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Статті в журналах з теми "Parliamentary regimes":
1
Morgenstern, Scott, Juan Javier Negri, and Aníbal Pérez-Liñán. "Parliamentary Opposition in Non-Parliamentary Regimes: Latin America." Journal of Legislative Studies 14, no. 1-2 (June 2008): 160–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572330801921166.
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Noppe, Jo. "Het parlementaire optreden van de eerste minister in België en Nederland : Een vergelijking tussen de regeringen Martens VIII, Dehaene I en Lubbers III." Res Publica 42, no. 4 (December 31, 2000): 521–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v42i4.18523.
Анотація:
The relation between the constitutionally founded supremacy of the parliament and the authoriy of the Prime Minister (PM) based on common law, is of a great importance in the Low Countries. This relation constitutes the difference between parliamentary and presidential regimes. It is the PM's duty to take care of the permanent support ofthe parliamentary majority. This is not an easy exercise. Members of parliament are not always as positive about the PM's parliamentary performances. Characteristics of the parliamentary activity of the Belgian PM's Wilfried Martens, Jean-Luc Dehaene and the Dutch Ruud Lubbers are handled as: the frequency and the extent of the PM's parliamentary performances, the topics handled by the PM's in parliament, the PM's opponents in parliamentary debate and finally more generally the PM's parliamentary role behaviour. Due to the different position of both the parliament and the PM in the Belgian and the Dutch political system, the characteristics of the parliamenty activity of the Belgian and the Dutch PM are not always very similar. Additionally, remarkable differences occur between the parliamentary activity of different PM'swithin the same country.
3
Pelizzo, Riccardo, and Joseph Cooper. "Stability in Parliamentary Regimes: The Italian Case." Legislative Studies Quarterly 27, no. 2 (May 2002): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3598527.
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Pelizzo, Riccardo, and Joseph Cooper. "Stability in Parliamentary Regimes: The Italian Case." Legislative Studies Quarterly 27, no. 2 (May 1, 2002): 163–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3162/036298002x200558.
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Loidolt, Bryce, and Quinn Mecham. "Parliamentary Opposition Under Hybrid Regimes: Evidence from Egypt." Legislative Studies Quarterly 41, no. 4 (July 4, 2016): 997–1022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsq.12144.
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Protsyk, Oleh. "Politics of Intraexecutive Conflict in Semipresidential Regimes in Eastern Europe." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 19, no. 2 (May 2005): 135–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325404270672.
Анотація:
This article analyzes the patterns of intraexecutive conflict and cooperation in East European democracies that adopted semipresidential constitutional frameworks. It explores how the coexistence of popularly elected presidents and prime ministers is shaped by constitutional provisions, parliamentary fragmentation, and party system characteristics. The article emphasizes a critical role that party systems play in the evolution of intraexecutive relations across the region. It argues that variations in the political status of the cabinet, in the character of parliamentary composition, and in the constitutional powers of the president affect both the type and frequency of intraexecutive conflict experienced by semipresidential regimes.
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Brunclik, Milos. "Problem of early elections and dissolution power in the Czech Republic." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 46, no. 2 (April 9, 2013): 217–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2013.03.003.
Анотація:
Theory of parliamentary regimes presumes that parliament can express vote of no confidence in government. On the other hand executive power (government or head of state) is endowed with right to dissolve the parliament. However, these “doomsday devices” are not in balance in many parliamentary regimes, including the Czech Republic. On the basis of a comparative analysis of dissolution provisions in the constitutions of European states the article argues that the government in the Czech Republic should be given the right to dissolve the lower chamber at least in case that the latter expresses vote of no confidence in the former.
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Malinowski, Mikołaj. "Economic Consequences of State Failure—Legal Capacity, Regulatory Activity, and Market Integration in Poland, 1505–1772." Journal of Economic History 79, no. 3 (July 12, 2019): 862–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050719000330.
Анотація:
With use of innovative proxies and new annual data, I demonstrate that relatively high legal capacity and regulatory activity of the early-modern Polish parliament, the Seym, was positively associated with deeper domestic commodity market integration. Conversely, the lack of effective law-making, caused by the right of a single delegate to discontinue the Seym’s sessions, fostered market fragmentation. This indicates that early parliamentary regimes required legal capacity to harmonize domestic institutions and reduce the transaction costs. The Polish case suggests a hypothesis that the pre-1800 “Little Divergence” between European parliamentary regimes could be explained by differences in their governments’ capacities.
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Yan, Huang-Ting. "Does the constitution matter? Semi-presidentialism and the origin of hegemonic personalist regimes." International Political Science Review 41, no. 3 (April 24, 2019): 365–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512119829160.
Анотація:
This study examines hegemonic personalist regimes (HPRs) and argues that semi-presidential dictatorships are more likely to evolve into HPRs than parliamentary systems or presidential autocracies. In presidential autocracies, elites delegate power to dictators who control the military to eliminate threats from the opposition. In parliamentary systems, elites are more likely to build power-sharing parties through which parliamentary opposition can be defeated, often evolving into single-party regimes. In semi-presidential autocracies, elites delegate power to dictators in exchange for investments, support of their agendas, or defeat of the opposition, which can lead to personalist rule supported by a dominant party or HPR. This study verified this phenomenon using logistic regression. In addition, this study examined three possible challenges: unstable equilibrium, reverse causality and institutional variation within semi-presidentialism. In sum, the incentive structure inherent in semi-presidential systems paves the way for the rise of HPRs.
