulani D. Thwala, P. Buyi Mbele, Vusi Siyaya, Nozipho Ndlazi, and Ntombintombi J. Magwaza. "Ancestral Consciousness in the Zulu Culture: A Wilberian View." Journal of Psychology in Africa 21, no. 1 (January 2011): 131–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14330237.2011.10820439.
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Porterfield, Amanda. "The Impact of Early New England Missionaries on Women's Roles in Zulu Culture." Church History 66, no. 1 (March 1997): 67–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169633.
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As missionaries from New England made initial forays into Zululand and Natal in the 1830s, the Zulu people were in a state of considerable stress. Dingan had come to power in 1828 after participating in the assassination of his brother Shaka, the notorious warrior king whose conquests after 1816 brought people from dozens of clans and chieftanships into a Zulu state. Ecological crises caused by drought and competition for scarce resources contributed to Shaka's ability to exert unprecedented authority, as did the predatory incursions of European traders seeking ivory, skins, and slaves in various parts of southeast Africa. Expanding on a tradition of religious initiation and military ranking known as ambutho, Shaka crated a system of loyalty to the state that built on but also compromised the loyalties to particular clans commanded by lesser chiefs.
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Cope, R. L. "Written in Characters of Blood? The Reign of King Cetshwayo Ka Mpande 1872–9." Journal of African History 36, no. 2 (July 1995): 247–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700034137.
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Sir Bartle Frere, the British High Commissioner in South Africa 1877–80, depicted Cetshwayo ka Mpande, the Zulu king 1872–9, as a bloodthirsty monster. This article discusses the accuracy and justice of this depiction, and the nature of Zulu kingship. It shows that both Frere and the missionaries on whom he relied for evidence wished to bring the Zulu kingdom under British rule and thus had a strong motive for discrediting Cetshwayo. The fact that missionary testimony against Cetshwayo was particularly hostile and abundant at times when there seemed a real possibility of British annexation casts particular doubt on the value of this testimony. Missionaries misinterpreted and exaggerated much of the evidence, which, more dispassionately examined, appears to show that, while executions were common in the Zulu kingdom, Frere's account of the nature of Cetshwayo's reign was grossly overdrawn. The territorial chiefs of the country were responsible for many of the executions, and there is evidence that Cetshwayo attempted to ameliorate conditions. Nevertheless the tendency to attribute to him the methods of nineteenth-century British constitutionalism is unhistorical and culture-bound. Cetshwayo was a Zulu king in the tradition of his uncle Shaka, and ruled by fear and arbitrariness as well as by the law.
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Taljaard, G. H. "Die aard en funksie van Zoeloe-folklore in Die ding in die vuur van Riana Scheepers." Literator 20, no. 2 (April 26, 1999): 31–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v20i2.464.
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The nature and function of Zulu folklore in Die ding in die vuur by Riano ScheepersThis article is concerned with how and why Zulu folklore and oral narrative traditions are absorbed in the literature of the writer Riana Scheepers. Scheepers does not use Zulu culture in her work to make it part of the struggle genre. The question therefore arises: Why does Scheepers, a modern, even postmodern writer, make use of the prehistoric, ancient Zulu oral narrative tradition?As starting points for this article the following issues are explored: What is the nature of Zulu folklore and how has it been applied in the texts concerned? What is the function of Zulu folklore in Scheepers’ work?In the oral narrative tradition, the ugogo (grandmother) is the narrator of the story and she tells her stories to the listeners (mostly children) to educate them in a very entertaining way, but also to adjure many social evils, symbolized by a variety of characters, such as animals, monsters and tricksters. Riana Scheepers uses the ugogo to create a story within a story in front of the reader's eyes, in other words, she uses the ugogo to create metatextuality. By writing stories, Scheepers also edifies her readers in an entertaining manner and like the ugogo, she adjures many social evils like violence, poverty, chauvinism and racism. By transforming truth into fiction (fictionalization), she makes the harsh realities of life tolerable and in this way protects herself and her readers against the horrific realities of modern life.
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Bass, Orli. "Adventure, paradise, indigenous culture: The kingdom of the Zulu’ campaign." Current Writing 14, no. 1 (January 2002): 82–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1013929x.2002.9678115.
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Cook, E. L., J. van Staden, and A. Cunningham. "The tissue culture of an exploited Zulu medicinal plant, Bowiea volubilis." South African Journal of Botany 54, no. 5 (October 1988): 509–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0254-6299(16)31289-3.
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Ndlovu, Victor. "Translating aspects of culture in “Cry, the Beloved Country” into Zulu." Language Matters 31, no. 1 (January 2000): 72–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10228190008566160.
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Mkhize, D. N. "The portrayal of Igbo culture in Zulu: a descriptive analysis of the translation of Achebe's Things Fall Apart into Zulu." South African Journal of African Languages 20, no. 2 (January 2000): 194–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.2000.10587426.
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McCartan, S. A., and N. R. Crouch. "In vitro culture of Mondia whitei (Periplocaceae), a threatened Zulu medicinal plant." South African Journal of Botany 64, no. 5 (October 1998): 313–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0254-6299(15)30909-1.
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Mayer, Claude-Hélène, and Rian Viviers. "Constellation Work and Zulu Culture: Theoretical Reflections on Therapeutic and Cultural Concepts." Journal of Sociology and Social Anthropology 7, no. 2 (April 2016): 101–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09766634.2016.11885706.
