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Статті в журналах з теми "Peloponnesians"

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Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 23 вересня 2022

Оновлено: 27 січня 2023

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1

V.P.Z.S., G. A. Roulenger F. R. S. "3. On the Peloponnesian Lizard (Lacerta peloponnesiaca Bibr.)." Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London 81, no. 1 (August 20, 2009): 37–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-7998.1911.tb06989.x.

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2

Douglas Olson, S. "Dicaeopolis' motivations in Aristophanes' Acharnians." Journal of Hellenic Studies 111 (November 1991): 200–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631902.

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Aristophanes' Acharnians, performed at the Lenaea in 425 BC, is the story of Dicaeopolis' unilateral withdrawal from Athens' political system and her seemingly endless war against Sparta. What seems never to have been appreciated is the extent to which the hero's motivations are specifically economic in character. Dicaeopolis resents both his unhappy new status as an urban cash-consumer of staple goods, and the fact that he is excluded from all the pleasures the war-time city still has to offer, while others continue to enjoy themselves. It is a combination of these resentments which drives the hero to break ranks with his fellow citizens and make his separate peace with the Peloponnesians, and both problems are accordingly resolved in the ‘ideal’ new world of the second half of the play.

3

Crane, Gregory. "The Fear and Pursuit of Risk: Corinth on Athens, Sparta and the Peloponnesians (Thucydides 1.68-71, 120-121)." Transactions of the American Philological Association (1974-) 122 (1992): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/284372.

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4

Hassoon, Mohammed Naser. "Epidemic as Metaphor: the Allegorical Significance of Epidemic Accounts in Literature." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Philologia 66, no. 3 (September 20, 2021): 201–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbphilo.2021.3.13.

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"Epidemic as Metaphor: The Allegorical Significance of Epidemic Accounts in Literature. Our paper searches for those common elements in selected literary representations of the plagues that have affected humanity. As a theoretical framework for our research, we have considered the contributions of Peta Michell, who equals pandemic with contagion and sees it as a metaphor; Susan Sontag views illness as a punishment or a sign, the subject of a metaphorization. Christa Jansohn sees the pest as a metaphor for an extreme form of collective calamity. For René Girard, the medical plague is a metaphor for the social plague, and Gilles Deleuze thinks that fabulation is a “health enterprise.” From the vast library of the pandemic, we have selected examples from Antiquity to the 19th century: Thucydides, Lucretius, Boccaccio, Daniel Defoe, Mary Shelley, Edgar Allan Poe, and Jack London. For Camus, the plague is an allegory of evil, oppression and war. Our paper explores the lessons learned from these texts, irrespective of their degree of factuality or fictionality, pointing out how the plague is used metaphorically and allegorically to reveal a more profound truth about different societies and humanity. Keywords: epidemic, plague, The Decameron (Boccaccio), A Journal of the Plague Year (Daniel Defoe), King Pest (Edgar Allan Poe), The Last Man (Mary Shelley), The Nature of Things (Lucretius), The Plague (Albert Camus), The Scarlet Plague (Jack London), The War of the Peloponnesians (Thucydides) "

5

Freedman, Lawrence D., and Donald Kagan. "The Peloponnesian War." Foreign Affairs 82, no. 5 (2003): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033706.

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6

Shipley, Graham. "PELOPONNESIAN PLACE-NAMES." Classical Review 53, no. 1 (April 2003): 136–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/53.1.136.

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7

Papadopoulos, Stelios. "The Peloponnesian War." Nature Biotechnology 6, no. 4 (April 1988): 360. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/nbt0488-360.

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8

Fracchia, Helena M. "The Peloponnesian Pyramids Reconsidered." American Journal of Archaeology 89, no. 4 (October 1985): 683. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/504211.

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9

Lavelle, B. M., and Thomas Weidemann. "Thucydides: The Peloponnesian War." Classical World 80, no. 5 (1987): 388. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350077.

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10

Hornblower, Simon. "The Peloponnesian War (review)." American Journal of Philology 121, no. 4 (2000): 646–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajp.2000.0052.