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Anghel, Veronica. "“Why Can’t We Be Friends?” The Coalition Potential of Presidents in Semi-presidential Republics—Insights from Romania." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 32, no. 1 (August 24, 2017): 101–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325417722829.
Анотація:
Coalition governments are a regularly studied feature of parliamentary democracies. Debates still linger in the field as to what extent the outcomes of these studies are also applicable in determining who has the upper hand over coalition formation in semi-presidential regimes. This article explores the dynamics of government formation under semi-presidential regimes using evidence from Romania (1990–2016) and discusses the formal and informal potential of the president to shape coalitions. It covers a lacuna in qualitative studies by using evidence gathered from in-depth interviews with prime ministers, cabinet members, and key party decision makers and shows that under certain circumstances presidents can play an influential role in government formation, but these are rather the exception than the rule. Using a case that presents the incentives for an increase in the presidentialization of politics, I show that the mechanisms of a multiparty regime mostly limit the president’s exclusive bargaining advantage to nominating the prime minister and then, much as in a parliamentary democracy, render him or her dependent on the coalition potential of his or her own party.
Дисертації з теми "Parliamentary regimes":
1
Das, Cyrus Vimalakumar. "Emergency powers and parliamentary government in Malaysia : constitutionalism in a new democracy." Thesis, Brunel University, 1994. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/5240.
Анотація:
This thesis is a situational study of the use and exercise of emergency powers in Malaysia, undertaken from the perspective of the principles underlying the Malaysian Constitution. The primary focus and perspective are Malaysian, and I use comparative materials where I consider they may help to Illuminate that perspective and the way in which emergency powers have been used. A unique situation has been created whereby the Malaysian Government has the option of taking measures under one or other of two legal regimes. The thesis, therefore, examines the development of this parallel government system. it includes discussion of the considerations that animated writing reserve powers into the Malaysian Constitution and the near Institutionalisation of the state of emergency In Malaysia, using this historical background to focus on the role of the judiciary In crisis situations, the incorporation of certain traditional elements of Malay society into the Constitution, and the existence of racial 'bargaining' in developing the Constitution. The thesis then examines the distinct legal order created by a state of emergency, within the context of the reality of the Malaysian polity. Hence, there is an examination of the four actual instances when an emergency was proclaimed in the country. An examination is also undertaken of the various amendments made to Article 150 over the years which has reduced much of the safeguards originally built into the provision. This examination suggests that Article 150 in Its present form, is debilitative of parliamentary government largely because of the dual system of law-making created by a state of emergency. The thesis therefore provides an insight into the working of a major constitutional democracy seeking to reconcile the need to maintain emergency powers and realise the objective of a parliamentary system envisaged by its Federal Constitution.
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Savane, Lamine. "Le renouveau des élites politiques au Mali : Sociologie des élites parlementaires maliennes de l'avènement de la démocratie à nos jours (1992-2012)." Thesis, Montpellier 1, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012MON10059.
Анотація:
La sociographie des élites politiques au Mali reste un domaine très inexploré. Cette thèse se propose d’étudier lestrajectoires des élites parlementaires maliennes de 1992-2002. Elle s’est donnée pour ambition d’étudier le socialbackground des députés à partir de la sociologie politique des élites. Nous soutenons la thèse que le champpolitique malien est le fruit d’une hybridation politique issue de l’histoire précoloniale, coloniale et postcoloniale. Ainsi, la légitimité des députés est à la fois « traditionnelle » et « moderne », elle reposeprincipalement sur les ressources mobilisables par les parlementaires, à savoir l’origine sociale (familiale,territoriale) et la position dans la société malienne (statut social, profession, niveau d’études). Afin decompléter ce tableau politique de l’élite parlementaire malienne la thèse s’attache à mettre en lumière les« capacités de professionnalisation » des députés à transformer leurs propriétés sociales en ressources politiques.Pour cela l’analyse institutionnelle reste insuffisante pour rendre compte du recrutement de cette élite. Lecroisement de la sociologie des partis, des rôles, des réseaux met en exergue la politisation et laprofessionnalisation des députés. En analysant la réalité du multipartisme au Mali dans un contexte socioculturelet politique différent, cette recherche confirme les acquis de la sociologie politique d’une démocratisationsingulière. La compétition politique, si elle repose essentiellement sur les partis politiques, ne peut être suffisantepour expliquer ces processus de professionnalisation. Il faut aussi tenir compte d’autres acteurs « a-partisans »qui par des voies parallèles intériorisent ces codes du champ politiqueThe Malian political elite's “sociography” remains unexplored. This thesis based on the elite's sociology, aims at studying the Malian parliamentary elites' careers from 1992 to 2012.Its goal is to study the MPS' social background.In this study we assert that the Malian political field is the result of a political hybridisation stemming from the pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial History. This hybridisation also highlights the weight of lineage, the promotion of vote-catching opportunism of self-made men who constantly reshuffle the voters' registration card in the multiparty political regime of the post-dictatorial era. Thus, the MPS' legitimacy is akin to a dual legitimacy, both “traditional” and “modern”. This legitimacy lies mainly on the resources available for the members of parliament, namely the social background (family and territorial) and the position in Malian society (social status, occupation, level of education).In order to complete this political picture of the Malian parliamentary elite, we intend through this paper to stress the “professionalization abilities” of members of parliament to turn their social peculiarities (social background, social wealth) into political resources (electoral clientele).In order to achieve that, institutional analysis remains insufficient to account for the recruiting of that parliamentary elite. The blending of party sociology, occupations, roles (local or national) and networks underlines the political bias and professionalization of MPS. By analyzing the reality of multiparty in Mali in a different political and socio- cultural background, this research strengthens the concepts of political sociology linked to a peculiar democratic process. Political competition , which basically rests upon political parties, cannot suffice to account for this professionalization process. One must also consider other unbiased players who, through parallel channels, manage to adopt and interiorize the political field's codes
3
Wolfsteller, René. "The British human rights regime : between universalism and parliamentary sovereignty." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2018. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/30926/.