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Gunner, Liz. "Resistant Medium: The Voices of Zulu Radio Drama in the 1970s." Theatre Research International 27, no. 3 (October 2002): 259–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883302000330.
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The making of culture in South Africa through different but linked forms and genres focuses on the medium of radio, and the ‘emergent genre’ of Zulu serial radio drama. Using Benedict Anderson's notion of ‘socioscape’ a link is drawn between the wide sweep of historical events and the production of culture. Beginning with the case of the musical, uMabatha [Macbeth], its performance history, and its links with serial radio drama in Zulu, this article focuses on the ways in which this, in turn was linked to the ‘performance’ of African football commentary on radio, and points to the national resonances that the act, and art, of commentating built up for both announcers and listeners. Finally, three representative radio serial plays from the 1970s are examined in relation to the ways in which they engaged with the social and political realities of the time. Through the multi-accentual nature of language and the polysemic nature of the plays themselves these plays might appear to endorse or, at least, acquiesce in the dominant apartheid ideology of the era, yet at the same time they offered resistant alternatives to it.
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Zaidman-Mograbi, Rachel, Liana (MP) le Roux, and Herna Hall. "The influence of culture on maternal attachment behaviours: a South African case study." Children Australia 45, no. 1 (March 2020): 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cha.2020.4.
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AbstractIt is widely accepted that culture is a contextual factor that can affect mother–infant attachment. Cultural beliefs are translated into child-rearing patterns that influence maternal responsiveness to infant attachment behaviours and could thus affect sensitive caregiving that lies at the heart of secure attachment. This article reports on the findings of a study that explored the influence of culture on maternal caregiving behaviours in the multi-cultural South African context. Data were collected by means of semi-structured interviews conducted with participants from three study samples to ascertain their perceptions of socio-cultural influences on attachment. Two samples consisted of mothers and mental health professionals, respectively, who represented different South African cultures (Xhosa, Sotho, Zulu, Coloured, Indian and White). The third sample consisted of experts in the field of attachment. The research findings indicate that culture could influence maternal caregiving behaviours. Although all the participants valued good caregiving, some maternal responses to infant attachment behaviours varied among participants from different cultures. The research emphasises the importance of considering local contexts in understanding attachment and maternal sensitivity.
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Sharratt, Pamela Arlette, and Elizabeth van den Heuvel. "Metamemorial knowledge in a group of black South African school children." South African Journal of Psychology 25, no. 2 (June 1995): 59–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/008124639502500201.
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An interview study of metamemory based on that of Kreutzer, Leonard and Flavell (1975) was carried out on 94 Zulu school children, with an age range of 6–13 years. It was hypothesized that the types of metamemorial knowledge found might be culture and/or schooling dependent. A general pattern was detected in the data of the children, namely, that in respect of knowledge of task and person memory variables, responses were mostly similar to those of the Kreutzer et al.'s American group, but in respect of knowledge of strategic variables, the Zulu children lagged behind the American sample. In particular, there were lags in the patterns of responding on the interview sections immediate-delay, story-list, study-plan, preparation: object, preparation: event, retrieval: object, retrieval: event, and rote-paraphrase. Possible cultural and educational reasons for these results are discussed in the light of other related research.
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Holden, T. J. "Koro Syndrome Associated with Alcohol-Induced Systemic Disease in a Zulu." British Journal of Psychiatry 151, no. 5 (November 1987): 695–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bjp.151.5.695.
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A case report is presented of the genital retraction syndrome, koro, associated with alcoholic hepatitis, avitaminosis and urinary tract infection, occurring in a Zulu male. Treatment of the physical conditions resulted in resolution of the koro symptomatology.The nosological status of koro is discussed and it is proposed that the condition be regarded as a symptom-complex reaction to a variety of psychological or physical stressors rather than as a purely culture-bound syndrome.
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Johnston, Alexander. "The 1999 Election and South Africa’s Postapartheid Political Culture." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 27, no. 2 (1999): 17–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700506131.
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The result of South Africa’s first democratic election in 1994 had something in common with a successful children’s birthday party. It was clear from the beginning whose day it was and where the bulk of the spoils would go, but the failure of the African National Congress (ANC) to win a two-thirds majority consoled the others. And those guests who might have spoiled the occasion with tears and tantrums were rewarded too, with control of provincial parliaments in Kwa-Zulu-Natal and the Western Cape, as well as positions in a government of national unity. These factors helped to make the 1994 election an occasion for general, not just partisan, rejoicing.Divorced from the euphoria and sense of relief that attended the 1994 poll and robbed of any uncertainty about the outcome, observers of 1999’s election have had to work much harder to read its significance.
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Rudwick, Stephanie. "'Zulu, we need [it] for our culture': Umlazi adolescents in the post-apartheid state." Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language Studies 22, no. 3-4 (August 2004): 159–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2989/16073610409486368.
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Mathonsi, N. N. "A socially committed literary work: perspectives on Elliot Zondi’s Insumansumane." Literator 26, no. 3 (July 31, 2005): 83–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v26i3.238.
