Дисертації з теми "Peloponnesians"
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1
Gaskell, Edmund James. "Peloponnesian politics : 371-361 B.C." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.250555.
2
Panagopoulos, Andreas Panagopoulos Andreas. "Captives and hostages in the Peloponnesian War ; [and] Fugitives and refugees in the Peloponnesian War." Amsterdam : A.M. Hakkert, 1989. http://books.google.com/books?id=xjNoAAAAMAAJ.
Анотація:
Includes Fugitives and refugees in the Peloponnesian War, which is a study based on the third, unpublished part of the author's Thesis (Ph. D.--University of London, 1975).Summary in Greek. Includes bibliographies and indexes.
3
Panagopoulos, Andreas Ch. "Captives and hostages in the Peloponnesian war /." Amsterdam : A. M. Hakkert, 1989. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37412649q.
4
Levy, Allison D'Orazio. "The Psychology of Athenian Imperialism in Thucydides' Peloponnesian War." Thesis, Boston College, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:105026.
Анотація:
Thesis advisor: Robert BartlettIn his depiction of Athens in his Peloponnesian War, Thucydides shows a city of extraordinary daring, energy, resourcefulness and hope. However, it is difficult adequately to articulate the character of that which is most central to Athens, namely, her imperial ambition. Although Athens is clearly distinguished from the fearful, ever-hesitating Sparta by her apparently boundless activity and hopefulness, it is nonetheless unclear what, precisely, Athens is hoping for. What is the attraction of the ceaseless toil and danger of great empire? In risking what they have because they are “always seeking more,” what exactly do the Athenians think they are getting? My study approaches these questions through a focus on one of the great puzzles of Athenian imperialism, namely, that the Athenians claim both that their empire is pursued under the compulsion of fear, honor, and/or interest, and that it is freely undertaken -- a contradiction that creates a difficulty especially for the Athenians’ repeated suggestion that their empire is a noble, praiseworthy enterprise. Through consideration of the Athenians’ experience of their imperial ambition and the ways in which the contradictory elements of that ambition fit together in their minds, as made clear especially through the rhetoric of their outstanding statesmen, we gain greater clarity about the character of the longings underpinning the extraordinary Athenian energy for empire. We also come better to understand the conditions in which the Athenians’ hopes are made more or less tractable and reasonable, as well as the influence of the rhetoric of leading Athenians on these hopes. This dissertation argues that the Athenians are less attached to one particular object as the deepest root of their imperialism, and more to the notion of a freedom from all limits, which can be both inflamed by, as well as helpfully anchored to, their opinions of their virtue; thus, the study suggests that the desire for empire is deeply rooted in human nature, and that empire will therefore appeal to us for as long as human nature remains unchanged
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2015
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
5
Coupar, Sally-Anne. "The chronology and development of the coinage of Corinth to the Peloponnesian War." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2000. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2557/.
Анотація:
This study's objective is to elucidate the numismatic history of the city of Corinth from the inception of the coinage to the beginning of the Peloponnesian War in 431BC. The method used in pursuit of the objective was to carry out a comprehensive die study which collected and analysed all known Corinthian dies with curved wing Pegasus type. Hoard and overstrike evidence was used to help order the sequence of the dies, as was the stylistic development. The numismatic, historical and archaeological evidence provided key dates which anchored the sequence and allowed the chronology of the coinage of Corinth to be revealed. The results of this study show that Corinth was one of the earliest Greek cities to issue coins. The silver necessary for the coinage was obtained from the coins of other cities and probably also from mines in the Thrace and Macedonian area. The main mint of Corinth was supplemented by an auxiliary mint at times and it also provided either dies or coins for Corinthian colonies. This study's conclusions indicate that the output from the Corinthian mint was sustained and prolific, and participation in the Corinthian economy was rigorously controlled by the city authorities. This study has also shown that the only evidence for a break in activity at the Corinthian mint is in the mid 450's BC, and that the operation of the mint was not affected by the outbreak of the Peloponnesian War.
6
Finné, Martin. "Climate in the eastern Mediterranean during the Holocene and beyond – A Peloponnesian perspective." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för naturgeografi och kvartärgeologi (INK), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-108046.
