Статті в журналах з теми "Jean de (1550?-1623)"

The bronze statue of Neptune (around 1615–20) in the Long Market (DługiTarg) in Gdańsk unifies two opposed antique prototypes, a contrapposto figure which shows the god Neptune peacefully resting, and a dynamic figureapplying the trident, his weapon, in combat. The new combination representsmimetically the changeable nature of the god’ s liquid sphere, the sea.In its artistic invention the statue manifests such an exact knowledge andfamiliarity with the study of antiquity and the artistic methods from MichelangeloBuonarroti until to Giambologna (Jean Boulogne, 1529– 1608), thatwe have to look for the artist among those trained in sixteenth Century Florence.Among the works of the Dutch Hubert Gerhard (1550– 1620), traineduntil to 1581 in Florence in the circle of Giambologna and later active inAugsburg and Munich as a leading Northern Mannerist artist, the ArchangelVanquishing Lucifer (1588) at the facade of St Michael’s Church (M unich)comes most close to the movement expressed in the Gdańsk Ne ptune.

AbstractThe portrait of Symon Marten Dircksz. (1504-1574) preserved in Athens (fig. I, notes 1, 2), was identified on the strength of his coat of arms. The sitter was a staunch Catholic and held high offices in the Amsterdam city government. His portrait, dated 1565, is the earliest specimen of a type that was produced during the last decades of the sixteenth century by the sons of Pieter Aertsen (1507/ 08-1574), Pieter (1540/41-1603) and Aert Pietersz. (1550-1612) (figs. 2, 3, 4, 8, 9). In view of the documented relations between Pieter Aertsen and various prominent Amsterdam citizens and also because of clearly Mannerist features, the portrait may be attributed to the father. It holds a place of its own among Amsterdam portraits of the period and does not relate to any traditional portrait type either in Amsterdam or in Antwerp, where Aertsen had worked until C. 1555. In spite of similarities in the sitters' postures and the ornate background, the portraits attributable to Pieter Pietersz. and Aert Pictersz. (figs. 2, 3, 4, 8, 9) show the style of a younger generation; pictorial space is rendered in a credible way and the figures also appear more three-dimensonal. A late example is the portrait of Hendrick Buyck, signed by Aert Pietersz. and dated 1605 (fig. 8, note 28). The sitter was a successful merchant and joined the Reformed Church, as did most of his brothers and sisters. His portrait contains a wealth of details which may in part point to the traditional idea of transience but also convey information of a more personal nature, as do the texts on the pages of a open cash-book. At his death in 1613 Hendrick Buyck's estate included a small number of paintings, mostly portraits, and one of The Four Evangelists by Pieter Aertsen ('Lange Pier'). This picture may be tentatively identified with one now at Aachen (fig. 10, note 46). A copy of it bears the date 1613 and was in all likelihood made for some member of the Buyck family when the original was inheritcd by the Protestant Hendrick's illegitimate son. The original bears the date 1559 and may well have already been in the possession of Hendrick's grandfather, Cornelis Buyck, who was Pieter Aertsen's neighbour until his death in 1562. POSTSCRIPT HUYBRECHT BEUCKELAER : AN ANTWERP SOLUTION FOR AN AMSTERDAM AND AN ENGLISH PROBLEM The long-standing debate as to whether or not the Monogrammist HB or Hb (figs. 11 and 12) could be identical with Joachim Bcuckclacr, was convincingly settled by Detlev Kreidl (note 27). This author not only analyzed the artist's distinct style but also showed that it was connected with that of Agnolo Bronzino, in whose studio the Monogrammist probably worked. Infrared reflectography subsequently revealed that the Kitchen-maid with a boy and a girl in Brussels (fig. 12), usually thought to be by Pieter Aertsen but attributed by Kreidl to the Monogrammist, bears the signature in full of one H[uybrecht] Beuckelaer, probably a brother of Joachim (note 27). Documents provide scant information on the artist's life. There is evidence of extensive travelling in 1567/68; a letter of 1574 was sent from Bordeaux. His earliest works date from 1563 but only in 1579 did he become a master in the Antwerp guild. This surprisingly late date may be accounted for by the assumption that until then the artist merely (or mainly) assisted other painters. Van Mander relates that Joachim Beuckelaer assisted Antonis Mor for davwages by painting the sitters' attire in their portraits. This piece of information would however seem rather to apply to Huybrecht, who (contrary to Joachim) paid much attention to the rendering of his figures' clothes. An example of his collaboration with Mor may well be the portrait of a nobleman, signed bv Mor and dated 1561, in the Mauritshuis, The Hague (fig. 15, note 64). A number of features in this picture recur in the Brussels Prodigal Son, which bears Huybrecht Beuckelaer's monogram (fig. 11). Huybrecht appears also to have been a portrait painter in his own right. The Style of his Prodigal Son may be recognized in a portrait of Thecla Occo, a member of the powerful Catholic family of that name in Amsterdam (fig. 13, notes 11 and 52). This picture suggests that Huybrecht was familiar with Mor's 1559 portrait of the wife of Jean le Cocq, now in Kassel, where a similar dog (a symbol of conjugal fidelity) lies in its mistress's arm. However, the main inspiration for the style of the Occo portrait comes from portraits Bronzino painted in the mid-1550s. This is borne out by the build of the tall figure with a slender hand dangling from an arm-rest as well as by the narrow shape of the head, enhanced by the strong shadow zone along the right side of the face (cf. fig. 14). From this (and from a similar case to be discussed below) it may be inferred that Huvbrecht visited Bronzino's workshop carly in his career, before working in Mor's studio around 1560. After 1584 there is no further mention of Huybrecht Beuckelaer in Antwerp documents. There is however evidence that he settled in England, probably after the taking of Antwerp by the Spaniards in 1585. A first clue to this effect is supplied by a portrait of Francis Cottington (1578/79-1652), later first Lord Cottington, that was sold at auction in 1922 (fig. 16, note 65). The picture is in many respects very similar to the Prodigal Son though it must, judging by the sitter's age and costume, be dated to the years around 1600, possibly to 1605 when Cottington was appointed secretary to the English ambassador in Spain. The artist's style had remained remarkably constant over the years, and so had his use of Bronzino prototypes. The latter's portrait of the youthful Lodovico Capponi (New York, Frick Collection) must have been in Huybrccht's mind when he designed young Cottington's portrait (fig. 17). There must have been quite a few portraits of distinguished English patrons by Huybrecht Beuckelaer besides the one of Cottington (which is not documented). This is supported by inventories from the years 1583-1590 which mention works by one Hubbert or Hubbard, long considered to have been a Netherlandish artist named Hubert (or Huybrecht - the artist actually used both forms of his name). The works described (notes 72, 73, 75 -77) were mostly portraits. But the earliest mention of his name occurs in connection with A Butcher and a Maid Buying Meat in the Earl of Leicester's collection in 1583. This was obviously a work in the Aertsen-Beuckelaer tradition, such as one might expect from Huybrecht Beuckelaer.