Анотація:
In the contemporary political world order that continues to be structured by the principle of national sovereignty, states remain the most important instrument for the delivery of rights. If we want to understand how human rights can be realized in practice, we therefore have to study the conditions and processes of their institutionalization on the state level. While the United Kingdom was relatively slow, compared to other western European democracies, in the domestic institutionalization of international human rights norms and standards, governments in Britain have between 1998 and 2008 created a complex human rights regime that still awaits a comprehensive analysis and assessment. This thesis fills that gap. Focusing on the Human Rights Act as the legal centerpiece, the Joint Committee on Human Rights as the parliamentary scrutiny body, and the Equality and Human Rights Commission for Great Britain as the largest human rights commission, this thesis examines the extent to which the British Human Rights Regime has contributed to the institutionalization of human rights in the UK. To that end, it develops and deploys the sociological ideal type of the human rights state as a qualitative analytical framework and as an external benchmark that is able to integrate the legal, political, and wider societal dimensions of effective human rights institutionalization. Based on the thematic analysis of case law, official documents and elite interviews with public officials, this thesis argues that the Human Rights Act, the Joint Committee on Human Rights and the Equality and Human Rights Commission have contributed to a significant institutional change in the domestic recognition and protection of human rights. They have introduced new rights norms and safeguards into British law, established new mechanisms for judicial and political rights review, and brought about important legislative and policy changes. Yet, their efficacy suffers from structural limitations that have been imposed so as not to fundamentally disturb the concentration of political power in the executive which is preserved by the constitutional doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty. In the Westminster system of parliamentary government, this doctrine continues to allow the executive to dominate the legislative process without strong constitutional human rights safeguards that would be domestically enforceable against primary legislation. While the preservation of parliamentary sovereignty was a key political requirement that enabled progress to the present state of domestic human rights institutionalization, it also prevents the sustainable entrenchment of human rights as fundamental and universally binding norms for the legitimate exercise of all juridical, legislative and executive state power, thereby leaving the British Human Rights Regime at permanent risk of abolishment or degradation.
4
Pyper, Robert. "The doctrine of individual ministerial responsibility in British Government : theory and practice in a new regime of parliamentary accountability." Thesis, University of Leicester, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/9567.
Анотація:
By 1966 it had become clear that the doctrine of individual ministerial responsibility, which lay at the heart of the British constitution, had failed to evolve in order to meet the requirements of modern government. This thesis puts forward a review of the doctrine's operation and theoretical basis over a seventeen year period, starting with the advent of new organs of parliamentary scrutiny under the second Wilson Government. It is argued that individual ministerial responsibility can best be understood with reference to four distinct, yet interlocking elements. One of these, accountability, was the focus of significant change between 1966 and 1983. During these years, it was possible to discern the emergence of a new regime of parliamentary accountability. Within this, the traditional methods of scrutiny continued to operate, but they were joined by new Select Committees and the Parliamentary Commissioner for Administration. These new organs had the effect of increasing the quantity and enhancing the quality of scrutiny which could be brought to bear on ministers and civil servants. In a real sense, ministers became more accountable to Parliament for their role responsibilities, while the civil servants' accountability to their superiors in the administrative hierarchy, to their ministerial masters, and most importantly, to Parliament, was enhanced. In particular, the operation of the new Select Committees created a situation where the de lure statement of civil service non-accountability to Parliament came into obvious conflict with the emerging de facto accountability to this source. Individual ministerial responsibility remains a useful description of how British government is organised and operates. The doctrine should not be viewed as a constitutional myth, although one of its elements, sanctions, is nearer to myth than reality. The period 1966-83 witnessed no "revival" of this element, only a few false starts.
5
Cojocaru, Corina. "Les régimes parlementaires et le mécanisme constitutionnel en Europe centrale et orientale : Albanie, Estonie, Hongrie, Lettonie, Moldavie, République tchèque." Thesis, Paris 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA010364.