Анотація:
This thesis contributes increased knowledge about climate variability during the late Quaternary in the eastern Mediterranean. Results from a paleoclimate review reveal that regional wetter conditions from 6000 to 5400 years BP were replaced by a less wet period from 5400 to 4600 years BP and to fully arid conditions around 4600 years BP. The data available, however, show that there is not enough evidence to support the notion of a widespread climate event with rapidly drying conditions in the region around 4200 years ago. The review further highlights the lack of paleoclimate data from the archaeologically rich Peloponnese Peninsula. This gap is addressed in this thesis by the provision of new paleoclimate records from the Peloponnese. One stalagmite from Kapsia Cave and two stalagmites from Glyfada Cave were dated and analyzed for stable oxygen (δ18O) and carbon (δ13C) isotopes. The Glyfada record covers a period from ~78 ka to ~37 ka and shows that the climate in this region responded rapidly to changes in temperatures over Greenland. During Greenland stadial (interstadial) conditions colder (warmer) and drier (wetter) conditions are reflected by depleted (enriched) δ13C-values in the speleothems. The Kapsia record covers a period from ~2900 to ~1100 years BP. A comparison between the modern stalagmite top isotopes and meteorological data shows that a main control on stalagmite δ18O is wet season precipitation amount. The δ18O record from Kapsia indicates cyclical humidity changes of close to 500 years, with rapid shifts toward wetter conditions followed by slowly developing aridity. Superimposed on this signal is a centennial signal of precipitation variability. A second speleothem from Kapsia with multiple horizons of fine sediments from past flood events intercalated with the calcite is used to develop a new, quick and non-destructive method for tracing flood events in speleothems by analyzing a thick section with an XRF core scanner.At the time of the doctoral defense, the following papers were unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 3: Submitted. Paper 4: Accepted.
7
Tryon, Suzanne Y. "Sacrilege in the Sanctuary: Thucydidean Perspectives on the Violation of Sacred Space during the Peloponnesian War." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2011. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/rs_theses/36.
Анотація:
Few have paid attention to the role that pan-Hellenic religious norms play in Thucy-dides‟s The Peloponnesian War. This thesis investigates the trope of religious sacrilege in the form of violated sacred space. By examining how this trope functions within his chosen rhetori-cal presentation, I will argue that a secular interpretation of Thucydides does not accord with what he tries to accomplish within his narrative, and that scenes describing such sacrilege actual-ly function in crucial ways to support a major premise of his work. Two specific instances of sacrilege will be examined: the civil war on Corcyra in 427 BCE; and the Battle of Delion in 424/3 BCE. I will demonstrate that Thucydides incorporates sacrilege to serve as evidence for his readers that the Peloponnesian War was the worst war the Greek-speaking world had everexperienced, and that religio-cultural norms, however unanimously conceived and internally ob-vious, are inherently fragile and unstable.
8
Galatas, Connie. "Allies for all times? : a study on the disintegration of Greek interstate alliances in the classical period." Thesis, McGill University, 2008. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=116054.
Анотація:
The following offers a new perspective to explain the disintegration of the Peloponnesian League and the Boeotian Federation in the early half of the fourth century B.C. Members of both these alliances had legal and conventional expectations regarding what they had to give and what they could receive from their associations. Tensions and conflicts arose within an alliance once an individual polis did not fulfill its duties and obligations. There were two factors that persuaded a member not to meet their expected responsibilities: one was the role of a polis ' factions and the other was the intervention in the association's affairs by a third party. It was primarily the failure of an alliance's members to meet each others expectations that inevitably led to the dissolution of these interstate organizations.
9
Meyer, Anthony Lee Isaac. "Determining the Significance of Alliance Pathologies in BipolarSystems: A Case of the Peloponnesian War from 431-421 BCE." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1464219367.
10
Hadley, Travis Stuart. "Thucydides’ Sparta: Law, Piety, and the Regime." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc699880/.
Анотація:
My dissertation investigates Thucydides’ presentation of Sparta. By viewing the war through Sparta, one is confronted with debates on the moral dimensions of war. Sparta decries the imperialism of Athens as unjust and while the Athenians imply that such claims are merely Spartan ‘hypocrisy’ and therefore that Sparta does not truly take justice seriously, my study contends that the Spartan concern with justice and piety is genuine. While the Athenians present a sophisticated and enlightened view of what they believe guides all political actions (a view most scholars treat as Thucydides’ own) my study argues that Sparta raises problems for key arguments of the ‘Athenian thesis.’ Through a closer study of Thucydides’ Sparta, including his neglected Book 5, I locate details of both Sparta’s prosecution of the war and their regime that must be considered before agreeing with the apparent sobriety and clear-sightedness of the Athenians, thus leading the reader into the heart of Thucydides’ view of morality in both foreign affairs and domestic politics. A portion of this research is currently being prepared as an article-length study on the broad and important issue of hypocrisy in foreign affairs among states.