Description de deux éditions de fables que l’éditeur de Cologne Michel Demenius avait publiées, en 1640 et en 1662, sous le nom de Pierre de La Serre. Il s’agit d’éditions pirate qui reproduisent mot à mot la traduction française que Jean Meslier avait publiée, à partir de 1629, dans son recueil trilingue des fables d’Esope. On signale aussi que la source du fablier de Jean Meslier est le recueil qu’Aldo Manuzio l’Ancien avait publié à Venise, en 1505 et qui avait été repris, en 1610, par Isaak Nicolaus Nevelet dans la première partie de saMythologia Æsopica.

El texto ofrece el análisis visual de óleo sobre tabla, Justitia Zeven Hoofdzonden, obra de de Antoon Claeissens (ca. 1536-1613), datada a 1584, confrontando otras versiones cmo son aguafuerte Iusticia, de Luca Penni (ca. 1500-1504-1556), realizado por Léon Davent, grabador del mediados del s. XVI, y el también óleo sobre tabla de Pieter Claeissens de Oude (ca. 1499-1576) que lleva por título Justitia overwint de zeven hoofdzonden (1570- 1613). El A. sostiene que la raigambre medieval de la temática de estas tres obras, relacionada con la alegoría de los siete pecados capitales, posee una dimensión jurídico conectada reformas procesales emprendidas por Francisco I de Francia (1494-1547) para la transición del sistema acusatorio al inquisitivo por la Ordonnance Villers-Cotterets (Ordonnance sur le fait de la Justice, 1539). En ese sentido, introduce nuevas referencias visuales, como la estampa Iusticia, de Pieter Bruegel de Oude (1525- 1569), grabada (1559) por Philips Galle (1537- 1612), y destaca elementos funcionales específicos acerca de desconocimiento del acusado de los cargos formulados en su contra, y la efectiva práctica de la diligencia probatoria de tortura (tortura judicial). Se remarca de esta manera la fuerza explicativa de la cultura visual del Derecho que, en efecto, se situará como una verdadera alternativa al conocimiento jurídico exclusivamente derivado de lo textual. Obras como Praxis rerum criminalium elegantissimis iconibus ad Materiam accommodatis illustrata (1554) y el Enchiridion Rerum Criminalium (1554), del holandés Joos de Damhouder (1507-1581), y Praxis criminis persequendi, elegantibus aliquot figuris illustrata (1541), de Jean de Milles de Souvigny (1490?-1563), emplean en abundancia el recurso a imágenes (xilografías) para retratar las formas de conducción y trato del acusado. Aislados esos rasgos el A. concluye en que la nueva imaginería jurídico-moral de la Justicia a que la introducción del sistema inquisitivo da lugar en Europa durante el s. XVI se encuentra dotada de una plástica inquietante. Este trabajo, pues, proyecta desde la perspectiva cultura visual del Derecho un innovador enfoque para estudio de problemas jurídicos y su mejor comprensión.

Jean-Alphonse Turrettini (1671–1737) was the last of the line of theology professors from his family at the Academy of Geneva, following his grandfather Benedict (1588–1631) and his father François (1623–1687), the famed Reformed scholastic theologian. Jean-Alphonse started his theological career as the pastor of the Italian congregation in Geneva in 1693; he was then named professor of church history at the Academy in 1697 and then rector in 1701 and finally professor of theology in 1705. Although his father was one of the principal architects of the Helvetic Formula Consensus (1675), Jean-Alphonse led the movement toward eliminating such credal religion through the abrogation of the Formula in 1706.

Resumo O objetivo deste trabalho é dar a conhecer a evolução das ferramentas de apoio ao cálculo matemático. Começamos esta jornada cronológica pelos mecanismos mais rudimentares que só realizavam operações de adição e subtração, como por exemplo o ábaco e o Khipu. No séc. XVII, matemáticos como o escocês John Napier (1550- 1617), o inglês William Oughtred (1574-1660) e o francês Blaise Pascal (1623-1662) desenvolveram mecanismos cada vez mais sofisticados para realizar cálculos matemáticos avançados. Estes instrumentos foram sendo cada vez mais aperfeiçoados em termos de dimensão e versatilidade até à descoberta do primeiro circuito integrado, em 1958, pelo físico americano Jack Kilby (1923-2005) que proporcionou o desenvolvimento desses instrumentos, dotando-os de maior capacidade de cálculo e representação - as máquinas de calcular. Palavras-chave: ciência, cálculo, mecanismos.Abstract The objective of this work is to present the evolution of mathematical calculus support tools. We began this chronological journey by the most rudimentary mechanisms that only carried out addition and subtraction operations, as for example the abacus and the Khipu. In the 17th century, mathematicians such as Scotsman John Napier (1550-1617), Englishman William Oughtred (1574-1660) and Frenchman Blaise Pascal (1623-1662) developed progressively more sophisticated mechanisms to perform advanced mathematical calculations. These instruments were increasingly improved in terms of dimension and versatility until the discovery of the first integrated circuit in 1958 by the American physicist Jack Kilby (1923-2005) who provided the development of these instruments, giving them a greater capacity of calculation and representation - the Calculating Machines. Keywords: science, calculus, mechanisms.

Abstract This chapter reconstructs the life of Jean-Baptiste Stouppe (1623–1692), a Huguenot of Italian origin who in the 1650s moved to England and was employed by Oliver Cromwell in important diplomatic / espionage missions. Passing into the service of Louis XIV as a soldier, he published some pro-French propaganda works aimed at Protestants, including a famous description of Dutch religious life, published in 1673, notorious for its negative portrayal of Spinoza’s philosophy. While presenting himself as a defender of Protestant orthodoxy, Stouppe was in fact a libertine with magical-alchemical interests. An unscrupulous and ambiguous figure, his intellectual trajectory is clearly inserted in what has been defined as the crisis of the European conscience.