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In this article Elliot Zondi’s historical drama, “Insumansumane”, is discussed as a committed literary work. The main character, Bhambada, urges his contemporaries to challenge the ideological domination of the apartheid system and to fight for their freedom to the last man, if necessary. According to Elliot Zondi, the 1906 Bhambada Rebellion was caused by a lack of consultation and utter disregard for the feelings of the African majority regarding taxation. The rebellion was also caused by the forceful introduction of Western culture and social values. The play in itself is actually a metaphor for the Zulu people living in the 1980s under the iron rule of President P.W. Botha. In this play the Zulu are urged to live up to the freedom ideals for which their forefathers had been ready to fight and to die. The development of the plot in the play emphasises that the “winds of change” at that time were becoming stronger, causing the undercurrent that was to bring about liberation in 1992 and in 1994.
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Carton, Benedict, and Robert Morrell. "Zulu Masculinities, Warrior Culture and Stick Fighting: Reassessing Male Violence and Virtue in South Africa." Journal of Southern African Studies 38, no. 1 (March 2012): 31–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2011.640073.
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Masuku, Norma. "Songs and Folktales as conduits for social change in Zulu culture: A perspective on Umkhwekazi Namasi." Muziki 9, no. 1 (July 2012): 90–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/18125980.2012.737107.
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Gauton, Rachélle. "The transfer and ‘rehabilitation’ of culture in the Zulu translation of H. Rider Haggard's “Nada the Lily”." Language Matters 31, no. 1 (January 2000): 103–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10228190008566161.
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Wright, John. "Ndukwana kaMbengwana as an Interlocutor on the History of the Zulu Kingdom, 1897–1903." History in Africa 38 (2011): 343–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2011.0018.
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In the six years from October 1897 to October 1903, Ndukwana kaMbengwana engaged in scores of conversations in numerous different locations with magistrate James Stuart about the history and culture of the nineteenth-century Zulu kingdom. In the 1880s Ndukwana had been a lowranking official in the native administration of Zululand; at an unknown date before late 1900 he seems to have become Stuart's personalindunaor “headman,” to give a common English translation. Stuart's handwritten notes of these conversations, as archived in the James Stuart Collection, come to a total of 65,000 to 70,000 words. As rendered in volume 4 of theJames Stuart Archive, published in 1986, these notes fill 120 printed pages, far more than the testimonies of any other of Stuart's interlocutors except Socwatsha kaPhaphu. From 1900, Ndukwana was also present during many of Stuart's conversations with other individuals.In the editors' preface to volume 4 of theJames Stuart Archive, after drawing attention to the length of Ndukwana's testimony, Colin Webb and I wrote as follows:Since these were the early years of Stuart's collecting career, it is probable that Ndukwana exercised a considerable influence on the presuppositions about Zulu society and history which Stuart took with him into his interviews. No less likely, however, is the reverse possibility that Ndukwana in turn became a repository of much of the testimony he heard while working with Stuart, and that, increasingly over the years, the information which he supplied would have been a fusion of data and traditions from a variety of sources.
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Chick, J. Keith. "The interactional accomplishment of discrimination in South Africa." Language in Society 14, no. 3 (September 1985): 299–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404500011283.
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ABSTRACTIn this paper I attempt to show what a micro approach involving fine-grained sociolinguistic analyses has to contribute to the understanding of the causes of discrimination on grounds of race in South Africa. I present analyses of intra- and intercultural encounters involving native speakers of English and Zulu which suggest that differences in sociocultural background and discourse conventions contribute to misinterpretation of intent and misjudgement of attitude and ability. Repeated stressful encounters of this kind, I suggest, generate negative cultural stereotypes. Finally, I sketch how the larger, structural, historically given forces, which are the concern of macro studies, combine with the results of intercultural encounters to achieve a negative cycle of socially created discrimination. (Interactional sociolinguistics, culture-specific discourse conventions. intercultural communication failure and prejudice, South African English)
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Fricker, Karen, and Rémy Charest. "À l’heure zéro de la culture (dés)unie. Problèmes de représentation dans Zulu Time de Robert Lepage et Ex Machina." Globe 11, no. 2 (February 8, 2011): 81–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1000523ar.
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Les productions scéniques de Robert Lepage - et le discours qui les entoure - sont marqués par une forte tension créative entre le local et l’universel. D’un côté, Lepage est salué partout dans le monde à titre d’artiste contemporain à l’esprit véritablement internationalisé, puisque ses oeuvres s’inspirent et se font le reflet de plusieurs influences culturelles et qu’elles suscitent l’intérêt de publics d’une grande diversité d’origines nationales et culturelles. De l’autre côté, ses oeuvres ont toujours présenté leur propos d’une manière particulièrement québécoise, tout en connaissant une diffusion très large à l’étranger. Toutefois, la façon dont le travail de Lepage reflète ses origines québécoises et dont il se voit lié aux regards de la société québécoise sur sa propre culture et ses propres valeurs a fait l’objet de relativement peu d’attention dans les nombreux écrits à son sujet, qu’il s’agisse de textes grand public ou universitaires. Cet article vise à démontrer l’importance de situer le travail de Lepage dans des cadres de référence locaux et mondiaux, en s’intéressant à l’une de ses productions récentes les plus controversées, Zulu time.
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CABRITA, JOEL. "POLITICS AND PREACHING: CHIEFLY CONVERTS TO THE NAZARETHA CHURCH, OBEDIENT SUBJECTS, AND SERMON PERFORMANCE IN SOUTH AFRICA." Journal of African History 51, no. 1 (March 2010): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853709990818.