11
Lypeckyj, Mark Alexander. "The homeric êthos, Cimonian-Periclean rivalry and the speeches of Pericles in Thucydides' account of the Athenian-Peloponnesian war." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/9207.
Анотація:
The speeches in Thucydides have long been a source of lively historical controversy. Many scholars have discounted their historical veracity in differing degrees. This has been true even of the speeches of Pericles, particularly his famous Funeral Oration, although scholarly objections to the content and tone of the Periclean speeches have largely been of a purely subjective nature. However, an examination of how the Homeric h&d5; ,qov , with its stringent demand for the studied cultivation and possession of timh&d12; and a ,r3t h&d12; , functions within the speeches of Pericles as a key motivating force for the steadfast pursuance of a highly aggressive foreign policy, sheds an interesting light on the question of the historical nature of the speeches and the outbreak of the Athenian-Peloponnesian War. In conjunction with this "Homeric reading" to the speeches, a further consideration of the more realistic analyses of modern manifestations of Realpolitik in the sphere of international politics and diplomacy, adduces additional support for the acceptance of the speeches of Pericles as important forms of historical evidence for the basic workings of Machtpolitik.
12
Lypeckyj, Mark Alexander. "The Homeric [Ethos], Cimonian-Periclean rivalry and the speeches of Pericles in Thucydides' account of the Athenian-Peloponnesian War." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ57134.pdf.
13
Morton, Amanda S. "Unconventional Weapons, Siege Warfare, and the Hoplite Ideal." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1313569557.
14
Haking, Linn. "Peloponnesian Stalagmites and Soda Straw Stalactites as Climate Archives : Stable Isotopes in New Speleothem Material from Kapsia Cave, Peloponnese, Greece." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för naturgeografi, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-150918.
Анотація:
This study presents results from stable isotope analyses of a modern stalagmite and three soda straw stalactites from Kapsia Cave, the Peloponnese, Greece. The resulting values from the stalagmite are put into context of local meteorological data, as well as previous research from Kapsia Cave. The potential for using soda straw stalactites as complementary climate archives on shorter time scales on the Peloponnese is also explored. The isotopic values in the stalagmite confirm a strong link to the amount effect on an annual scale. On a seasonal scale, variations in the isotopic signal can be detectedas a result of i.e. increased cave air temperature in summer. The stable isotope values in the soda straw stalactites largely correspond to previous isotopic measurements in Kapsia Cave. The trend of the isotopic carbon signal in two of the straws also strengthens earlier theories suggesting a link to CO2 concentrations in the external atmosphere. Soda straws are, thus, encouraged for use in future climate studies, although the sampling method should be further explored. The results of this study contribute to an increased understanding of Peloponnesian speleothems in relation to environmental processes and new insights are suggested into the use of soda straw stalactites as climate archives.
15
Rodrigues, de Oliveira Manuel. "Les Péloponnésiens et Sparte : relations internationales et identités régionales (510-146 av. J.-C.)." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022SORUL013.
