Книги з теми "Iron age – Turkey"

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1

Rose, Charles Brian. The new chronology of Iron Age Gordion. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, 2012.

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2

Redford, Scott, and Nina Ergin. Cities and citadels in Turkey: From the iron age to the Seljuks. Leuven: Peeters, 2013.

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3

Draycott, Catherine M. Sculpture and inscriptions from the monumental entrance to the palatial complex at Kerkenes Dağ, Turkey. Chicago: Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, 2008.

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4

Anatolian Iron Ages Colloquium (3rd 1990 Van). Anatolian Iron Ages 3: The proceedings of the Third Anatolian Iron Ages Colloquium held at Van, 6-12 August 1990 = Anadolu Demir Çağları 3 : III. Anadolu Demir Çağları Sempozyumu Bildirileri Van, 6-12 Ağustos 1990. London: British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara, 1994.

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5

Mazzoni, Stefania, and Franca Pecchioli, eds. The Uşaklı Höyük Survey Project (2008-2012). Florence: Firenze University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-6655-902-3.

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This book presents the results of the survey conducted by the University of Florence, in the years 2008-2012, at the site and in the surrounding territory of Uşaklı Höyük on the central Anatolian plateau in Turkey. Geological, geomorphological, topographic and geophysical research have provided new information and data relating to the environment and the settlement landscape, as well as producing new maps of the area and indicating the presence of large buried buildings on the site. Analysis of the rich corpus of pottery collected from the surface indicates that the site and its territory were continuously settled from the late Early Bronze Age through the Iron Age and down to the Late Roman and Byzantine periods. A few fragments of cuneiform tablets with Hittite texts, a sealing with two impressions of a stamp seal, and pottery stamps illustrate the importance of Uşaklı Höyük and support the hypothesis of its identification with the town of Zippalanda, known from the Hittite sources as a seat of the cult of the Storm God.
6

Anatolian Iron Ages 4. British Institute of Archaeology at Ankra, 2000.

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7

Anatolian Iron Ages Colloquium 2001 Van, Altan Cilingiroglu, and G. Darbyshire. Anatolian Iron Ages 5 (British Institute at Ankara Monographs). British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara, 2005.

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8

Guarducci, Guido. Nairi Lands: The Identity of the Local Communities of Eastern Anatolia, South Caucasus and Periphery During the Late Bronze and Early Iron Age. a Reassessment of the Material Culture and the Socio-Economic Landscape. Oxbow Books, Limited, 2019.

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9

Cilingiroglu, A., and D. H. French. Anatolian Iron Ages 3 (British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara Monographs, 16). British Inst of Archaeology at, 1994.

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10

Kamrava, Mehran. The Great Game in West Asia. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190673604.003.0001.

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This chapter examines the nature and consequences of the attention paid to the South Caucasus, or lack thereof as the case may be, by the United States, European Union and Russia. It then analyzes ongoing processes of state-building in each of the region’s three states and how the attendant domestic and international challenges of such processes have facilitated opportunities for Iran and Turkey to expand their commercial and strategic ties with each other. The chapter ends with an examination of relations between Turkey and Iran, uneasy neighbors that compete on several fronts but also cooperate out of necessity. It highlights the unfolding of a new game of geostrategic competition and rivalry by these two regional powers over the South Caucasus. Turkey’s favoured tools of competition and rivalry have been its soft power and pipeline politics, and Iran’s are commerce and natural resources.
11

Monshipouri, Mahmood. Pipeline Politics in Iran, Turkey, and the South Caucasus. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190673604.003.0003.

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The relationship between Iran, Turkey and the South Caucasus states have been influenced by an array of geopolitical, strategic, cultural, and economic factors. The competition between Iran and Turkey and their roles in the South Caucasus are best defined by traditional balance-of-power relations and the broader context of the post-Soviet era. This chapter unpacks the complex dynamics of pipeline politics in the South Caucasus region by underlying the need to understand the “Great Power Game” involving geostrategic and geo-economic interests of local governments, regional actors, global powers, and international oil companies. The larger focus turns on underscoring the importance of the region’s large oil and gas reserves; its land connection between the Caspian Sea, South Caucasus, and Europe; and its long-standing territorial conflicts in the post-Soviet era. Iran and Turkey have fought for influence in the South Caucasus while maintaining relatively good bilateral relationships in the region.
12

Ur, Jason. Ancient Landscapes in Southeastern Anatolia. Edited by Gregory McMahon and Sharon Steadman. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780195376142.013.0038.