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ABSTRACTTwentieth-century Natal and Zululand chiefs' conversions to the Nazaretha Church allowed them to craft new narratives of political legitimacy and perform them to their subjects. The well-established praising tradition of nineteenth- and twentieth-century Zulu political culture had been an important narrative practice for legitimating chiefs; throughout the twentieth century, the erosion of chiefly power corresponded with a decline in chiefly praise poems. During this same period, however, new narrative occasions for chiefs seeking to legitimate their power arose in Nazaretha sermon performance. Chiefs used their conversion testimonies to narrate themselves as divinely appointed to their subjects. An alliance between the Nazaretha Church and KwaZulu chiefs of the last hundred years meant that the Church could position itself as an institution of national stature, and chiefs told stories that exhorted unruly subjects to obedience as a spiritual virtue.
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Houle, Robert J. "The Other Zulus: The Spread of Zulu Ethnicity in Colonial South Africa, by Michael R. MahoneyThe Other Zulus: The Spread of Zulu Ethnicity in Colonial South Africa, by Michael R. Mahoney. Politics, History and Culture series. Durham, North Carolina, Duke University Press, 2012. xv, 293 pp. $89.95 US (cloth), $24.95 US (paper)." Canadian Journal of History 48, no. 2 (September 2013): 380–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.48.2.380.
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Carton, Benedict. "Fount of Deep Culture: Legacies of theJames Stuart Archivein South African Historiography." History in Africa 30 (2003): 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003156.
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The 2001 launch of the fifth volume of theJames Stuart Archivereinforces this publication's reputation as a mother lode of primary evidence. TheArchive'sexistence is largely due to the efforts of two editors, Colin De B. Webb and John Wright, who transformed a tangle of notes into lucid text. They deciphered the interviews that Natal colonist James Stuart conducted with a range of informants, many of them elderly isiZulu-speaking men. Transcribed by Stuart between the 1890s and 1920s, these discussions often explored in vivid detail the customs, lore, and lineages of southern Africa. Although references to theArchiveabound in revisionist histories of southern Africa, few scholars have assessed how testimonies recorded by Stuart have critically influenced such pioneering research. Fewer still have incorporated the compelling views of early twentieth-century cultural change that Stuart's informants bring to a post-apartheid understanding of South Africa's past.Well before the University of Natal Press published volume 5, the evidence presented in theArchivehad already led scholars of South African history into fertile, unmarked terrain. One example of groundbreaking data can be found in the statements of volume 4's master interpreter of Zulu power, Ndukwana kaMbengwana. His observations of the past anchor recent studies that debunk myths surrounding the early-nineteenth-century expansion of Shaka's kingdom. Ever timely, the endnotes in volume 5 discuss these reappraisals of historical interpretation and methodology. Editor John Wright elaborates in his preface: “By the time we picked up work on volume 5, we were starting to take note … that oral histories should be seen less as stories containing a more or less fixed ‘core’ of facts than as fluid narratives whose content could vary widely.”
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James, Sule Ameh. "CRITICAL DISCOURSE OF AFRICAN VERNACULAR ROOTED IMAGERIES IN PITIKA NTULI’S SCULPTURES." ARTis ON, no. 9 (December 26, 2019): 140–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.37935/aion.v0i9.246.
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My paper presents a critical discourse on African vernacular rooted imageries in the contemporary sculptures of Ntuli, the ideas they convey to viewers and how Africanness is indicated in each depiction produced between 2007 and 2016. I read Ntuli’s contemporary sculptures as African vernacular rooted because he appropriates in them cultural imageries from engagement with African contexts. Five images of his sculptures and installations were purposively selected for thematic and visual analysis. I adopt visual hermeneutics theory, formal analysis and cultural history methods for the reading of each work. The narrative reveals that Ntuli’s vernacular imageries reflects black South African men and a woman rooted in past and present socio-political events in South Africa. The thematic interpretations of the imageries reveal ideas on massacre not merely during apartheid but in post-apartheid South Africa, torture of victims detained without trial, anti-racialism and reflection on a historical hero from Zulu culture.
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Nxumalo, Celenkosini Thembelenkosini, and Gugu Gladness Mchunu. "Zulu Men’s Conceptions, Understanding, and Experiences of Voluntary Medical Male Circumcision in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa." American Journal of Men's Health 14, no. 2 (March 2020): 155798831989243. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1557988319892437.
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Voluntary Medical Male Circumcision (VMMC) is proven to reduce transmission of HIV/AIDS. Despite concerted efforts to scale up VMMC in men aged 18–49, the number of medically circumcised men in this age group remains suboptimal. Research has shown that several individual factors hinder and promote uptake of VMMC. The nature of these factors is not clearly understood within the dimensions of religion, culture and tradition, particularly in a low-income rural setting. This study aimed to analyze Zulu men’s conceptions, understanding and experiences regarding VMMC in KwaZulu-Natal (KZN), South Africa. A qualitative phenomenographic study approach was used to collect data from 20 uncircumcised males at six different clinics that provide VMMC services. Ethical approval to collect data was obtained from the Biomedical Research Ethics Committee of the University of KZN (BREC – BE627/18). Individual in-depth face to face interviews were conducted using a semistructured interview guide. Audiotapes were used to record interviews which were transcribed verbatim and then analyzed manually. The conceptions regarding medical circumcision appeared to be related to religious and cultural beliefs surrounding circumcision and the historical traditional practice thereof. The understanding of males regarding VMMC was mainly attributed to HIV prevention; however, knowledge on the degree of partial protection appeared to be limited. An array of negative accounted in the form of complications such as poor wound healing and postoperative pain undergone by peers and other close influencers’ accounted for participants’ experiences of VMMC. Poor knowledge and negative experiences relating to VMMC could account for reasons why men choose not to undergo VMMC.