Анотація:
Cette étude propose une histoire régionale des relations internationales, militaires, institutionnelles, religieuses et identitaires du Péloponnèse à travers les rapports entre les cités péloponnésiennes et Sparte (510-146 av. J.-C.). Durant cette période, les Péloponnésiens ont fait de Sparte, cité qui a exercé l’hégémonie sur la quasi-totalité de la péninsule, entre 510 et 362, ou prétendu le faire, après 362 et jusqu’en 146, le garant de leur relation au Péloponnèse et au monde extérieur. Les Péloponnésiens ont oscillé vis-à-vis de Sparte entre l’acceptation d’une hégémonie protectrice de leur souveraineté et le rejet d’un impérialisme confiscatoire et marqueur d’une volonté de pacification du Péloponnèse à son profit exclusif par l’instauration d’une arkhé, le Péloponnèse devenant de ce fait l’outil de l’impérialisme spartiate. Ces relations fluctuantes prennent une importance toute particulière étant donné que les Péloponnésiens et Sparte manifestent, en parallèle, des sentiments identitaires qui s’expriment à plusieurs échelles. L’expression d’une presqu’insularité péloponnésienne, perceptible durant cette période, pose la question de l’édification d’un régionalisme péloponnésien, au regard des particularismes identitaires locaux, fondé sur des sentiments d’appartenance partagés, structuré par des institutions politiques, religieuses et des luttes militaires communes et ce jusqu’à son échec final en 146. A cette date, l’unité endogène des Péloponnésiens, portée par le koinon achaïen, échoue pour se réaliser à travers la domination politique, militaire et institutionnelle de Rome et à travers l’identité spartiate comme idéal culturel commun du PéloponnèseThis study offers a regional history of international, military, institutional, religious, and identity relations in the Peloponnese through the relationship between Peloponnesian poleis and Sparta (510-146 BC). Over that period, Peloponnesians made Sparta (which dominated almost the entirety of the peninsula from 510 to 362, and then claimed it did after 362 and up to 146) the keeper of their relationship to the Peloponnese and the outside world. With respect to Sparta, Peloponnesians have wavered between the acceptance of a hegemony which protected their sovereignty, and the rejection of an imperialism perceived as confiscating and telling of the will to pacify the Peloponnese to the exclusive advantage of Sparta when the latter instituted an arkhé which made the Peloponnese an instrument of Spartan imperialism. These fluctuating relations are of particular note since both Peloponnesians and Sparta concurrently exhibit perceived identities which are detectable on several scales. The expression of a Peloponnesian near-insularity, which becomes tangible in this period, begs the question of the creation of a Peloponnesian regionalism, encompassing local particularisms, based on feelings of belonging, structured by political and religious institutions and common military engagements — and so until its final demise in 146. By then, the endogenous unity of the Peloponnese, underpinned by the Achaian koinon, has failed and been reborn through Rome's political, military and institutional domination, and through the Spartan identity as the shared cultural ideal of the Peloponnese
16
Koutsoukis, Alexandros. "Challenging victor bias and status quo bias in realist accounts of surrender : re-reading three cases of surrender from the Peloponnesian War." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/d853556e-5b06-465a-8c08-412df06dfd7c.
Анотація:
From a materialist realist perspective, when a state surrenders power preponderance considerations, that is a state’s relative weakness in terms of material power, should provide the bulk of the explanation for the surrender. Yet, weak states have surrendered quickly and slowly and on occasion have done so only to soon challenge their conquerors. This thesis is driven by a puzzle concerning whether material power and (actual or projected) victory in war can explain logics of surrender and, if not, what this may mean for our understanding of surrender, realism and IR more widely. This study focuses our attention on the fact that surrendering highlights that realism’s core assumption - that states seek survival-is in fact underspecified and problematic. On one hand, state survival seen as autonomy is theoretically paradoxical because in practice it can be easily sacrificed in some instances of surrender. On the other hand, survival as autonomy is underspecified since under different conditions it can be traded off at too high a price making state death and Annihilation a real possibility. Recognition of this is evaded in standard realist approaches. This thesis develops a perspective on surrender which shares some aspects of a cost-benefit approach characteristic of realism, the Strategic Choice Approach (SCA), but innovates by not assuming an abstract view of rationality. Guided by SCA, this thesis problematises surrendering and seeks to explain surrendering from the actor’s own perspective. To explicate surrendering We concentrate on three case studies focused on analysis of surrendering in ancient Greece. The thesis argues that states’ logic of surrendering relates not only to appeasement and opportunistic bandwagoning but also to such non-realist reasons such as gratitude, seduction and recognition. If we do not start from realist assumptions, argued here to be characterised by victor bias and which lead to status quo bias, we can observe certain reasonable, ethically-inspired, and at the same time high-risk actions in the surrendering logics of states. The case studies of surrendering developed here explain both delayed and very fast surrendering and account for the surprising rise of instability in response to some surrenders. Overall, it demonstrates that non-material and psychological factors can over-ride concerns about physical security. This analysis of surrender highlights the potential weaknesses of realist theoretical assumptions when applied to study of surrender and demonstrates that close analysis of surrender logics allows us to better understand not only war and stability but also what is at stake in how we approach theorising IR.