Анотація:
Parmi les dix-sept pays de l’Europe Centrale et Orientale, seulement six pays sont des régimes parlementaires avec « un mode de gouvernement de cabinet » : Albanie, Estonie, Hongrie, Lettonie, Moldavie et République tchèque où les Présidents sont élus par les Parlements et le pouvoir exécutif reste bicéphale. Ce mode de gouvernement de cabinet s’applique difficilement dans la pratique au sein de certains pays d’Europe Centrale et Orientale et soulève un certain nombre d’interrogations, soit parce la construction du nouveau régime politique dépendaient d’une sous-catégorie du modèle post-communiste tell que rencontrée en 1989 (initiale, gelée et mature), soit parce que certains pays ne connaissent pas une réelle tradition de la démocratie parlementaire (comme c’est le cas des pays de l’Europe Occidentale) et le mode de gouvernement de cabinet fut un choix aléatoire dans la zone observée, soit parce que les Parlements des ces pays ne disposent pas de pouvoirs forts et d’une majorité parlementaire stable (conséquences du mode de scrutin). Nous avons souligné dans cette étude la nécessité d’une révision de certaines dispositions constitutionnelles, surtout en République de Moldavie (pays qui a connu plusieurs régime politique depuis son Indépendances en 1991) et en République tchèque, ainsi que d’une redéfinition des intérêts des acteurs politiques pour faire prévaloir le primat du juridique sur le politique en renforçant le rôle de la Cour constitutionnelle au nom de la défense de la Constitution et pour assurer un régime parlementaire viable, fondé sur une collaboration réelle des pouvoirs où l’exécutif ne se manifeste pas comme le maître absolu du travail législatifAmong the 17 countries from Central and Eastern Europe, only 6 are parliamentary regimes with a type of Govermnent of Cabinet : Albania, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Republic of Moldova and the Czech Republic, where the Presidents are being elected by the Parliaments and the executive power is bicephal. This mode of government is difficult to apply in practice in Central and Eastern Europe, since it raises certain questions in different countries, either because of the fact that the construction of a new political regime depended upon a sub-category of a post-communist model from the period of 1989 (initial, frozen and mature), or because of the fact that some countries do not have a veritable tradition of parliamentary democracy, as well as of the fact that the type of Government of Cabinet was more of a casual choice in the researched region, or because of the fact that the Parliaments from these countries do not have strong powers and a stable parliamentary majority (consequences of the type of electoral scrutiny). We have emphasized in this study the importance of the revision of certain Constitutions, especially in the Republic of Moldova (a country that had several political regimes since the independence proclamation in 1991) and the Czech Republic, as well as a redefinition of the interests of political actors, with a view to strengthen the legality over policy, by the consolidation of the role of the Constitutional Court, hereby defending the Constitution and ensuring a viable parliamentary system, based on real cooperation of all powers, where the Government does not present itself as the “absolute power” over the responsibilities of the Parliament
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Cojocaru, Corina. "Les régimes parlementaires et le mécanisme constitutionnel en Europe centrale et orientale : Albanie, Estonie, Hongrie, Lettonie, Moldavie et République Tchèque." Thesis, Paris 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA01A260.
Анотація:
Parmi les dix-sept pays de l'Europe Centrale et Orientale, seulement SIX pays sont des régimes parlementaires avec «un mode de gouvernement de cabinet »: Albanie, Estonie, Hongrie, Lettonie, Moldavie et République tchèque où les Présidents sont élus par les Parlements et le pouvoir exécutif reste bicéphale. Ce mode de gouvernement de cabinet s'applique difficilement dans la pratique au sein de certains pays d'Europe Centrale et Orientale et soulève un certain nombre d'interrogations, soit parce la construction du nouveau régime politique dépendaient d'une sous-catégorie du modèle post-communiste tell que rencontrée en 1989 (initiale, gelée et mature), soit parce que certains pays ne connaissent pas une réelle tradition de la démocratie parlementaire (comme c'est le cas des pays de l'Europe Occidentale) et le mode de gouvernement de cabinet fut un choix aléatoire dans la zone observée, soit parce que les Parlements de ces pays ne disposent pas de pouvoirs forts et d'une majorité parlementaire stable. (conséquences du mode de scrutin). Nous avons souligné dans cette étude la nécessité d'une révision de certaines, dispositions constitutionnelles, surtout en République de Moldavie (pays qui a connu plusieurs régime politique depuis son Indépendances en 1991) et en République tchèque, ainsi que d'une redéfinition des intérêts des acteurs politiques pour faire prévaloir le primat du juridique sur le politique en renforçant le rôle de la Cour constitutionnelle au nom de la défense de la Constitution et pour assurer un régime parlementaire viable, fondé sur une collaboration réelle des pouvoirs où l'exécutif ne se manifeste pas comme le maître absolu du travail législatif.
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Botte, Pascaline. "La tradition constitutionnelle de la monarchie parlementaire en Europe." Thesis, Perpignan, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020PERP0012.
Анотація:
Cette thèse a pour objet d'étudier la tradition constitutionnelle de la monarchie parlementaire au sein de huit monarchies européennes actuelles (Belgique, Danemark, Espagne, Luxembourg, Norvège, Pays-Bas, Royaume-Uni et Suède).Sept d'entre elles sont parfois considérées par certains auteurs et quelques sources comme des monarchies parlementaires. La Suède est aussi considérée ainsi, avec de semblables nuances, jusqu'à la révision constitutionnelle de 1974.Avec les réserves du droit savant mais aussi le patrimoine européen, notre étude se propose la recherche de principes et de procédures constitutifs d'une tradition spécifique.Cette dernière peut contribuer à une définition de la monarchie parlementaire. Cette transmission de principes et procédures semble révéler ainsi les limites mais aussi l'importance d'une telle forme de régime en EuropeThe purpose of this thesis is to study the constitutional tradition of the parliamentary monarchy within eight current European monarchies (Belgium, Denmark, Spain, Luxembourg, Norway, Netherlands, United Kingdom and Sweden). Seven of them are sometimes considered by certain authors and some sources as parliamentary monarchies. Sweden is also considered thus, with similar nuances, until the constitutional revision of 1974.With the reservations of learned law but also European heritage, this study seeks to find principles and procedures constituting a specific tradition. The latter can contribute to a definition of parliamentary monarchy. This transmission of principles and procedures thus seems to reveal the limits but also the importance of such a form of regime in Europe
8
Ogou, Dogba Blaise. "Les évolutions de la règle électorale dans les systèmes politiques transitionnels : les élections législatives en Europe du Sud-Est (1989-2009)." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016BORD0019/document.