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Abeysinghe. "Art of Survival: A Black Indian Culture in Post-Katrina New Orleans: An Interview with Chief Shaka Zulu of the Golden Feather Hunters." Africa Today 65, no. 4 (2019): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/africatoday.65.4.08.
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MOKOENA, MDUDUZI P., PAUL K. CHELULE, and NCEBA GQALENI. "Reduction of Fumonisin B1 and Zearalenone by Lactic Acid Bacteria in Fermented Maize Meal." Journal of Food Protection 68, no. 10 (October 1, 2005): 2095–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.4315/0362-028x-68.10.2095.
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Fusarium species are fungi that infect maize products worldwide and elaborate mycotoxins, which have been associated with cancer. This study was carried out to investigate the potential of lactic acid bacteria fermentation in reducing mycotoxin concentration and toxicity in maize meal products. Maize meal was spiked separately with fumonisin B1 and zearalenone and then allowed to ferment for 4 days. The potential cytotoxicity of the mycotoxin-spiked fermented extracts was also investigated using the SNO human esophageal carcinoma cell line (the SNO cell line was explanted from a cancer patient, S.N., a 62-year-old Zulu man, in July 1972). A significant decrease (P < 0.05) in the concentration of the two mycotoxins was observed, with a 56 to 67% and a 68 to 75% reduction in the third and fourth days, respectively. The two mycotoxins were not detectable in commercially fermented maize meal (amahewu) samples. After fermentation, mycotoxin-spiked maize meal samples containing lactic acid bacteria culture were comparatively less toxic to SNO cells than were samples without lactic acid bacteria. However, this difference in toxicity was not significant (P > 0.05). These results indicate that lactic acid bacteria fermentation can significantly reduce the concentration of mycotoxins in maize. However, such a reduction may not significantly alter the possible toxic effects of such toxins. The exact mechanism of toxin reduction warrants further investigation.
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Ndlela, Sithembile Z., Mbusiseni V. Mkwanazi, and Michael Chimonyo. "Factors Affecting Utilisation of Indigenous Knowledge to Control Gastrointestinal Nematodes in Goats." Agriculture 11, no. 2 (February 17, 2021): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/agriculture11020160.
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Adoption and utilisation of indigenous knowledge (IK) is declining. The objective of the current study was to determine differences in the extent of use of IK to control gastrointestinal nematodes (GIN) in goats between wet and dry environments. A structured questionnaire was used to collect data. Almost all households used IK in controlling parasites. There was a close association among environment, gender, and religion (p < 0.05) on IK use. Farmers who were less poor were 2.38 times more likely to use IK (p > 0.05) than farmers that were poor. Adults were 1.20 more likely to use IK (p < 0.05) than younger people. Unemployed farmers were 4.26 more likely to use IK compared to their employed counter parts (p < 0.01). Having a herbalist in the community was 3.6 times more likely to influence the use of IK (p < 0.05) compared to the environment in which there was no herbalist. Farmers that received informal education in the dry environment were 5.88 times more likely to use IK (p < 0.05) than those in the wet environment. Farmers who practised traditional Zulu culture were 2.05 times more likely to use IK compared to those following the Christian faith (p < 0.05). The considerable variation in the adoption of IK suggests that intervention strategies that advance IK use should consider the socio-demographic information of the community.
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Fischer, Benjamin. "CIVILIZED DEPRAVITY: EVANGELICAL REPRESENTATIONS OF EARLY-NINETEENTH-CENTURY CHINA AND THE REDEFINITION OF “TRUE CIVILIZATION”." Victorian Literature and Culture 43, no. 2 (February 25, 2015): 409–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106015031400062x.
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In the first few decadesof the nineteenth century, the experience of missionaries among peoples as diverse as the ancient civilizations of India, the highly organized Zulu kingdoms, and the cannibal tribes of the South Seas had sparked a national debate concerning whether or not the “civilization of the heathen” was necessary before they could be converted, or whether Christianity would be the best means of civilizing them. Unresolved as far as public policy was concerned, this question entered discussions of the 1835 Select Committee on Aboriginal Tribes (British Settlements), a committee convened to address problems arising between British settlers and indigenous communities, including important trade sites in Australia, New Zealand, and the islands of the Pacific. As with several other areas where significant British imperial pressure never took the form of direct colonial rule, the trade ports in China fell outside the committee's explicit considerations. Along with forbidding foreign settlements, Chinese culture did not fit the terms or assumptions of the committee's conversation. Since the first Jesuit mission to China in the late sixteenth century, there had been little doubt in Europe that Chinese civilization was far advanced. As a tightly controlled bureaucratic state confident of its own position as the Middle Kingdom of the world, China simply did not work within the discourse of civilization. This essay explores one attempt to adjust the terms of that British discourse in order to accommodate a civilized China.