MnZn ferrites have been widely used as magnetic core materials. It is well known that Ca addition is effective to obtain homogeneous microstructure of fine grains and highly resistive grain boundaries. However, the behaviors of calcium as one of the main additives at different temperature ranges during sintering process are not completely understood yet. In this study, the influence of CaCO3 content and sintering temperature on the microstructure was investigated in 1473-1623 K. It was found that there existed a critical temperature around 1550 K. The grain size decreased with the increase of Ca content when the sintering temperature was lower than the critical temperature, but completely opposite result was observed at higher temperatures range. Possible mechanisms were discussed. When the sintering temperature was lower than the critical temperature, Ca content greatly affected the grain boundary mobility and dominated the grain growth. At higher temperatures, however, formation of liquid phases might be the main cause for the grain growth.

Instrumentos matemáticos foram amplamente divulgados na Europa a partir do século XVI, impulsionados principalmente pela situação econômica de países que estavam envolvidos com a agrimensura, a astronomia e a navegação. Em uma dessas categorias estão situados os instrumentos de cálculos que atravessaram o tempo e trouxeram facilidade para a sociedade. Dessa forma, esse artigo tem caráter informativo e visa apresentar alguns tratados envolvendo instrumentos para a realização de cálculos do século XVII, a saber: (i): Rabdologiae, Seu Numerationis Per Virgulas Libri Duo: cum appendice de expeditíssimo Multiplicationes promptuario, quibus acessit e arithmeticea localis liber unus, de 1617, escrito por John Napier (1550-1617); (ii) The Description and Vse of the Sector, Crossestaffe & Other Instruments, de 1623, de Edmund Gunter (1581–1626); e The Circles of Proportion and the Horizontal Instrvment de 1632, escrito pelo inglês William Oughtred (1574-1660). Estes instrumentos são objetos que podem ser estudados dentro da interface entre história e ensino de matemática que, a partir de um tratamento didático, poderá fazer emergir potencialidades didáticas que contribuirão para o tratamento metodológico das dificuldades conceituais do ensino de matemática.

L'évolution, au rythme très rapide, de la théologie réformée à l'aube des Lumières constitue un excellent révélateur de la crise religieuse qui va se propager en Europe. Un quart de siècle, à peine, entre l'adoption par les Genevois (1678) d'un formulaire de foi, la Formula Consensus (élaboré quelques années plus tôt par les cités helvétiques), et son rejet à Genève et en Suisse. Mieux : le propre fils du dernier grand dogmaticien calviniste, François Turrettini (1623-1687), le jeune Jean-Alphonse (1671-1737) introduira dans la cité de Calvin l'orthodoxie « éclairée » ou « libérale », et il oeuvrera contre la signature de la Formula Consensus, acceptée par le Conseil de Genève sous l'influence de son père. Ce phénomène de rupture resterait inintelligible, s'il n'était situé dans le temps long qui va de la Réforme aux Lumières, avec ce qu'il comporte de mutations culturelles et politiques.

This article documents the use of pitch circularity and Shepard tones in Western art music, 1550–1990. My thesis is that composers have come to exploit the perceptual as well as musical aspects of pitch circularity. Jean-Claude Risset, whose orchestral work, Phases, I analyze in some detail, has been especially successful in both aspects. Additionally, I posit a theory correlating the presence or absence of pitch circularity in music with the aesthetic of formal closure.

Résumé Cet article s’attache à certains commentaires humanistes de l’Art poétique d’Horace pour indiquer les premiers traicts nouveaux (réception d’Aristote, et réflexions originales) qui étaient à la disposition des écrivains et du public lettré au milieu des années 1550, quand le genre de la tragédie humaniste commence à prendre véritablement son essor en France. Il souligne en particulier l’importance de celui de G. Grifoli, qui soutient la thèse — paradoxale — que l’Art poétique d’Horace est d’abord un art de la tragédie (position qu’illustrera également, en 1576, Jean Sturm), interprétation qui le rend sensible à la dimension proprement dramatique du poème tragique comme représentation scénique de la condition humaine.

AbstractThis essay examines the role of ancient Egypt in courtly masquerades under François Ier (r. 1515–47). It opens with an analysis of the iconography of a sphinx costume that was designed by Francesco Primaticcio (1504/05–1570) and worn by the king and one of his favorite courtiers, Cardinal Jean de Lorraine (1498–1550), at a wedding celebration held in 1546. Two other costume drawings by the same artist are discussed next, and the first printed French translation of Horapollo’s Hieroglyphica, which was published in Paris in 1543, is identified as their source. In examining their strange aesthetic and multiple layers of meaning, this study considers how these costumes were symptomatic of a broader French Renaissance fascination with concealed truth and how, as conveyors of veiled messages, they were meant to spark lofty discussions and demonstrate the French court’s sophistication.

Abstract This paper focuses on how Jean Pillot, author of the most popular French grammar of the sixteenth century in terms of editions, took efforts to contrast his native language with Greek. His Gallicæ linguæ institutio (1550/1561), although written in Latin, contains numerous passages where Pillot subtly confronted French with Greek, surveyed in Section 2, in order to give his audience of educated German speakers a clearer view of the idiosyncrasies of French. In Section 3, I analyze why he preferred Greek to the other languages he knew in quite a number of cases, arguing that this subtle contrastive endeavor bore an indirect pedagogical and ideological load. Section 4 discusses the terminological means Pillot used to confront Greek with French, and their origins. In Section 5, I frame Pillot’s appropriation of Greek grammar in the long history of contrastive language studies, with special reference to the pivotal role of sixteenth-century linguistic analysis.

Résumé Le Dialogus creaturarum, recueil de 122 fables compilé au XIVe siècle par un auteur anonyme, a joui d’un succès européen, manuscrit et imprimé, qui s’est prolongé jusque vers 1550; trois versions françaises en sont connues: les deux premières en prose, l’une de Colard Mansion (1482), l’autre anonyme (1482 également), la plus tardive, manuscrite et en vers, de Jean Gontier (ca 1539–1549). Les créatures de Dieu, protagonistes de ces récits, y interviennent selon l’ordre de la Genèse: la section consacrée aux poissons, la quatrième, comprenant les dialogues 37 à 48. L’intérêt du recueil ne réside pourtant pas dans ce qu’il nous dit sur les poissons (il ne fait que confirmer le caractère non homogène de la catégorie, qui indique au Moyen Âge un groupe malaisé à appréhender, piscis étant tout animal / être vivant qui vit dans l’eau), ni dans le contenu des enseignements impartis (conseils de prudence; mises en garde contre les femmes ou les vices: avarice, hypocrisie, superbe, colère, ingratitude; les fables sur les poissons ne se distinguant pas des autres), ni encore dans les descriptions fournies, mais justement dans la présence même de ces êtres dans un recueil de fables. L’analyse proposée ici prend en compte tant les aspects lexicographiques et textuels que l’iconographie, qui concourt, dans l’ensemble de la tradition, à l’approche et à la compréhension du recueil.