17
Williamson, Masen J. "Thucydides' Plague, a Narrative Aggressor." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2021. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/8884.
Анотація:
This thesis expands upon the notion that Thucydides’ plague narrative in his History of the Peloponnesian War punctuates his argument for the unique greatness of the Peloponnesian War. Through the plague, Thucydides displays the collapse of Greek society’s standards and practices. He does this by describing a plague which does not conform to 5th century BCE Greek medical ideas. Balance, human art, and divine intervention all fail in their attempts to restore the health of the individual and society. Thucydides portrays the plague as a narrative aggressor whose intent is to topple Athens and its ideals. Lucretius’ plague narrative, because it narrates the same historical moment but from a different perspective, is then discussed in order to demonstrate how other authors have used Thucydides’ technique.
18
Niese, Derrick A. "PELTASTS AND JAVELINEERS IN CLASSICAL GREEK WARFARE: ROLES, TACTICS, AND FIGHTING METHODS." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1334275977.
19
Zafeirakos, Theofilos Ioannis. "Is there an exit strategy from a preventive war? : the opposing cases of Sparta in the Peloponnesian War (431-404 BC) and Rome in the Macedonian Wars (214-205 BC) through the lens of International Relations' theory." Thesis, University of Bolton, 2015. http://ubir.bolton.ac.uk/891/.
Анотація:
It was once said that “if Sparta and Rome perished, what state can hope to endure forever?” (J. J. Rousseau, “Social Contract, Discourses”, B.III.ch. IX). The Peloponnesian and Macedonian wars have been scrutinized to the extent that the surviving sources may allow for it, but they have never been put under the magnifying glass in terms of International Relations’ schools of thought, namely “Realists”, “Rationalists” and “Revolutionists”, despite their striking similarities as to the prevention of competing state’s ascending power, as well as of their underlying dissimilarities regarding the respective exit strategies followed from the said preventive wars. This thesis brings together the principal episodes of these two war periods placing particular emphasis on notions of power, international anarchy, morality, security dilemma which all answer as to why the wars started, how they were fought and how they were ended. Furthermore, I extrapolate these deductions into the future in an attempt to forecast the main constants of great power behaviour in a similar situation of preventive wars. In this regard I demonstrate that “Realism” may provide the best toolkit not exclusively at the state (“forum externum”) level as the International Relations theory suggests, but also at the unit level (“forum internum”), which stands distinct from the holistic notion of domestic politics and falls within the contours of the decision making process. I attempt to bridge these two levels by injecting the notion of the “cosmo-icon”, which shall be assessed separately by the same aforementioned International Relations’ three schools of thought. Cosmo-icon is the inherent, unique, alphabet whereby the leader reads the book of international politics which is written by the states’ interaction. That alphabet is indispensable for “self-orientation” within the political system and emanates from fundamental decisions, based upon specific predefined approaches of the reality and not solely upon mere reactions to it (“perceptions”). Showing that the level of states and the unit level correspond in essence respectively to Thucydides’ famous reference to “uneven growth” and “fear” as causes of war and that the cosmo-icon is in fact identified within “predetermined” decisions, I stress that a successful exit strategy from a preventive war shall be the outgrowth of realism’s preponderance both at the state level of analysis as well as at the cosmo-icon’s one. Indeed, I prove that Rome succeeded when it cleaved to a “realistic” cosmo-icon, within a “realistic” states’ foreign policy, while Sparta failed because within a “realistic” states’ foreign policy she adopted a “rationalist” cosmo-icon. That said, it becomes evident from the two periods that for a great power a successful exit strategy from a preventive war is actually to stay within it, maintaining a “realistic” cosmo-icon towards a decisive battle and consequently establishing an authoritative relationship of a “mistress” but not of a “lover” with the subject states. That relationship will be based on the principle of proactively creating an interest rather than simply defending it, through a prudent, constant, political evaluation of alternative options by a small number, if not only one, person(s), through a web of ad hoc and restricted alliances, desisting from any territory-annexation, but also from ideological affiliations of any kind.
20
Petersson, Casper. "Atenare, spartaner och en handkontroll : En kvalitativ kategoriseringsstudie av historiebruk och historiemedvetande i Assassin's Creed Odyssey och spelets potential i klassrummet." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Akademin för lärande, humaniora och samhälle, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-39040.