Анотація:
Le sujet central de cette thèse concerne les évolutions de la règle électorale dans les régimespost-communistes et traite de la contribution de ces évolutions à la démocratisation dessystèmes politiques de l’Europe du Sud-Est, à partir d’un échantillon d’Etats (Albanie,Bulgarie, Macédoine, Roumanie et Serbie-Monténégro). La transition démocratique et lechangement de régime impliquent la construction d’une nouvelle légitimité politique. Cettelégitimité passe par les élections qui sont au coeur de la démocratie. Ce travail cherche àcomprendre comment sont choisies les règles régissant ces élections. Le choix du systèmeélectoral est, dans une grande mesure, la conséquence de plusieurs processus. L’accent mis surles facteurs déterminants de l’adoption et de la réforme électorale permet de comprendre lesmotivations et les objectifs des évolutions de la règle électorale en Europe post-communiste.L’étude de la législation réformée et l’analyse du comportement des acteurs électorauxpermettent de constater que les leaders politiques ont très souvent contourné le sensdémocratique de la norme électorale. Dans cet échantillon d’Etats, les évolutions de la règleélectorale ont eu des conséquences relatives sur le nombre des partis politiques représentés auParlement. Le changement de régime a favorisé l’alternance des majorités électorales etparlementaires. Cette alternance démontre que les principes démocratiques des électionscontribuent à la stabilisation démocratique, même si le contexte et les enjeux politiques propresà cette région favorisent une relative instabilité des majorités parlementaires etgouvernementalesThe central subject of this thesis concerns the developments of the electoral rule in postcommunistregimes and discusses the contribution of these changes to the democratization ofpolitical systems of Southeast Europe, from a sample of states (Albania, Bulgaria, Macedonia,Romania and Serbia-Montenegro). Democratic transition and regime change involves theconstruction of a new political legitimacy. This legitimacy is through elections that are at theheart of democracy. This work seeks to understand how the rules are chosen these elections.The choice of electoral system is, to a large extent, the result of several processes. The focus onthe determinants of adoption and electoral reform to understanding the motivations and goalsof the developments of the electoral rule in post-communist Europe. The study of the reformedlegislation and behavior analysis of electoral allow players to see that the political leaders haveoften bypassed the democratic sense of the electoral standard. In this sample of countries,changes in the electoral rule had consequences on the number of political parties represented inParliament. Regime change has favored the alternation of parliamentary and electoralmajorities. This alternation shows that the democratic principles of elections contribute to thedemocratic stabilization, even if the context and the political stakes in this region favor a relativeinstability of parliamentary and government majority
9
Catta, Jean-Régis. "Le cabinet ministériel : essai d’analyse constitutionnelle." Thesis, Paris 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA020063.
Анотація:
Le cabinet ministériel représente depuis plus d’un siècle un élément incontournable du système politique français. Équipe formée par les collaborateurs immédiats du ministre, nommée par lui, le cabinet est situé à un carrefour complexe d’interactions qui comporte les administrations, le Parlement, les groupes d’intérêt et les médias. Délaissée par les juristes, l’étude institutionnelle du cabinet ministériel est aujourd’hui l’apanage de la sociologie et des sciences politiques. À de rares exceptions près, la doctrine constitutionnelle l’a toujours considéré comme une institution juridiquement indissociable de la personne du ministre. Malgré l’ampleur du phénomène, elle observe à son égard un silence quasi unanime qui ne laisse pas de surprendre. Cette indifférence doctrinale ne peut être véritablement expliquée qu’à l’aune de l’histoire des représentations constitutionnelles. L’apparition et le développement des cabinets ministériels procèdent en effet des mutations subies par le Conseil d’État napoléonien tout au long du XIXe siècle. Par-delà les vicissitudes de l’histoire politique, les cabinets expriment la persistance coutumière d’un principe issu du constitutionnalisme révolutionnaire, selon lequel la fonction gouvernementale doit être organiquement séparée de la fonction administrative. Confondues à l’échelon du ministre, conformément à la logique propre du régime parlementaire, ces deux fonctions vont rester dissociées à l’intérieur même des ministères, grâce aux cabinets ministériels. Les réticences traditionnelles de la doctrine publiciste à l’égard de la notion de « fonction gouvernementale » expliquent en grande partie le caractère inédit d’une telle lecture de l’histoire constitutionnelleSince more than a century, the ministerial cabinet is an essential organ of the French political system. This team appointed by the Minister gathers his immediate staff. It is connected to administrations, to Parliament, to lobbies, to Medias, and sometimes to citizens. There are very few legal studies on this subject, which interests especially the political sciences and the sociology. With few exceptions, constitutional doctrine has always regarded the cabinet as an institution legally inseparable from the person of the Minister. Given the magnitude of this practice, the almost unanimous silence of doctrine is rather surprising. This doctrinal indifference finds an explanation in the history of constitutional representations. The emergence and development of ministerial cabinets since the monarchy’s Restoration in 1814 are related to the alterations undergone by the Napoleonic Council of State throughout the nineteenth century. Beyond the vicissitudes of political history, they express the persisting of a customary principle stemming from French revolutionary constitutionalism, according to which the governmental function must be organically separated from the administrative function. These two functions – merged at the Minister's level in accordance with the logic of the parliamentary system – will remain separated inside the ministry, by means of cabinets. The conventional reluctance of the French constitutional doctrine with regard to the notion of "governmental function" largely explains the novelty of such a reading of constitutional history
10
Canelas, Rapaz Paulo José. "Le Président de la république portugaise : la construction de la figure présidentielle portugaise depuis 1986." Thesis, Paris 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA020075/document.