Arthur Golding was a prolific Elizabethan translator, most famous for his rendering of Ovid’s Metamorphoses. In 1577, he translated Théodore de Bèze’s 1550 tragedy, Abraham sacrifiant. While the Huguenot’s play has been widely studied, Golding’s translation has received almost no scholarly attention. This article aims to correct this oversight through a comparison of Golding’s version with the original. The analysis shows that Golding in large part employs a deferential approach to the translation of Bèze’s play, one that is in keeping with the religious nature of the text. However, this article also demonstrates that Golding switches translation styles in key moments of the Huguenot tragedy, in particular where Bèze emphasizes the scandalous nature of God’s command and Abraham’s dilemma. In these moments, Golding uses a variety of strategies to lessen the scandalous nature of the text, thereby “pre-digesting” the material for the reader. This editorial tactic will be viewed in relation both to the interpretive approach espoused by Golding in his preface to the Metamorphoses, and to John Calvin’s treatise on offense (scandal), which Golding was translating at the same time as Ovid’s poem. Traducteur élisabéthain prolifique, Arthur Golding est surtout connu aujourd’hui pour sa traduction anglaise des Métamorphoses d’Ovide. En 1577, il a également traduit la tragédie de Théodore de Bèze intitulée Abraham sacrifiant (1550). Alors que la pièce de Bèze a été largement étudiée, la recherche a presqu’entièrement négligé sa traduction par Golding. Le présent article propose de remédier à cette lacune en comparant la traduction de Golding avec le texte original français. Notre analyse montre que Golding adopte une approche fidèle et déférente à sa traduction de la pièce de Bèze, conforme à la nature religieuse du texte. Toutefois, on montre également que Golding change de style de traduction à des moments cruciaux de la tragédie huguenote, en particulier lorsque Bèze fait ressortir l’aspect scandaleux du commandement de Dieu et le dilemme d’Abraham. Dans ces moments, Golding adopte une série de stratégies visant à réduire la nature scandaleuse du texte, offrant de cette façon au lecteur une version « pré-digérée » du récit. La tactique éditoriale de Golding est examinée en relation avec deux autres textes : l’approche interprétative qu’il présente dans la préface à ses Métamorphoses, et le traité de Jean Calvin, Des Scandales, que Golding traduisait précisément en même temps que le poème d’Ovide.

Si l’engagement de la grande noblesse (les Guise, Bourbons, Montmorency, Coligny, Condé) dans les guerres de religion est relaté dans les livres d’histoire, la noblesse de second ordre est moins connue, et l’historiographie ignore largement les grands seigneurs de la Provence orientale qui adhérèrent à la Réforme. Parmi cette noblesse du sud-est de la France, et notamment celle possédant fiefs dans les actuels départements des Alpes-Maritimes, du Var et des Alpes-de-Haute-Provence, on peut citer des Castellane, des Oraison, des Grasse, des Grimaldi de Beuil, et des Villeneuve auxquels est consacrée cette étude. Dès 1550, les évêchés sont affaiblis par la simonie, les questions d’argent et les procès pour conserver leurs droits temporels. L’abbaye de Lérins, dont le rayonnement a décliné suite à la gestion calamiteuse sous le régime de la commende, est devenue un foyer calviniste. Des moines ont été chassés. Quelques évêques ont abjuré publiquement, d’autres sympathisent plus ou moins ouvertement avec les huguenots. Mais, le mouvement réformé ne prend véritablement racine au sein de la noblesse qu’à partir de 1559, avec la fin des guerres d’Italie et le retour des barons sur leurs terres. Certains ont été en contact avec les Allemands luthériens et en reviennent convertis à la doctrine de la « nouvelle foi ». Protégés par le gouverneur de Provence, Claude de Tende, les Grasse et les Lascaris, les Villeneuve ont entraîné parentèle, gentilshommes et notables et créé de petites communautés qui accueillent des pasteurs venus de Genève. Des partis se créent, qui brouillent la légendaire solidarité nobiliaire. Les guérillas mettent tout le pays à feu et à sang. En 1569, le baron de Vence Claude de Villeneuve, son frère Honoré de Villeneuve-Tourrettes-lès-Vence et son oncle Jean de Villeneuve-Thorenc acquièrent, lors d’enchères, des terres et les droits associés mise en vente par l’évêque Louis Grimaldi de Beuil afin de payer les décimes réclamées par la royauté pour subvenir aux guerres de religion. Il semble que leur arrière-pensée soit de reconstituer leur fief, ce qui assurerait, grâce à une alliance avec les Grasse et les Villeneuve-les-Fayence, un vaste territoire protestant. Lors de la guerre proprement provençale entre carcistes et razats, ils font de Saint-Martin-la-Pelote, Saint-Laurent-la-Bastide et le Canadel (notamment) des bastions fortifiés pour accueillir les protestants et leurs troupes. Ces guerres ont fait des ravages parmi les seigneurs. Beaucoup sont morts au combat, les autres se sont ruinés et n’ont plus les moyens d’entretenir un ministre réformé. Quand en 1589 Henri IV devient roi de France, de nombreux barons se soumettent à lui pour obtenir son pardon. Ils n’ont plus de soutien et les abjurations commencent. La fin des guerres de religion dans le sud-est provençal marque aussi celle de l’esprit de patriotisme provençal et celle de la féodalité politique et militaire, tandis que les évêques tridentins cherchent à récupérer les terres vendues par leurs prédécesseurs aux Villeneuve. Néanmoins, la Réforme protestante est bien établie dans une partie de la population. Au XVIIe siècle, les évêques des diocèses de Vence et de Grasse s’attachent lors de visites pastorales à repérer les protestants et à faire appliquer par les vicaires et les curés les préceptes de la Contre-Réforme.