Анотація:
This study aims to examine the historical accuracy and historical usage in Ubisofts video-game Assassin’s Creed Odyssey. The study also examines the game’s potential to be used in teaching history in the upper secondary schools. The tools of the analysis are based on four different categorization models to analyze historical games and their didactic abilities. I have made some modifications to the different models, mainly because of the time-limit of this study. Furthermore, I have presented a crucial and relevant selection of previous research in the field of historical computer games, along with a summarizing description of the game-series Assassin’s Creed. The results from this study shows that the game is heavily influenced by history, and the historical accuracy can be noticed throughout the game. However, the game mixes the historical accuracy with fictional and fantastic elements in order to make the story and narrative of the game more intriguing and playable. The potential of the game in the upper secondary school is found to be problematic, mainly because of the time-limit and economical aspects. Nevertheless, the historical content of the game can easily be connected to the national curriculum, which means that the potential of making use of the game in the classroom should not be entirely dismissed.
21
Battesti, Daniel. "Alcibiade entre hybris et tolma (entre démesure et audace) chez Thucydide ? : approche critique des sources." Thesis, Bourgogne Franche-Comté, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019UBFCC004.
Анотація:
L’objet de cette thèse de doctorat est un homme d’État (diplomate, politique et stratège) de la guerre du Péloponnèse qui a marqué la production littéraire de son siècle, avant de devenir une figure historique présente dans la littérature grecque et latine jusqu’à la fin de l’Antiquité tardive. Son dessein n’est pas de composer une nouvelle biographie d’Alcibiade, mais de proposer une étude renouvelée du personnage en prenant en considération les spécificités du corpus littéraire (genres, aspects fragmentaires, éloignement chronologique, idéologies etc.) et en intégrant les sources archéologiques et épigraphiques, trop peu mobilisées dans les précédentes études biographiques.Le titre de la thèse, Alcibiade entre hybris et tolma (entre démesure et audace) chez Thucydide, décrit par les termes grecs eux-mêmes l’ambivalence du portrait d’Alcibiade dans le corpus des sources littéraires. Il est l’homme des excès, de la démesure, des violences, de l’audace et des grands projets. Son sous-titre, Approche critique des sources, indique la nécessité d’un réexamen détaillé d’un vaste corpus de textes antiques. Nous démontrons cette nécessité dans notre introduction, tout en établissant les problèmes inhérents au texte de ThucydideThe subject of this PhD is actually a stateman (a diplomat, a politician, a strategist) of the Peloponnesian war who influenced the literary production of his century even before he became a historical figure in Greek and Latin literature, up until late Antiquity. The purpose of this dissertation is not to write a new biography of Alcibiades but to carry out a renewed study of the character by taking into account the specificities of the literary body of works (genres, fragmentary aspects, distance in time, ideologies, etc.) and integrating archaeological and epigraphic sources which have been sidelined too often in previous biographies.The dissertation’s title itself, Alcibiades, between hybris and tolma (between immoderation and boldness) in Thucydides’ work describes even in Greek the ambivalence of Alcibiades’ portrait in literary sources. He is a man of excess, of transgression, of violence, of boldness and great perspectives. The subtitle, A critical approach of sources, indicates that it is necessary to reexamine in a detailed way a vast and detailed body of works. The introduction shows that this reexamination is necessary, though it also shows how difficult it is to study Thucydides’ text
22
Caprio, James Alexander. "An allied history of the Peloponnesian League : Elis, Tegea, and Mantinea." Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/16902.
Анотація:
Elis, Tegea, and Mantinea became members of the Peloponnesian League at its inception in 506, although each had concluded an alliance with Sparta much earlier. The initial arrangement between each city-state and Sparta was reciprocal and membership in the League did not interfere with their individual development. By the fifth century, Elis, Mantinea, and Tegea had created their own symmachies and were continuing to expand within the Peloponnesos. Eventually, the prosperity and growth of these regional symmachies were seen by Sparta as hazardous to its security. Hostilities erupted when Sparta interfered with the intent to dismantle these leagues. Although the dissolution of the allied leagues became an essential factor in the preservation of Sparta's security, it also engendered a rift between its oldest and most important allies. This ultimately contributed to the demise of Spartan power in 371 and the termination of the Peloponnesian League soon thereafter.Arts, Faculty of
Classical, Near Eastern and Religious Studies, Department of
Graduate
23
LI, YUN-CHEN, and 李昀蓁. "The Constitutional Reform of Athens at the End of the Peloponnesian War." Thesis, 2017. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/54310676729141922355.