Анотація:
La présente thèse dit ce qu’est le Président de la République Portugaise, elle le nomme. Pour ce faire, elle montre comment la figure présidentielle s’est construite depuis 1986, depuis que la démocratie portugaise n’est plus « à l’ombre des épées ». A cette fin, la thèse examine d’abord la légitimité particulière du Chef de l’Etat lusitain, directe mais apartisane. Celle-ci doit être comprise à la lumière de l’histoire politique et constitutionnelle du Portugal qui a connu le parlementarisme éclaté et la dictature personnelle. Elle examine ensuite la position du Président de la République au sein de l’architecture constitutionnelle portugaise au moyen de ses pouvoirs et de ses relations avec le Gouvernement en tant que fonction et en tant qu’organe. Si la présidence portugaise ne détermine pas la politique générale du pays, les différents titulaires de la charge présidentielle ont su participer à la formation de la volonté politique de l’Etat grâce au développement d’une magistrature qui leur est propre. Leurs prises de parole et leurs actions de terrain ont permis au Président de la République d’avoir une réalité par-delà le dispositif constitutionnel. De ces différents éléments, la thèse infère enfin la qualification du régime politique portugais et se clôt sur la dénomination de la figure présidentielle portugaise, telle qu’elle a été et s’est construiteThis doctoral dissertation tells what the President of the Portuguese Republic is and gives it a name. To this end, it shows how the Portuguese presidential figure has built itself since 1986, since the Portuguese democracy has no more been under the “shadow of swords”. To reach this goal, the dissertation begins by focusing on the president’s legitimacy, direct but unpartisan. Its particular legitimacy cannot be understood without referring to Portugal’s political and constitutional history which went through fragmented parliamentarism and personal dictatorship. Then it considers the presidential position within the Portuguese constitutional framework using its powers and looking into its relations with the Government as a function and as an organ. If the Portuguese presidency does not fix the country general policy, it does take part in the State’s will formation due to the emergence of a proper magistracy. Speech and field acts have given a reality to the President beyond the constitutional purview. Finally, this doctoral dissertation infers the qualification of the Portuguese political regime and ends by naming the Portuguese presidential figure, as it has been built and as it has been built itself
Книги з теми "Parliamentary regimes":
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Blandford, Owyn Hodgson. Manual electoral y técnica parlamentaria: Para las regiones autónomas. Bluefields [Nicaragua]: Bluefields Indian & Caribbean University, 1995.
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Malcolmson, Patrick. The Canadian regime: An introduction to parliamentary government in Canada. 2nd ed. Peterborough, Ont: Broadview Press, 2002.
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Myers, Richard. The Canadian Regime: An Introduction to Parliamentary Government in Canada. North York, Canada: University of Toronto Press, 2016.
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Malcolmson, Patrick. The Canadian regime: An introduction to parliamentary government in Canada. 4th ed. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2009.
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Gole, Susan. Maps of the Mediterranean regions published in British Parliamentary papers, 1801-1921. Nicosia: Bank of Cyprus Cultural Foundation, 1996.
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Australia. Islands in the sun: The legal regimes of Australia's external territories and the Jervis Bay Territory (Parliamentary paper / Parliament of the Commonwealth of Australia). Australian Govt. Pub. Service, 1991.
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Laver, Michael. Legislatures and Parliaments in Comparative Context. Edited by Donald A. Wittman and Barry R. Weingast. Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199548477.003.0007.
Анотація:
This article discusses legislatures and parliaments in a comparative context. The first section begins with a study of parliamentary politics. It then moves on to legislative politics in the separation-of-powers regimes. The final portion of the article revisits this distinction in the context of the different types of empirical technique that can be used to measure policy positions of elected politicians.
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Corni, Gustavo. State and Society. Edited by R. J. B. Bosworth. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199594788.013.0016.
Анотація:
This article compares the state and society ruled by Adolf Hitler in Germany and Benito Mussolini in Italy. In regard to fascism's accession to power in Italy, another factor separated it from the Nazi path. There were some similarities between the two cases: a constitutional monarchy with a crumbling parliamentary system on the one hand, and a parliamentary and democratic republic with its own deepening crisis on the other. Yet, the institutional weakness of the Weimar state was so great and its lack of legitimacy so pervasive that it did not take a great effort on Hitler's part to shake himself free. Notwithstanding some similarities, most blatantly the tactical alliance with sectors of the old ruling elites, there was a profound difference in the acquisition of power between the two regimes. Hitler could always rely on an ample popular consent, hardened by the Nazis' promise of economic recovery.