In the first half of the 19th century in literature on art the term ‘Old Masters’ was disseminated (Alte Meister, maître ancienns, etc.), this in relation to the concept of New Masters. However, contrary to the widespread view, it did not result from the name institutionalization of public museums (in Munich the name Alte Pinakothek was given in 1853, while in Dresden the Gemäldegalerie Alte Meister was given its name only after 1956). Both names, however, feature in collection catalogues, books, articles, press reports, as well as tourist guides. The term ‘Old Masters’ with reference to the artists of the modern era appeared in the late 17th century among the circles of English connoisseurs, amateur experts in art (John Evelyn, 1696). Meanwhile, the Great Tradition: from Filippo Villani and Alberti to Bellori, Baldinucci, and even Winckelmann, implied the use of the category of ‘Old Masters’ (antico, vecchio) in reference to ancient: Greek-Roman artists. There existed this general conceptual opposition: old (identified with ancient) v. new (the modern era). An attempt is made to answer when this tradition was broken with, when and from what sources the concept (and subsequently the term) ‘Old Masters’ to define artists later than ancient was formed; namely the artists who are today referred to as mediaeval and modern (13th–18th c.). It was not a single moment in history, but a long intermittent process, leading to 18th- century connoisseurs and scholars who formalized early-modern collecting, antiquarian market, and museology. The discerning and naming of the category in-between ancient masters (those referred to appropriately as ‘old’) and contemporary or recent (‘new’) artists resulted from the attempts made to systemize and categorize the chronology of art history for the needs of new collector- and connoisseurship in the second half of the 16th and in the 17th century. The old continuum of history of art was disrupted by Giorgio Vasari (Vite, 1550, 1568) who created the category of ‘non-ancient old’, ‘our old masters’, or ‘old-new’ masters (vecchi e non antichi, vecchi maestri nostri, i nostri vecchi, i vecchi moderni). The intuition of this ‘in-between’ the vecchi moderni and maestri moderni can be found in some writers-connoisseurs in the early 17th (e.g. Giulio Mancini). The Vasarian category of the ‘old modern’ is most fully reflected in the compartmentalizing of history conducted by Carel van Mander (Het Schilder-Boeck, 1604), who divided painters into: 1) oude (oude antijcke), ancient, antique, 2) oude modern, namely old modern; 3) modern; very modern, living currently. The oude modern constitute a sequence of artists beginning with the Van Eyck brothers to Marten de Vosa, preceding the era of ‘the famous living Netherlandish painters’. The in-between status of ‘old modern’ was the topic of discourse among the academic circles, formulated by Jean de La Bruyère (1688; the principle of moving the caesura between antiquité and modernité), Charles Perrault (1687–1697: category of le notre siècle preceded by le siècle passé, namely the grand masters of the Renaissance), and Pellegrino Antonio Orlandi writing from the position of an academic studioso for connoisseurs and collectors (Abecedario pittorico, 1704, 1719, 1733, 1753; the antichimoderni category as distinct from the i viventi). Together with Christian von Mechel (1781, 1783) the new understanding of ‘old modernity’ enters the scholarly domain of museology and the devising of displays in royal and ducal galleries opened to the public, undergoing the division into national categories (schools) and chronological ones in history of art becoming more a science (hence the alte niederländische/deutsche Meister or Schule). While planning and describing painterly schools at the Vienna Belvedere Gallery, the learned historian and expert creates a tripartite division of history, already without any reference to antiquity, and with a meaningful shift in eras: Alte, Neuere, and lebende Meister, namely ‘Old Masters’ (14th–16th/17th c.), ‘New Masters’ (Late 17th c. and the first half of the 18th c.), and contemporary ‘living artists’. The Alte Meister ceases to define ancient artists, while at the same time the unequivocally intensifying hegemony of antique attitudes in collecting and museology leads almost to an ardent defence of the right to collect only ‘new’ masters, namely those active recently or contemporarily. It is undertaken with fervour by Ludwig Christian von Hagedorn in his correspondence with his brother (1748), reflecting the Enlightenment cult of modernité, crucial for the mental culture of pre-Revolution France, and also having impact on the German region. As much as the new terminology became well rooted in the German-speaking regions (also in terminology applied in auction catalogues in 1719–1800, and obviously in the 19th century for good) and English-speaking ones (where the term ‘Old Masters’ was also used in press in reference to the collections of the National Gallery formed in 1824), in the French circles of the 18th century the traditional division into the ‘old’, namely ancient, and ‘new’, namely modern, was maintained (e.g. Recueil d’Estampes by Pierre Crozat), and in the early 19th century, adopted were the terms used in writings in relation to the Academy Salon (from 1791 located at Louvre’s Salon Carré) which was the venue for alternating displays of old and contemporary art, this justified in view of political and nationalistic legitimization of the oeuvre of the French through the connection with the tradition of the great masters of the past (Charles-Paul Landon, Pierre-Marie Gault de Saint-Germain). As for the German-speaking regions, what played a particular role in consolidating the term: alte Meister, was the increasing Enlightenment – Romantic Medievalism as well as the cult of the Germanic past, and with it a revaluation of old-German painting: altdeutsch. The revision of old-German art in Weimar and Dresden, particularly within the Kunstfreunde circles, took place: from the category of barbarism and Gothic ineptitude, to the apology of the Teutonic spirit and true religiousness of the German Middle Ages (partic. Johann Gottlob von Quandt, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe). In this respect what actually had an impact was the traditional terminology backup formed in the Renaissance Humanist Germanics (ethnogenetic studies in ancient Germanic peoples, their customs, and language), which introduced the understanding of ancient times different from classical-ancient or Biblical-Christian into German historiography, and prepared grounds for the altdeutsche Geschichte and altdeutsche Kunst/Meister concepts. A different source area must have been provided by the Reformation and its iconoclasm, as well as the reaction to it, both on the Catholic, post-Tridentine side, and moderate Lutheran: in the form of paintings, often regarded by the people as ‘holy’ and ‘miraculous’; these were frequently ancient presentations, either Italo-Byzantine icons or works respected for their old age. Their ‘antiquity’ value raised by their defenders as symbols of the precedence of Christian cult at a given place contributed to the development of the concept of ‘ancient’ and ‘old’ painters in the 17th–18th century.

ABSTRACT Considered in isolation, the radiocarbon (14C) dates on short-lived plant remains from the Jean-Baptiste Lainé (formerly Mantle) site, Ontario, yield an ambiguous result: more or less similar probability around AD 1500 or alternatively around AD 1600. This village site, likely of no more than ca. 20–30 years total duration, illustrates the challenges of high-resolution dating across periods with a reversal/plateau in the 14C calibration curve. Another problem we identify is the tendency for dating probability for short-duration sites to sometimes be overly compressed as dating intensity increases under analysis with OxCal, and for probability to shift away from the real age range especially during reversal/plateau episodes. To address both issues additional constraints are necessary. While a tree-ring sequenced 14C “wiggle-match” is the best option where available, we investigate how, in the absence of such an option, use of the in-built age in wood-charcoal samples can be used to distinguish the likely correct date range. This approach can resolve ambiguities in dating, e.g., for shorter-duration Late Woodland village sites in northeastern North America, but also other short-duration cases corresponding with reversal/plateau episodes on the 14C calibration curve. We place the Jean-Baptiste Lainé site most likely in a range between ca. AD 1595–1626 (95.4% probability).