Анотація:
碩士輔仁大學
歷史學系碩士班
105
Between 413 B.C. and 410 B.C., Athens’ democratic society experienced a constitutional crisis. Following the failure of the Sicilian Expedition, in 411 B.C. Athenians changed a democratic system spanning nearly a century to the time of Cleisthenes, replacing it with an oligarchy. After a succession of two oligarchic regimes, the new system dissolved and Athens split into two parts: an oligarchic government in Attica and a democratic government in Samos. In 410 B.C., this division came to an end. Athens’ democratic system was restored and Athens again became a unified city-state. This paper examines this time of turmoil in which Athens’ administrative system failed and the city-state split. It discusses the 411 B.C. oligarchy’s success in gaining power, the constitutional crisis created at the time of Athens’ division, and the final reunification of the city-state. In doing so, this paper aims to illuminate how the Athenians stabilized reconstructed democratic rule, as well as consider differing interpretations and disagreements regarding the impact of this episode, characterized by wartime pressures and threats to the city, on Athens’ democratic history, constitutional system, and regime based on citizen participation. Finally, the essay will discussion how the Athenians, in a time of political struggle in their city-state, expressed, practiced, and maintained what they believed to be the proper urban system (Politeia) of Athens.
24
Nývlt, Pavel. "Oligarchie čtyř set v Athénách roku 411 př. n. l." Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-350996.
Анотація:
Before 1891, it was commonly accepted that the most important source for the rule of the Four Hundred in Athens in 411 BCE was Thucydides' description. The situation changed thanks to the publication of the Aristotelian treatise On the Athenian Constitution, whose version of events differed markedly from Thucydides' one. There followed many attempts at determining which of the two versions was most reliable, or at combining the two versions. These controversies are the focal point of this thesis, but its ambitions are not limited to them: its ambition is also to reconstruct the chronology of the rule of the Four Hundred as precisely as is possible in context of the Peloponnesian war; and to formulate the limitations that are imposed on us by the character of sources at our disposal. Continuity of the coup with earlier developments and its impact on subsequent events are dealt with more briefly.
25
Tyler, John. "A Pragmatic Standard of Legal Validity." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/ETD-TAMU-2012-05-10885.
Анотація:
American jurisprudence currently applies two incompatible validity standards to determine which laws are enforceable. The natural law tradition evaluates validity by an uncertain standard of divine law, and its methodology relies on contradictory views of human reason. Legal positivism, on the other hand, relies on a methodology that commits the analytic fallacy, separates law from its application, and produces an incomplete model of law.
These incompatible standards have created a schism in American jurisprudence that impairs the delivery of justice. This dissertation therefore formulates a new standard for legal validity. This new standard rejects the uncertainties and inconsistencies inherent in natural law theory. It also rejects the narrow linguistic methodology of legal positivism.
In their stead, this dissertation adopts a pragmatic methodology that develops a standard for legal validity based on actual legal experience. This approach focuses on the operations of law and its effects upon ongoing human activities, and it evaluates legal principles by applying the experimental method to the social consequences they produce. Because legal history provides a long record of past experimentation with legal principles, legal history is an essential feature of this method.
This new validity standard contains three principles. The principle of reason requires legal systems to respect every subject as a rational creature with a free will. The principle of reason also requires procedural due process to protect against the punishment of the innocent and the tyranny of the majority. Legal systems that respect their subjects' status as rational creatures with free wills permit their subjects to orient their own behavior. The principle of reason therefore requires substantive due process to ensure that laws provide dependable guideposts to individuals in orienting their behavior.
The principle of consent recognizes that the legitimacy of law derives from the consent of those subject to its power. Common law custom, the doctrine of stare decisis, and legislation sanctioned by the subjects' legitimate representatives all evidence consent.
The principle of autonomy establishes the authority of law. Laws must wield supremacy over political rulers, and political rulers must be subject to the same laws as other citizens. Political rulers may not arbitrarily alter the law to accord to their will.
Legal history demonstrates that, in the absence of a validity standard based on these principles, legal systems will not treat their subjects as ends in themselves. They will inevitably treat their subjects as mere means to other ends. Once laws do this, men have no rest from evil.