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Mesthrie, Rajend. "Fanakalo as a mining language in South Africa: A new overview." International Journal of the Sociology of Language 2019, no. 258 (August 27, 2019): 13–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijsl-2019-2027.
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Abstract Fanakalo pidgin rose to prominence when it was selected for use as the lingua franca of the highly multilingual mines of South Africa. This article examines the properties of Fanakalo as a mining language, in contrast to its uses on farms, suburban households and in urban employment. Fanakalo has evolved a special register of technical terms pertaining to the mining industry from various sources (chiefly Zulu, English and Afrikaans). This article characterizes lexical innovations in this mining register and corrects previous estimates of the sources of innovation by differentiating the major parts of speech. The article also draws attention to the complexity of Fanakalo in pamphlets put out by mining management, in sharp contrast to the more usual kind of Fanakalo documented in earlier sources. As far as mining language policy is concerned, there have been calls in the last few decades to discontinue its use on the mines on the grounds of its associations with colonial and racial domination. Whereas Fanakalo has been invariably denigrated by intellectuals as a language of oppression rather than culture, there have been some surprising recent developments. In the wake of the tragedy at Marikana mines in 2012, where 34 workers on strike were shot and killed by police, Fanakalo has come to prominence as the language preferred by the strikers for mass meetings and negotiations with management. This process offers possibilities of the linguistic elaboration of the pidgin and raises questions about possible creolization.
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Sonnekus, JC. "Huweliksluiting én aanneming van kinders kragtens kulturele gebruike in stryd met die reg behoort kragteloos te wees – sed, ex Africa semper aliquid novi." Tydskrif vir die Suid-Afrikaanse Reg 2021, no. 2 (2021): 211–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.47348/tsar/2021/i2a1.
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Section 211(3) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 provides that no recognition of customary norms may be upheld if such norms are in conflict with either the constitution or any other law that deals specifically with customary law: “The courts must apply customary law when that law is applicable, subject to the Constitution and any legislation that specifically deals with customary law.” The current Recognition of Customary Marriages Act 120 of 1998 deals explicitly with the recognition of customary marriages which are concluded in accordance with customary law (s 1). Customary law is defined as the “customs and usages traditionally observed among the indigenous African peoples of South Africa and which form part of the culture of those peoples”. It follows from a further reading of section 1 that a customary marriage is reserved for those indigenous African peoples who observe such customs and usages. It is provided in section 10(4) that “[d]espite subsection (1), no spouse of a marriage entered into under the Marriage Act, 1961, is, during the subsistence of such marriage, competent to enter into any other marriage”. This must be read with the definitions contained in section 1: “‘customary law’ means the customs and usages traditionally observed among the indigenous African peoples of South Africa and which form part of the culture of those peoples; ‘customary marriage’ means a marriage concluded in accordance with customary law”. Without the requisite legal competency, no legal subject can enter into any relationship to which the law may attach any consequences. Nobody can enter into a customary marriage if any of the presumed future spouses is already in a civil marriage according to the Marriage Act 25 of 1961, not even if the two parties are married to each other. According to the custom of various indigenous nations, if a man enters into a valid customary marriage with a woman who had never been married before but who is the mother of children born out of wedlock (spurii), the metaphor applies that he “who takes the cow also acquires the calf”. He will as part and parcel of the lobola ceremony be seen as the adopting stepfather of his wife’s children, with all the accompanying consequences. He will automatically be responsible for the future maintenance of those children as his adoptive children and they will acquire all rights and privileges that are bestowed on a child, including the right to inheritance and the right to his family name. As a consequence of this new relationship, all legal ties with the biological father of the adopted child are severed and the biological father will no longer be responsible for the maintenance of his offspring. In January 2019 an erstwhile law professor from UNISA who still retained his German citizenship, was gravely ill and cared for on life-support at a hospital in the Pretoria district. While in hospital, he tied the marriage knot with Miss Vilakazi, a Zulu woman with whom he had been in a relationship for the past five years. Miss Vilakazi was a spinster, but she had a Zulu daughter who was born out of wedlock more than eight years previously out of a relationship with an erstwhile Zulu lover. This child had been in the care of her maternal grandmother in Natal and, according to Zulu customary norms, was considered part of the house of her maternal grandfather, Vilakazi. She consequently carried the name Vilakazi as her registered surname on her official birth certificate. The marriage, which was conducted on 29 January 2019 in the hospital in Pretoria, was concluded with adherence to all the requirements of Act 25 of 1961. The civil marriage was duly registered as such. The late professor passed away in the hospital barely three weeks later on 19 February 2019. Less than 24 hours before the demise of the professor a purported customary marriage was concluded, apparently on behalf of the professor with the recently married Mrs Schulze by proxy by a friend of his in the Newcastle district in Natal after having paid R60 000 as ilobolo. The ceremony was concluded with the ceremonial slaughtering of the prescribed goat. However, during this ceremony the groom was not present but on life support in a Pretoria