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What creative techniques of resistance are available to a female filmmaker when she is the victim of a violent event and filmed at her most vulnerable? This article uses an autoethnographic lens to discuss my experience of a serious car crash my family and I were inadvertently involved in due to police negligence and a criminal act. Employing Creative Analytical Practice (CAP) ethnography, a reflexive form of research which recognises that the creative process, producer and product are “deeply intertwined” (Richardson, “Writing: A Method” 930), I investigate how the crash’s violent affects crippled my agency, manifested in my creative praxis and catalysed my identification of latent forms of institutionalised violence in film culture, its discourse and pedagogy that also contributed to my inertia. The article maps my process of writing a feature length screenplay during the aftermath of the crash as I set out to articulate my story of survival and resistance. Using this narrative inquiry, in which we can “investigate how we construct the world, ourselves, and others, and how standard objectifying practices...unnecessarily limit us” (Richardson, “Writing: A Method” 924), I outline how I attempted to disrupt the entrenched power structures that exist in dominant narratives of violence in film and challenge my subjugated positioning as a woman within this canon. I describe my engagement with the deconstructionist practices of writing the body and militant feminist cinema, which suggest subversive opportunities for women’s self-determination by encouraging us to embrace our exiled positioning in dominant discourse through creative experimentation, and identify some of the possibilities and limitations of this for female agency. Drawing on CAP ethnography, existentialism, film feminism, and narrative reframing, I assert that these reconstructive practices are more effective for the creative enfranchisement of women by not relegating us to the periphery of social systems and cultural forms. Instead, they enable us to speak back to violent structures in a language that has greater social access, context and impact.My strong desire to tell screen stories lies in my belief that storytelling is a crucial evolutionary mechanism of resilience. Narratives do not simply represent the social world but also have the ability to change it by enabling us to “try to figure out how to live our lives meaningfully” (Ellis 760). This conviction has been directly influenced by my personal story of trauma and survival when myself, my siblings, and our respective life partners became involved in a major car crash. Two police officers attending to a drunken brawl in an inner city park had, in their haste, left the keys in the ignition of their vehicle. We were travelling across a major intersection when the police car, which had subsequently been stolen by a man involved in the brawl – a man who was wanted on parole, had a blood alcohol level three times over the legal limit, and was driving at speeds exceeding 110kms per hour - ran a red light and crossed our path, causing us to crash into his vehicle. From the impact, the small four-wheel drive we were travelling in was catapulted metres into the air, rolling numerous times before smashing head on into oncoming traffic. My heavily pregnant sister was driving our vehicle.The incident attracted national media attention and our story became a sensationalist spectacle. Each news station reported erroneous and conflicting information, one stating that my sister had lost her unborn daughter, another even going so far as to claim my sister had died in the crash. This tabloidised, ‘if it bleeds, it leads’, culture of journalism, along with new digital technologies, encourages and facilitates the normalisation of violent acts, often inflicted on women. Moreover, in their pursuit of high-rating stories, news bodies motivate dehumanising acts of citizen journalism that see witnesses often inspired to film, rather than assist, victims involved in a violent event. Through a connection with someone working for a major news station, we discovered that leading news broadcasters had bought a tape shot by a group of men who call themselves the ‘Paparazzi of Perth’. These men were some of the first on the scene and began filming us from only a few metres away while we were still trapped upside down and unconscious in our vehicle. In the recording, the men are heard laughing and celebrating our tragedy as they realise the lucrative possibilities of the shocking imagery they are capturing as witnesses pull us out of the back of the car, and my pregnant sister incredibly frees herself from the wreckage by kicking out the window.As a female filmmaker, I saw the bitter irony of this event as the camera was now turned on me and my loved ones at our most vulnerable. In her discussion of the male gaze, a culturally sanctioned form of narrational violence against women that is ubiquitous in most mainstream media, Mulvey proposes that women are generally the passive image, trapped by the physical limits of the frame in a permanent state of powerlessness as our identity is reduced to her “to-be-looked-at-ness” (40). For a long period of time, the experience of performing the role of this commodified woman of a weaponised male gaze, along with the threat of annihilation associated with our near-death experience, immobilised my spirit. I felt I belonged “more to the dead than to the living” (Herman 34). When I eventually returned to my creative praxis, I decided to use scriptwriting as both my “mode of reasoning and a mode of representation” (Richardson, Writing Strategies 21), test whether I could work through my feelings of alienation and violation and reclaim my agency. This was a complex and harrowing task because my memories “lack[ed] verbal narrative and context” (Herman 38) and were deeply rooted in my body. Cixous confirms that for women, “writing and voice...are woven together” and “spring from the deepest layers of her psyche” (Moi 112). For many months, I struggled to write. I attempted to block out this violent ordeal and censor my self. I soon learnt, however, that my body could not be silenced and was slow to forget. As I tried to write around this experience, the trauma worked itself deeper inside of me, and my physical symptoms worsened, as did the quality of my writing.In the early version of the screenplay I found myself writing a female-centred film about violence, identity and death, using the fictional narrative to express the numbness I experienced. I wrote the female protagonist with detachment as though she were an object devoid of agency. Sartre claims that we make objects of others and of ourselves in an attempt to control the uncertainty of life and the ever-changing nature of humanity (242). Making something into an object is to deprive it of life (and death); it is our attempt to keep ourselves ‘safe’. While I recognise that the car crash’s reminder of my mortality was no doubt part of the reason why I rendered myself, and the script’s female protagonist, lifeless as agentic beings, I sensed that there were subtler operations of power and control behind my self-objectification and self-censorship, which deeply concerned me. What had influenced this dea(r)th of female agency in my creative imaginings? Why did I write my female character with such a red pen? Why did I seem so compelled to ‘kill’ her? I wanted to investigate my gender construction, the complex relationship between my scriptwriting praxis, and the context within which it is produced to discover whether I could write a different future for myself, and my female characters. Kiesinger supports “contextualizing our stories within the framework of a larger picture” (108), so as to remain open to the possibility that there might not be anything ‘wrong’ with us, per se, “but rather something very wrong with the dynamics that dominate the communicative system” (109) within which we operate: in the case of my creative praxis, the oppressive structures present in the culture of film and its pedagogy.Pulling FocusWomen are supposed to be the view and when the view talks back, it is uncomfortable.— Jane Campion (Filming Desire)It is a terrible thing to see that no one has ever taught us how to develop our vision as women neither in the history of arts nor in film schools.