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11

Flory, Stewart, and Steven Lattimore. "Thucydides: The Peloponnesian War." Journal of Military History 63, no. 1 (January 1999): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/120339.

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12

Thanou, Evanthia, Sinos Giokas, and Panagiotis Kornilios. "Phylogeography and genetic structure of the slow worms Anguis cephallonica and Anguis graeca (Squamata: Anguidae) from the southern Balkan Peninsula." Amphibia-Reptilia 35, no. 2 (2014): 263–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685381-00002947.

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Two slow worm species are distributed at the southernmost part of the Balkan Peninsula: Anguis cephallonica, an endemic of the Peloponnese and the islands Zakynthos, Ithaki and Kephallonia, and A. graeca. Here, we investigate the intraspecific genetic diversity of A. cephallonica from the Peloponnese and Kephallonia and analyse A. graeca, from the northern Peloponnese, where it is found in sympatry with A. cephallonica. MtDNA and nDNA phylogenetic analyses confirm the genetic similarity of Peloponnesian and Kephallonian populations of A. cephallonica and reveal significant mtDNA genetic variation within it, probably related to the occurrence of multiple subrefugia in the Peloponnese. Peloponnesian A. graeca populations are genetically similar to non-Peloponnesian conspecifics implying recent dispersal to the Peloponnese. In contrast to the genetic markers, morphological characteristics (such as the number of mid-body scale-rows) failed to distinguish between Peloponnesian A. cephallonica and A. graeca. Although the former species is believed to be well-differentiated from its congeneric taxa, a thorough morphological study is needed.

13

Spence, Michael. "Lessons from the Peloponnesian War." Sewanee Review 122, no. 2 (2014): 190. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sew.2014.0049.

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14

Araújo, Marcelo. "“They declared war and made their decision to prefer might to right”: Thucydides on the use of force among states." Revista Estudos Políticos 11, no. 21 (October 13, 2020): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.22409/rep.v11i21.46519.

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When we think of the contributions made by the ancient Greek, the philosophy of Socrates and Plato, the plays by Sophocles, Euripides, and Aristophanes, or the historical thinking of Herodotus and Thucydides may come to or minds. Between the fifth and fourth centuries BCE, Athens set the stage for unprecedented cultural developments in the history of humankind. However, we sometimes forget that the historical period in which these authors lived and produced their masterpieces was also a time of war and plague. Some way or other, all these authors participated in the Peloponnesian War. And the Athenians, who were a major power at the beginning of the conflict, emerged as the defeated party in the end.The main source of information we have about the Peloponnesian War is Thucydides’ work known as the Peloponnesian War. Thucydides took an active part in the war as a general on the Athenian side. But after failing to protect a city, of strategic value for the Athenians, he lost his position as a general and was forced into exile. It is in the exile, then, that Thucydides writes the Peloponnesian War, seeking to take into consideration the accounts provided by all parties involved in the conflict. The text, though, remained unfinished. And it is unclear whether the order of chapters, as displayed in most modern editions, matches Thucydides’ original plan. It is not my intention here to examine the structure of the Peloponnesian War as a whole. My goal is far more modest: I intend to focus only on a few specific passages in which Thucydides discusses the causes of war and the reasons for violent conflict among human beings.

15

Scanlon, Thomas F., and J. S. Rusten. "Thucydides: The Peloponnesian War, Book II." Classical World 84, no. 3 (1991): 254. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350794.

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16

Flory, Stewart. "Thucydides' Hypotheses about the Peloponnesian War." Transactions of the American Philological Association (1974-) 118 (1988): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/284161.

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17

Occhipinti, Egidia. "Herodotus’ awareness of the Peloponnesian War." Journal of Ancient History 8, no. 2 (November 27, 2020): 152–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jah-2019-0026.

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AbstractThis article aims to discuss the relationship between Herodotus and Thucydides. New scholarly trends date the composition of Herodotus’ Histories to 413 BC, or even later, against high chronology of 431, and suggest Herodotus’ use of Thucydides’ narrative. Herodotus’ debt to Thucydides has been suggested by scholars either cautiously or boldly. This examination will show cases where Herodotus is alluding to events of the Peloponnesian War or even responding to Thucydides’ narrative. In fact, anachronisms, presentisms, and allusions to Thucydides’ text can be found throughout Herodotus’ narrative. We will explore the reasons for Herodotus’ engaging with the events of that War, conjecturing about his goals: attracting the interest of his audience, or providing a warning to his contemporaries; moreover, it is important to understand whether this engagement was just coincidental.