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This article considers the nature of ancient landscapes and their archaeological investigation in southeastern Anatolia, one of the most intensively studied regions in modern Turkey. Southeastern Anatolia's diversity of environments and long history of settlement make it an ideal region for a landscape approach to the human past. Shifting constellations of settlement—in response to environmental, social, and political factors—have been revealed through decades of field survey and have provided a broad geographic frame that complements the spatially limited results of excavation. At present, particularly vivid trends in settlement and land use have been demonstrated for the Late Chalcolithic Uruk Expansion, the mid-to-late-third-millennium-BCE phase of urban growth, and the Iron Age/Neo-Assyrian period, to name a few examples.
13

Dorronsoro, Gilles, and Olivier Grojean, eds. Identity, Conflict and Politics in Turkey, Iran and Pakistan. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190845780.001.0001.

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Ethnic and religious identity-markers compete with class and gender as principles shaping the organization and classification of everyday life. But how are an individual's identity-based conflicts transformed and redefined? Identity is a specific form of social capital, hence contexts where multiple identities necessarily come with a hierarchy, with differences, and hence with a certain degree of hostility. It examines the rapid transformation of identity hierarchies affecting Iran, Pakistan, and Turkey, a symptom of political fractures, social-economic transformation, and new regimes of subjectification. They focus on the state's role in organizing access to resources, with its institutions often being the main target of demands, rather than competing social groups. Such contexts enable entrepreneurs of collective action to exploit identity differences, which in turn help them to expand the scale of their mobilization and to align local and national conflicts. The authors also examine how identity-based violence may be autonomous in certain contexts, and serve to prime collective action and transform the relations between communities.
14

Waldman, Simon, and Emre Caliskan. The New Turkey and Its Discontents. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190668372.001.0001.

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The Turkey of today little resembles that of recent decades. Its economy has expanded, new political elites have emerged, and the once powerful Kemalist military is no longer a potent and dominant political player. Meanwhile, new prosperity has had many unexpected social and political repercussions, pre-eminent among which is the advent of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), which first came to power in 2002 by downplaying its Islamist leanings and marketing itself as a center-right party. After several terms in office, and amid unprecedented popularity, the conduct of the AKP and its leading cadres has faced growing criticism. Turkey has yet to solve its Kurdish question, and its foreign policy is increasingly under threat as it balances relations with Iran, Israel, Iraq, Russia and the Kurds, to name only a few of its more demanding interlocutors. Widespread domestic protests gripped the country in 2013. The government is now perceived by many to be corrupt, unaccountable, intimidating of the press and intolerant of alternative political views and criticism. Has this once promising democracy descended into a tyranny of the majority led by a charismatic leader, Recep Tayyip Erdogan? Is Turkey more polarized now than ever in its recent history? These are among the questions posed in this timely primer on a rising economic power.
15

Kamrava, Mehran. Conclusion. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190673604.003.0012.

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As middle powers with regional aspirations, Iran and Turkey see the South Caucasus region as an ideal arena for expanding their reach and influence. As post-sanctions Iran finds greater space for diplomacy and trade, the ensuing competition between the two neighboring countries is likely to intensify in the coming years. For both states, trade and soft power are the most viable tools for expanding their influence. In the long run, the competition in trade is only likely to benefit the three states of the South Caucasus. But it is also likely to keep the multiple conflicts that have ravaged the region over the last several decades — especially between Armenia and Azerbaijan, Russia and Georgia, and even the historic animosity between Turkey and Armenia — frozen and without a solution in sight.
16

Racy, A. J. Musical Improvisation. Edited by Benjamin Piekut and George E. Lewis. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199892921.013.23.

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This chapter studies musical improvisation from the perspective of a performing musician and ethnomusicologist. Informed by personal experience and theory, the author explores improvisation in terms of two broadly conceived yet closely interconnected realms, musical artistry and cultural interpretation. Examples from different world contexts are presented with emphasis on the author’s area of expertise, especially the Arab World, Turkey, and Iran. Topics addressed include musical mode, emotion, ecstasy, and the cultural values and meanings attached to improvisatory practice. Cross-cultural musical fusions are closely studied. Through analysis of specific performance events, this research highlights the symbolic, social, political, and ideological meanings as well as the improvisatory artistry.
17

Smith, Benjamin. Comparing Separatism across Regions. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190846374.003.0010.

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This chapter outlines the rationales for studying separatist conflicts across multiple regions through comparative area studies (CAS). It examines why some ethnic minorities are able to sustain broad challenges to their governments while others fail. Post-imperial ethnic region partitions, while relatively uncommon, are central to this question and demand an inquiry of cross-regional scope. Beginning with the division of interwar Kurdistan into parts of Iran, Iraq, Syria, and Turkey, the author extends the theoretical framework to similar border creations in Balochistan (Southwest Asia) and the Tuareg region (North Africa). The comparisons of four Kurdish minorities, of the Kurdish groups to three groups in Balochistan and five Tuareg regions, and of Kurdish nationalism with that of Aceh, speak to the methodological benefits of CAS. The historical depth and spatial breadth of CAS allows for simultaneous context-sensitive comparisons of groups and regions, while generating fresh insights into variations in the level of separatist mobilization.
18

Bianchi, Robert R. China and the Islamic World. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190915285.001.0001.