— Marie Mandy (Filming Desire)The democratisation of today’s media landscape through new technologies, the recent rise in female-run production companies (Zemler) in Hollywood, along with the ground-breaking #MeToo and Time’s Up movements has elevated the global consciousness of gender-based violence, and has seen the screen industry seek to redress its history of gender imbalance. While it is too early to assess the impact these developments may have on women’s standing in film, today the ‘celluloid ceiling’ still operates on multiple levels of indoctrination and control through a systemic pattern of exclusion for women that upholds the “nearly seamless dialogue among men in cinema” (Lauzen, Thumbs Down 2). Female filmmakers occupy a tenuous position of influence in the mainstream industry and things are not any better on the other side of the camera (Lauzen, The Celluloid Ceiling). For the most part, Hollywood’s male gaze and penchant for sexualising and (physically or figuratively) killing female characters, which normalises violence against women and is “almost inversely proportional to the liberation of women in society” (Mandy), continues to limit women to performing as the image rather than the agent on screen.Film funding bodies and censorship boards, mostly comprised of men, remain exceptionally averse to independent female filmmakers who go against the odds to tell their stories, which often violate taboos about femininity and radically redefine female agency through the construction of the female gaze: a narrational technique of resistance that enables reel woman to govern the point of view, imagery and action of the film (Smelik 51-52). This generally sees their films unjustly ghettoised through incongruent classification or censorship, and forced into independent or underground distribution (Sexton-Finck 165-182). Not only does censorship propose the idea that female agency is abject and dangerous and needs to be restrained, it prevents access to this important cinema by women that aims to counter the male gaze and “shield us from this type of violence” (Gillain 210). This form of ideological and institutional gatekeeping is not only enforced in the film industry, it is also insidiously (re)constituted in the epistemological construction of film discourse and pedagogy, which in their design, are still largely intrinsically gendered institutions, encoded with phallocentric signification that rejects a woman’s specificity and approach to knowledge. Drawing on my mutually informative roles as a former film student and experienced screen educator, I assert that most screen curricula in Australia still uphold entrenched androcentric norms that assume the male gaze and advocate popular cinema’s didactic three-act structure, which conditions our value systems to favour masculinity and men’s worldview. This restorative storytelling approach is argued to be fatally limiting to reel women (Smith 136; Dancyger and Rush 25) as it propagates the Enlightenment notion of a universal subjectivity, based on free will and reason, which neutralises the power structures of society (and film) and repudiates the influence of social positioning on our opportunity for agency. Moreover, through its omniscient consciousness, which seeks to efface the presence of a specific narrator, the three-act method disavows this policing of female agency and absolves any specific individual of responsibility for its structural violence (Dyer 98).By pulling focus on some of these problematic mechanisms in the hostile climate of the film industry and its spaces of learning for women, I became acutely aware of the more latent forms of violence that had conditioned my scriptwriting praxis, the ambivalence I felt towards my female identity, and my consequent gagging of the female character in the screenplay.Changing Lenses How do the specific circumstances in which we write affect what we write? How does what we write affect who we become?— Laurel Richardson (Fields of Play 1)In the beginning, there is an end. Don’t be afraid: it’s your death that is dying. Then: all the beginnings.— Helene Cixous (Cixous and Jensen 41)The discoveries I made during my process of CAP ethnography saw a strong feeling of dissidence arrive inside me. I vehemently wanted to write my way out of my subjugated state and release some of the anguish that my traumatised body was carrying around. I was drawn to militant feminist cinema and the French poststructuralist approach of ‘writing the body’ (l’ecriture feminine) given these deconstructive practices “create images and ideas that have the power to inspire to revolt against oppression and exploitation” (Moi 120). Feminist cinema’s visual treatise of writing the body through its departure from androcentric codes - its unformulaic approach to structure, plot, character and narration (De Lauretis 106) - revealed to me ways in which I could use the scriptwriting process to validate my debilitating experience of physical and psychic violence, decensor my self and move towards rejoining the living. Cixous affirms that, “by writing her self, woman will return to the body which has been more than confiscated from her, which has been turned into…the ailing or dead figure” (Cixous, The Laugh of the Medusa 880). It became clear to me that the persistent themes of death that manifested in the first draft of the script were not, as I first suspected, me ‘rehearsing to die’, or wanting to kill off the woman inside me. I was in fact “not driven towards death but by death” (Homer 89), the close proximity to my mortality, acting as a limit, was calling for a strengthening of my life force, a rebirth of my agency (Bettelheim 36). Mansfield acknowledges that death “offers us a freedom outside of the repression and logic that dominate our daily practices of keeping ourselves in order, within the lines” (87).I challenged myself to write the uncomfortable, the unfamiliar, the unexplored and to allow myself to go to places in me that I had never before let speak by investigating my agency from a much more layered and critical perspective. This was both incredibly terrifying and liberating and enabled me to discard the agentic ‘corset’ I had previously worn in my creative praxis. Dancyger and Rush confirm that “one of the things that happens when we break out of the restorative three-act form is that the effaced narrator becomes increasingly visible and overt” (38). I experienced an invigorating feeling of empowerment through my appropriation of the female gaze in the screenplay which initially appeased some of the post-crash turmoil and general sense of injustice I was experiencing. However, I soon, found something toxic rising inside of me. Like the acrimonious feminist cinema I was immersed in – Raw (Ducournau), A Girl Walks Home at Night (Amirpour), Romance (Breillat), Trouble Every Day (Denis), Baise-Moi (Despentes and Thi), In My Skin (Van), Anatomy of Hell (Breillat) – the screenplay I had produced involved a female character turning the tables on men and using acts of revenge to satisfy her needs. Not only was I creating a highly dystopian world filled with explicit themes of suffering in the screenplay, I too existed in a displaced state of rage and ‘psychic nausea’ in my daily life (Baldick and Sartre). I became haunted by vivid flashbacks of the car crash as abject images, sounds and sensations played over and over in my mind and body like a horror movie on loop. I struggled to find the necessary clarity and counterbalance of stability required to successfully handle this type of experimentation.I do not wish to undermine the creative potential of deconstructive practices, such as writing the body and militant cinema, for female filmmakers. However, I believe my post-trauma sensitivity to visceral entrapment and spiritual violence magnifies some of the psychological and physiological risks involved. Deconstructive experimentation “happens much more easily in the realm of “texts” than in the world of human interaction” (hooks 22) and presents agentic limitations for women since it offers a “utopian vision of female creativity” (Moi 119) that is “devoid of reality...except in a poetic sense” (Moi 122). In jettisoning the restorative qualities