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Hill, James, and Great Britain. Sugar Regime (Parliamentary Debates: [1994-95). Stationery Office Books, 1995.
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Fischer, Conan. Remaking Europe after the First World War. Edited by Nicholas Doumanis. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199695669.013.10.
Анотація:
Victorious Allied governments legitimized wartime sacrifice with promises of domestic prosperity and a peaceful international order. An American-sponsored League of Nations would mediate relations between liberal-democratic nation states. However, although parliamentary government was consolidated across north-western Europe, the peace fell short, failing to accommodate Bolshevik Russia or reach a legitimate settlement with a new and fragile German democracy. Paris deemed the settlement inadequate; the US Congress refused to ratify the German treaty and remained outwith the League; China and Japan were estranged by blatant European racialism and colonialism. All of Europe struggled to restore economic life and eastern Europe experienced famine. Rather than parliamentary democracy, militarist and oligarchic regimes eventually took power across this region, where societies remained largely pre-industrial and ethnically unstable. In Italy, a new authoritarian, militaristic mass movement, fascism, took power, providing an early model of sorts for Hitler’s National Socialists. However, the League of Nations survived and, generations later, liberal democracy has consolidated across Europe.
Частини книг з теми "Parliamentary regimes":
1
Maatsch, Aleksandra. "Explaining Convergence and Divergence of National Citizenship Legislation: A Comparative Analysis of Parliamentary Debates." In Ethnic Citizenship Regimes, 83–128. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230307391_5.
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Blondel, Jean. "Presidential Republics alongside Monarchies and between Parliamentary Republics and Regimes of ‘Usurpers’." In The Presidential Republic, 42–67. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137482495_3.
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Magnette, Paul. "Representation and Accountability: a Semi-parliamentary Regime." In What is the European Union?, 106–26. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-08587-0_7.
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de Laveleye, Émile. "The Parliamentary Regime and Parties in Italy, 1871." In Perspectives on Political Parties, 147–55. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230107403_20.
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Ulriksen, Marianne S. "A Racialised Social Question: Pension Reform in Apartheid South Africa." In One Hundred Years of Social Protection, 221–62. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54959-6_7.
Анотація:
AbstractThe post-WWII period was the “golden age” of welfare-state development. Not so in South Africa, where pension policies did not undergo any significant reforms during the entire apartheid era (1948–1990). This chapter takes a constructivist approach to unpacking the marginal reform efforts in social security in an otherwise reform-fervent apartheid regime. Through in-depth analyses of historical accounts and parliamentary debates, I investigate the ideational underpinnings of and justifications for pension policy developments. The reasons for the state’s limited pension reforms are the ideas of “separate development” and different levels of “civilisation” whereby the white regime could justify taking primary responsibility for only their “own people”.
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Holt, P. M., and M. W. Daly. "The First Parliamentary and Military Regimes: 1956-64." In The History of the Sudan, 167–80. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429311567-18.
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Gill, Graeme. "Rules and Dominant Party Regimes." In Bridling Dictators, 217–41. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192849687.003.0006.
Анотація:
This chapter examines how rules have operated in two electoral authoritarian dominant party regimes, Malaysia under Mahathir (1981–2003) and Mexico under the Institutional Revolutionary Party (1929–2000). The nature of the party, one designed to participate in a competitive electoral process (even if unfair because it is tilted in favour of the ruling party), is an important factor in shaping the rules and how they worked. The fact that one is a parliamentary and the other a presidential system also provides scope to see how institutions affect rules and their performance.
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Curtice, John, and Marco Lisi. "The Impact of Leaders in Parliamentary and Presidential Regimes." In Personality Politics?, 63–86. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199660124.003.0004.
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Kendall-Taylor, Andrea, Natasha Lindstaedt, and Erica Frantz. "11. Institutional Drivers of Democracy." In Democracies and Authoritarian Regimes, 210–28. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198820819.003.0011.
Анотація:
Political parties 212 Electoral systems 217 System of government 220 Federal versus unitary states 222 Consociationalism 223 Political institutions and democratization: A double-edged sword 226 Conclusion 227 Key Questions 228 Further Reading 228 In the former Soviet space (excluding the Baltics), some countries are more open and less authoritarian than others. Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova, and Kyrgyzstan, for example, have enjoyed relatively greater political and civil liberties—and even periods of nascent democracy. Freedom House rated Ukraine as ‘Free’ shortly after the country’s Orange Revolution in 2004–05. In contrast, Russia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, and the other Central Asian countries have been far more closed. What accounts for this difference? The former Soviet states share a number of common features like their communist history and high levels of corruption, making these factors poor candidates for explaining the political divergence. Economic factors also have little explanatory power, as some of the poorest countries like Georgia and Kyrgyzstan have been among the relatively more democratic. Instead, some scholars have emphasized the importance of institutions for explaining the different levels of freedom within the region. The relatively more open counties have parliamentary systems, while the more authoritarian countries have presidential systems (Hale 2016, 2011). When power is vested in a president rather than divided between a president and prime minister, the argument goes, it facilitates a president’s expansion of executive power....