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China is building a New Silk Road that runs through the heartland of the Muslim world. Its leaders promise to bring about change through improved economies and greater communications across the Eurasian and African continents. While China has the financial and technical resources to accomplish its infrastructure goals, it is sorely unprepared to deal with the social and political demands of the people in the partner countries. This book addresses how China’s leaders and citizens—in their relationships with Pakistan, Turkey, Indonesian, Iran, Nigeria, and Egypt—are learning that they have to respect and adjust to the aspirations of ordinary people throughout the Islamic world, not just cater to the narrow band of government and business elites. In addition, it is becoming increasingly clear that turbulent countries along the New Silk Road are likely to transform Chinese society at least as much as China is changing them. This is a deeply unsettling realization for China’s authoritarian rulers who desperately want to monopolize power domestically. The party and state bosses have responded with a contradictory blend of flexibility abroad and rigidity at home—compromising with popular demands in one country after another while refusing to negotiate many of the same issues with their own citizens. Maintaining such a split-minded statecraft will become ever more difficult as people in China and across the New Silk Road share their aspirations and grievances in wider networks.
19

Mattar, Karim. Specters of World Literature. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474467032.001.0001.

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This book draws on Edward Said, Aamir Mufti, Jacques Derrida, and world-systems theory to address the institutionalized construct of “world literature” from its origins in Goethe and Marx to the present day. It argues that through its history, this construct has served to incorporate if not annul local literatures and the concept of “local literature” itself, and to universalize the novel, the lyric poem, and the stage play as the only literary forms appropriate to modernity. It demonstrates this thesis through a comparative reading of the reinscription of the classical Arabic-Islamic concept of “adab” as “literature” in the modern, European sense in Egypt, Turkey, and Iran in the 19th to mid-20th centuries. It then turns to the Middle Eastern novel in the global contexts of its production, translation, circulation, and reception today. Through new readings of novels and other literary works by Abdelrahman Munif, Naguib Mahfouz, Orhan Pamuk, Azar Nafisi, Yasmin Crowther, and Marjane Satrapi, and with reference to landmarks of Middle Eastern and world literary history ranging from the Mu‘allaqāt and Alf Layla wa Layla to Don Quixote, it argues that these texts—like “world literature” itself—are constitutively haunted by specters of the literary forms and traditions, of the life-worlds that they expressed, cast aside by modernity. In the case of the Middle Eastern novel, it is adab and all that it encompassed in the classical Arab-Islamic world that is suppressed or othered, but that spectral, yet returns in new, genuinely worldly constellations of form.
20

Gelvin, James. The Arab Uprisings. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190222741.001.0001.

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Beginning in December 2010 popular revolt swept through the Middle East, shocking the world and ushering in a period of unprecedented unrest. Protestors took to the streets to demand greater freedom, democracy, human rights, social justice, and regime change. What caused these uprisings? What is their significance? And what are their likely consequences? In an engaging question-and-answer format, this updated edition of The Arab Uprisings: What Everyone Needs to Know® explores all aspects of the revolutionary protests that have rocked the Middle East. Historian James Gelvin begins with an overview, asking questions such as: What sparked the Arab uprisings? Where did the demands for democracy and human rights come from? How appropriate is the phrase “Arab Spring”?--before turning to specific countries around the region. Shifting the emphasis from the initial upheaval itself to the spinning out of the revolutionary process, Gelvin looks at such topics as the role of youth, laor, and religious groups in Tunisia and Egypt and discusses why the military turned against rulers in both countries. Exploring the uprisings in Libya and Yemen, Gelvin explains why these two states are considered “weak,” why that status is important for understanding the upheavals there, and why outside powers intervened in Libya but not in Yemen. This second edition looks more closely at the situation of individual countries affected by the uprisings. Gelvin compares two cases that defied expectations: Algeria, which experts assumed would experience a major upheaval after Egypt’s, and Syria, which experts failed to foresee. He then looks at the monarchies of Morocco, Jordan, and the Gulf, exploring the commonalities and differences of protest movements in each. Reconsidering the possible historical significance of the uprisings Gelvin explores what this means for the United States and Iran. Has al-Qaeda been strengthened or weakened? What effects have the uprisings had on the Israel-Palestine conflict? What conclusions might we draw from the uprisings so far? What Everyone Needs to Know® is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press.

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