of narrative film, new boundaries for women are inadvertently created through restricting us to “intellectual pleasure but rarely emotional pleasure” (Citron 51). Moreover, by reducing women’s agency to retaliation we are denied the opportunity for catharsis and transformation; something I desperately longed to experience in my injured state. Kaplan acknowledges this problem, arguing that female filmmakers need to move theoretically beyond deconstruction to reconstruction, “to manipulate the recognized, dominating discourses so as to begin to free ourselves through rather than beyond them (for what is there ‘beyond’?)” (Women and Film 141).A potent desire to regain a sense of connectedness and control pushed itself out from deep inside me. I yearned for a tonic to move myself and my female character to an active position, rather than a reactive one that merely repeats the victimising dynamic of mainstream film by appropriating a reversed (female) gaze and now makes women the violent victors (Kaplan, Feminism and Film 130). We have arrived at a point where we must destabilise the dominance-submission structure and “think about ways of transcending a polarity that has only brought us all pain” (Kaplan, Feminism and Film 135). I became determined to write a screen narrative that, while dealing with some of the harsh realities of humanity I had become exposed to, involved an existentialist movement towards catharsis and activity.ReframingWhen our stories break down or no longer serve us well, it is imperative that we examine the quality of the stories we are telling and actively reinvent our accounts in ways that permit us to live more fulfilling lives.— Christine Kiesinger (107)I’m frightened by life’s randomness, so I want to deal with it, make some sense of it by telling a film story. But it’s not without hope. I don’t believe in telling stories without some hope.— Susanne Bier (Thomas)Narrative reframing is underlined by the existentialist belief that our spiritual freedom is an artistic process of self-creation, dependent on our free will to organise the elements of our lives, many determined out of our control, into the subjective frame that is to be our experience of our selves and the world around us (107). As a filmmaker, I recognise the power of selective editing and composition. Narrative reframing’s demand for a rational assessment of “the degree to which we live our stories versus the degree to which our stories live us” (Kiesinger 109), helped me to understand how I could use these filmmaking skills to take a step back from my trauma so as to look at it objectively “as a text for study” (Ellis 108) and to exercise power over the creative-destructive forces it, and the deconstructive writing methods I had employed, produced. Richardson confirms the benefits of this practice, since narrative “is the universal way in which humans accommodate to finitude” (Writing Strategies 65).In the script’s development, I found my resilience lay in my capacity to imagine more positive alternatives for female agency. I focussed on writing a narrative that did not avoid life’s hardships and injustices, or require them to be “attenuated, veiled, sweetened, blunted, and falsified” (Nietzsche and Hollingdale 68), yet still involved a life-affirming sentiment. With this in mind, I reintroduced the three-act structure in the revised script as its affectivity and therapeutic denouement enabled me to experience a sense of agentic catharsis that turned “nauseous thoughts into imaginations with which it is possible to live” (Nietzsche 52). Nevertheless, I remained vigilant not to lapse into didacticism; to allow my female character to be free to transgress social conventions surrounding women’s agency. Indebted to Kaplan’s writing on the cinematic gaze, I chose to take up what she identifies as a ‘mutual gaze’; an ethical framework that enabled me to privilege the female character’s perspective and autonomy with a neutral subject-subject gaze rather than the “subject-object kind that reduces one of the parties to the place of submission” (Feminism and Film 135). I incorporated the filmic technique of the point of view (POV) shot for key narrative moments as it allows an audience to literally view the world through a character’s eyes, as well as direct address, which involves the character looking back down the lens at the viewer (us); establishing the highest level of identification between the spectator and the subject on screen.The most pertinent illustration of these significant scriptwriting changes through my engagement with narrative reframing and feminist film theory, is in the reworking of my family’s car crash which became a pivotal turning point in the final draft. In the scene, I use POV and direct address to turn the weaponised gaze back around onto the ‘paparazzi’ who are filming the spectacle. When the central (pregnant) character frees herself from the wreckage, she notices these men filming her and we see the moment from her point of view as she looks at these men laughing and revelling in the commercial potential of their mediatised act. Switching between POV and direct address, the men soon notice they have been exposed as the woman looks back down the lens at them (us) with disbelief, reproaching them (us) for daring to film her in this traumatic moment. She holds her determined gaze while they glance awkwardly back at her, until their laughter dissipates, they stop recording and appear to recognise the culpability of their actions. With these techniques of mutual gazing, I set out to humanise and empower the female victim and neutralise the power dynamic: the woman is now also a viewing agent, and the men equally perform the role of the viewed. In this creative reframing, I hope to provide an antidote to filmic violence against and/or by women as this female character reclaims her (my) experience of survival without adhering to the culture of female passivity or ressentiment.This article has examined how a serious car crash, being filmed against my will in its aftermath and the attendant damages that prevailed from this experience, catalysed a critical change of direction in my scriptwriting. The victimising event helped me recognise the manifest and latent forms of violence against women that are normalised through everyday ideological and institutional systems in film and prevent us from performing as active agents in our creative praxis. There is a critical need for more inclusive modes of practice – across the film industry, discourse and pedagogy – that are cognisant and respectful of women’s specificity and our difference to the androcentric landscape of mainstream film. We need to continue to exert pressure on changing violent mechanisms that marginalise us and ghettoise our stories. As this article has demonstrated, working outside dominant forms can enable important emancipatory opportunities for women, however, this type or deconstruction also presents risks that generally leave us powerless in everyday spaces. While I advocate that female filmmakers should look to techniques of feminist cinema for an alternative lens, we must also work within popular film to critique and subvert it, and not deny women the pleasures and political advantages of its restorative structure. By enabling female filmmakers to (re)humanise woman though encouraging empathy and compassion, this affective storytelling form has the potential to counter violence against women and mobilise female agency. Equally, CAP ethnography and narrative reframing are critical discourses for the retrieval and actualisation of female filmmakers’ agency as they allow us to contextualise our stories of resistance and survival within the framework of a larger picture of violence to gain perspective on our subjective experiences and render them as significant, informative and useful to the lives of others. This enables us to move from the isolated margins of subcultural film and discourse to reclaim our stories at the centre.ReferencesA Girl Walks Home at Night. Dir. Ana Lily Amirpour. Say Ahh Productions, 2014.Anatomy of Hell. Dir. Catherine Breillat. Tartan Films, 2004. Baise-Moi. Dirs. Virginie Despentes and Coralie Trinh Thi. FilmFixx, 2000.Baldick, Robert, and Jean-Paul Sartre. Nausea. 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