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Randall, Nick. "Dissent in the Parliamentary Labour Party, 1945–2015." In Labour united and divided from the 1830s to the present, 193–220. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526126320.003.0012.
Анотація:
This chapter analyses dissent within the Parliamentary Labour Party (PLP) during the post-war period. It examines the frequency, depth and extent of parliamentary rebellions and the policy issues which generated these divisions. In addition, the PLP’s role in destabilising party leaders and the willingness of dissidents to resign the whip and defect to other parties are reviewed. The chapter then examines the contribution of parliamentary factions in organising this dissent, finding that their role is easily exaggerated. The strategies available to the party’s leaders in managing parliamentary dissent are considered before the focus shifts to the PLP’s relations with the extra-parliamentary party and the circumstances in which it has compromised its legitimacy with grassroots members. The chapter concludes by arguing that these patterns of dissent, factionalism and party management can be understood as a sequence of three regimes before offering a preliminary assessment of findings of the chapter as they relate to Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership.
Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Parliamentary regimes":
1
Nazarova, Yuliya V. "INFLUENCE OF PARLIAMENTARY ETHICS ON SOCIO-CULTURAL PROCESSES IN THE REGION IN THE PERIOD OF FINANCIAL AND ECONOMIC CRISIS." In Problems of sociocultural evolution of Russia and its regions. Tula State Lev Tolstoy Pedagogical University, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.22405/978-5-6041453-4-0-2018-314-318.
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Krogmann, Alfred, Magdaléna Němčíková, Ján Veselovský, and Andrej Svorad. "Geographical approach to the analysis of elections on the example of parliamentary elections in Slovakia in 2016." In 27th edition of the Central European Conference with subtitle (Teaching) of regional geography. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-9694-2020-8.
Анотація:
With regard to surprising results of Parliamentary elections in Slovakia their geographic dimension is also important. The aim of this article is to analyze the milieu of elections and the subsequent spatial differentiation of the results of the 8 parties which were successful to enter the Parliament. Election data were processed via the diversification of election preferences, the identification of areas of election support and correlation analysis by means of which the mutual cohesion of individual parties election results was studied. We found out that within the diversification of election preferences the one party dominance – the winning SMER – SD (40 out of Slovakia’s 79 districts) – prevails. Further we have dealt with the identification of areas of political parties support, with emphasis to their core regions.
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Reire, Gunda. "Opening of new election polling stations: the effect on turnout and diaspora voting patterns." In 22nd International Scientific Conference. “Economic Science for Rural Development 2021”. Latvia University of Life Sciences and Technologies. Faculty of Economics and Social Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22616/esrd.2021.55.062.
Анотація:
Opening of additional polling stations in foreign countries has been brought forward as a method to raise the turnout of diaspora voters in Latvian parliamentary election, and the number of polling stations abroad during last four elections has almost doubled. In this article, the author tests the argument that the increase in the sheer number of polling stations and the expansion of territorial coverage is an election parameter in foreign countries with the potential to raise the election turnout. In sharp contrast to a popular argument and the academic debate, the results of the Latvian data analysis show that opening of new polling stations did not meet the intended goal and cannot be regarded as an effective method for raising the diaspora voter turnout; the means must be sought in other factors of election organisation and voter behaviour. To compare data of voter behaviour in foreign countries in four separate parliamentary elections and to determine tendencies in diaspora voting patterns, the deviation of the elections outcome in foreign countries from the general national results are analysed by the help of calculation model that uses the Voting Outcome Coefficient. The article outlines that the third and fourth wave of emigration have introduced a new tendency of extreme stratification in the results between the Latvian Association of Regions (2014), KPV LV (2018) and the rest of the political parties. The article also analyses the deviation of the elections outcome in the new polling stations from the vote share in particular foreign countries by the help of Polling Station Coefficient, and concludes that in the 13th Saeima election, all newly opened polling stations were beneficial for KPV LV as results in all of them were proportionally even better than the list’s overall results in a particular country.
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Černěnko, Tomáš, and Dana Kuběnková. "A Rose by Another Name Would Smell the Same: Hidden Potential of Antisystem Parties in Slovakia?" In XXV. mezinárodní kolokvium o regionálních vědách. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p280-0068-2022-55.
Анотація:
This article aims to identify voter attitudes, based on the results of the 2020 parliamentary elections, towards European integration, religious attitudes in politics, universal left-right integration, the rights of ethnic minorities, the position between cosmopolitan and national sentiments, and political decentralization in favour of regions at the district level of Slovakia, while considering factors that affect voter's selection. In the first step, we calculated the position of the district through the results of individual political parties (district level) in the elections to the National Council of the Slovak Republic in 2020 and data from the 2019 Chapel Hill expert survey. In the second step, we used these results as dependent variables for regression analysis, examining their dependence on the variables average wage, unemployment rate, ethnic composition, and time availability of the district's seat from the regional centre and Bratislava (capital). A retrospective analysis of voter attitudes at individual districts has shown that concerns about possible covert support for anti-system parties are warranted. “Negative” results, especially on religious principles in politics, ethnic minority rights, inclination to national values, and centralized power, show that if expectations from standard (or liberal democratic) parties are not met, there is a risk of voters diverting to radical parties.