hospital and not necessarily compos mentis – the court was told that he was represented by a friend. Zulu customary law, however, does not recognise a marriage concluded by proxy with a substitude bridegroom as was known in Roman-Dutch law as “a wedding with the glove”. Neither the Marriage Act nor the Recognition of Customary Marriages Act, however, recognises a second marriage after the conclusion of a civil marriage by any of the purported newly weds – even if both “spouses” had been present in person. The mother of the late Professor Schulze, after his demise in South Africa, amended her last will in Germany and appointed her lifelong partner as sole beneficiary of her significant estate. She passed away in Germany in October 2019. In November 2019 the recently married Mrs Schulze, on behalf of her minor daughter, successfully approached the high court in Pietermaritzburg, where Zaca AJ issued an order compelling the South African department of home affairs to issue the daughter with a new birth certificate that reflects the late Professor Schulze as her father. Notwithstanding the unease of the officials at home affairs with this court order, the minister of home affairs, Mr Motsoaledi, personally intervened in August 2020 and the new birth certificate was issued as requested. Relying on this newly issued birth certificate, the applicant claims an amount of not less than R8 million in Germany from the estate of the late mother of Professor Schulze. For this purpose, the applicant relies on a principle in German law, the Pflichtteilsanspruch, according to which any descendant of the deceased has a right to a prescribed portion, a so-called legitimate portion of the estate, if not mentioned or sufficiently bestowed in the last will. This raises a number of seriously flawed legal arguments that are analysed in this article. It is submitted that the perceived lobola marriage ceremony conducted on behalf of the late professor on 18 February 2019 in Newcastle, less than 24 hours before his demise, is void because of the explicit constitutional provision and the relevant section 10(4) of the Recognition of Customary Marriages Act 120 of 1998, which excludes any competency to enter into a customary marriage if any of the parties involved is already married. At the date of the perceived lobola ceremony, Mrs Schulze had already been civilly married to Professor Schulze for more than three weeks and thus both spouses lacked the necessary competency to enter into a valid customary marriage. Whether a valid customary marriage could have been concluded at all with a man who did not live according to the customs and usages of the Zulu, is also highly questionable. Because the perceived lobola marriage is a nullity, no legal consequences can flow from this nullity and the so-called customary adoption of the daughter (“the calf with the cow”) is a nullity too. At no stage was any of the requirements for a valid adoption as governed by the Children’s Act 38 of 2005 adhered to. The minister of home affairs should have immediately given notice of appeal after the unconvincing judgment of Zaca AJ was handed down in January 2020. As the responsible minister, he should guard the upholding of the constitution and the applicable legal provisions unambiguously contained in the relevant section 10(4) of Act 120 of 1998. It is a pity that the so-called adherence to the principles of the “rule of law” is not even paid lip service in this case. Bennett, as a renowned expert on customary law, correctly pointed out that the legal orders are not unconnected. It may never be assumed that the people concerned are unaware of how to manipulate the resources offered them by legal pluralism (A Sourcebook of African Customary Law for Southern Africa (1991) 50).
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Parle, Julie, Catherine Barter, and Patricia L. Merrett. "Alone among the Zulus: The Narrative of a Journey through the Zulu Country, South Africa." International Journal of African Historical Studies 30, no. 2 (1997): 485. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221295.
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Chakrabarty, Kakali. "Tribe and Tribal Welfare in Gandhian Thoughts." Journal of the Anthropological Survey of India 68, no. 2 (December 2019): 225–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2277436x19881261.
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Gandhi is best known for his sarvodaya movement where he talked of ‘welfare for all’. His focus was on the deprived section of the countrymen who constituted a majority of India’s population. Thus, the term was often referred to as antodaya, i.e., ‘Rise to the last men’. Gandhi was not very particular about ‘tribe’, as to him, tribes were a part of rural communities who were exploited by the powerful class of people; thus, they required welfare measures. Gandhi’s mission and vision towards tribes was mainly an outcome of his constant association with Thakkar Bapa, who had been well exposed to the exploitation and helpless misery of tribal life, especially of the Bhil people of Gujarat under the British rule. To Gandhi, tribal welfare and rural welfare were same. However, he believed that tribals were simple people. His interaction with the Zulu people in Africa exposed him to the bare truth of exploitation of the tribal people by the colonial rulers. To his idea, the tribes should be approached on the basis of non-violence, accepting the principles of a democratic society and the fundamental equality and unity of man. The process of social domination and political imposition should be avoided. Welfare measures should be taken up on the basis of understanding their society and culture. Gandhi’s concept of Sarvodaya, i.e., welfare of all also had a purpose to bring the majority of Indians in the struggle for independence. He believed that India’s independence cannot be achieved without participation of its rural masses that formed the majority of Indian population. Gandhi dreamt of a society with equity among all members in fundamental necessities of life including education. His dream is yet to be chased.
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Bartels, P., J. Joubert, M. de la Rey, R. de la Rey, R. Treadwell, H. Callesen, and G. Vajta. "27BIRTH OF AFRICA'S FIRST NUCLEAR-TRANSFERRED ANIMAL PRODUCED WITH HANDMADE CLONING." Reproduction, Fertility and Development 16, no. 2 (2004): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/rdv16n1ab27.
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Cloning technology has the potential to stimulate the development of the animal biotechnology industry in southern Africa, as well as provide conservationists with an additional tool to possibly assist with conserving critically endangered wildlife species sometime in the future. The aim of this study was to determine whether cloning could produce blastocysts and possibly live progeny in a field-type laboratory without micromanipulators and CO2 incubator. Approx. 1×1-cm ear skin notches were surgically removed from a physically immobilized 9-year-old Holstein cow, a former South African milk production record holder. The tissues were placed into physiological saline and transported to the laboratory at 4°C within 2h, cleaned with chlorohexidine gluconate and sliced finely in Minimal Essential Medium supplemented with 10% fetal calf serum. The resultant tissue explants were treated as previously described (Bartels et al., 2003 Theriogenology 59, 387) and actively growing fibroblast cultures were made available for the nuclear transfer process. Bovine oocytes from slaughterhouse-derived ovaries were collected and matured for 21h in modified TCM-199 medium supplemented with 15% cattle serum, 10IUmL−1 eCG and 15IUmL−1 hCG. Nuclear transfer was performed using the HMC technique (Vajta et al., 2003 Biol. Reprod. 68, 571–578). At 21h after the start of maturation, cumulus cells and zonae pellucidae were removed and oocytes were randomly bisected by hand. Cytoplasts were selected using Hoechst staining and a fluorescent microscope. After a two-step fusion, reconstructed embryos were activated with calcium ionophore and dimethylaminopurine. Culture was performed in SOFaaci medium supplemented with 5% cattle serum using WOWs (Vajta et al., Mol. Reprod. Dev. 50, 185–191). All incubations including culture of donor cells were performed in the submarine incubator system (SIS; Vajta et al., 1997 Theriogenology 48, 1379–1385). In two consecutive experiments, 6 blastocysts were produced from 52 reconstructed embryos. On Day 7, 5 blastocysts were selected for transfer into 3 previously synchronized recipients. All three recipients became pregnant, but two of the recipients aborted at six and seven months, respectively. Post-mortem examination on the first aborted fetus did not reveal any identifiable etiology, but coincided with 6 abortions from natural pregnancies during a heat wave, while the organism Brucella abortis was isolated from the second aborted fetus. The third pregnancy went to term, and a healthy calf, weighing 27kg, was delivered by Caesarean section. The three-month-old calf is being raised by a surrogate Jersey cow under standard dairy conditions and is expected to join the dairy in eighteen months’ time. The birth of ‘Futhi’, meaning ‘replicate’ in Zulu, is Africa’s first cloned animal and signifies an important milestone in the development of animal biotechnology in Africa.
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Joseph, Rosemary M. F. "Zulu women's bow songs: ruminations on love." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 50, no. 1 (February 1987): 90–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00053209.
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The existence of a tradition of bow-playing is recorded in some of the earlies written accounts of the Zulu people. Captain Gardiner in 1836 (pp. 104—5 and p1. 1) notes the presence of a gourd-resonated musical bow. It is not, however, clear which of the two Zulu gourd-resonated bows Gardiner encountered. He provides an illustration of a simple bow with undivided string and gourd resonator attached near the centre of the stave but does not note its name. the instrument would seem to be a cross between the Zulu ugubhu, a simple bow with undivided string, but with the gourd resonator attached near the lower end of the stave, and the Zulu umakhweyana, a simple bow with the gourd resonator attached near the centre of the stave, but in which the string is divided by means of a loop which is secured within the centrally-located resonator. Angas (1849:p. 111 and p1. 25) also seems to have confused the two instruments. Plate 25 is an illustration of a young man playing what appears to be the ugubhu (although the gourd resonator is situated higher up the stave than is usual), but the drawing in the text (p. 111) in explanation of plate 25 shows a young man playing the umakhweyana. Thus, while the ugubhu is generally regarded as the older and more authentically Zulu of the two instuments (the umakhweyana being thought to have been borrowed from the Tsonga of Mozambique around the turn of the nineteenth century), it is apparent that, from at least the time of the first documentation of the Zulu, both instruments were in current usage.
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Arvastson, Gösta. "The Zulu Dimension." Cultural Studies ↔ Critical Methodologies 5, no. 3 (August 2005): 402–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532708605276910.
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Monteiro-Ferreira, Ana Maria. "Reevaluating Zulu Religion." Journal of Black Studies 35, no. 3 (January 2005): 347–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934704263127.
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Middleton, John, Katesa Schlosser, and Zulu Prophet Laduma Madela. "Zulu Mythology: As Written and Illustrated by the Zulu Prophet Laduma Madela." African Studies Review 42, no. 1 (April 1999): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/525562.
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Suzman, Susan M. "Names as pointers: Zulu personal naming practices." Language in Society 23, no. 2 (April 1994): 253–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404500017851.
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ABSTRACTChildren in many African societies have meaningful names – unlike their Western counterparts, whose names are primarily labels. In Zulu, Xhosa, Sotho, Tswana, and many other cultures, namegivers traditionally chose personal names that pointed to a range of people and circumstances that were relevant at the time of the child's birth. These highly individual or unique names were part of particular social frameworks that have long been evolving with Western acculturation. Like the social frameworks within which they are embedded, naming practices are in the process of change.This article investigates change in Zulu naming practices as a reflection of wider social changes. Taking historical accounts as the source of traditional namegiving, an analysis of rural, farm, and urban names shows quantitative and qualitative differences in naming practices. Contemporary names differ significantly from traditional ones, and provide evidence that the world view within which names are given is in the process of redefinition. (Anthropological linguistics, naming, South Africa, Zulu)