18

Holladay, A. J. "Sparta and the First Peloponnesian War." Journal of Hellenic Studies 105 (November 1985): 161–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631531.

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In JHS xcvii (1977) 54–63 I argued against the view that the prevalent Spartan attitude towards Athens throughout the Pentekontaetia was aggressive and that in the First Peloponnesian War Sparta was eager to engage and crush her, being prevented only by the barrier of Mt. Geraneia with its Athenian garrisons. There seemed to me to be four main difficulties in this view:(a) The Corinthians succeeded in crossing Mt. Geraneia with their local allies early in the war, even though the Athenians were already present: so why not Sparta?(b) A full Peloponnesian army was able to reach central Greece by sea after the war had been in progress for some three years, and their reluctance on that occasion to cross the northern frontier of Attica even after they had defeated the Athenians seems inexplicable on this view.

19

Miller, Lynn. "Peloponnesia and Nitrogen Fixation." Nature Biotechnology 6, no. 7 (July 1988): 841. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/nbt0788-841a.

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20

Harrold, George. "Thucydides and Topography: the neglected prevalence and significance of elevated terrain in Classical Greek battles." Journal of Ancient History 9, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 100–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jah-2020-0002.

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Abstract This article uses Thucydides’ literary evidence to argue that elevated terrain was prevalent in the battles of the Peloponnesian War, contrary to the orthodox view of the Classical Greek battlefield. This argument has four parts. First, Thucydides’ battles are defined and listed. Second, the references to terrain in these battle accounts are catalogued. Third, this collated data is analysed to demonstrate that elevated terrain was indeed prevalent on the battlefields of the Peloponnesian War. And, fourth, some of the military effects of this elevated terrain are explored.

21

Krajčovičová, Katarína, and Jana Christophoryová. "First record of Beierochelifer Mahnert, 1977 (Pseudoscorpiones: Cheliferidae) from Slovakia." Check List 13, no. 2 (March 28, 2017): 2074. http://dx.doi.org/10.15560/13.2.2074.

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Beierochelifer peloponnesiacus peloponnesiacus (Beier, 1929) is recorded for the first time from Slovakia. These records are based on two males found in tree microhabitats at two localities, both with forest-steppe character with xerothermic vegetation. A full description of the specimens of this rare subspecies is provided and the main diagnostic characters are discussed.

22

Son, Kyeng-ho. "A Study on the First Peloponnesian War." Korean Journal of Military Affairs 5 (June 30, 2019): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.33528/kjma.2019.06.5.1.

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23

Bowden, Hugh. "A New History of the Peloponnesian War." International History Review 33, no. 2 (June 2011): 353–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2011.592293.

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24

Lang, Mabel B. "The Thucydidean Tetralogy (1.67–88)." Classical Quarterly 49, no. 1 (May 1999): 326–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/49.1.326.

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A new look at Thucydides’ account of the debate at Sparta motivating the Spartan declaration of war (1.67–88) may provide a footnote to valuable past discussion. Chief concerns about the debate have always been (1) the uniqueness of the four-speech set-up; (2) the oddity of an Athenian embassy in attendance at a Peloponnesian League meeting; and (3) the unlikelihood that any detailed report of speeches made to the Peloponnesian League or Spartan assembly came to Athens. Thucydides' judgement concerning the cause of the Peloponnesian War is far more likely to have been based on his knowledge of past and present relations between Athens and Sparta and members of the Peloponnesian League (Ξυμπ⋯σα γνώμη) than on any information about an actual debate (τ⋯ ⋯ληθ⋯ς λɛχθ⋯ντα). But for τ⋯ δ⋯oντα he needed a confrontation which would not only dramatize both opposition I and characters of Sparta and Athens but also put them in historical context, that is, in their Persian War roles as recorded by Herodotus. Only in this way is it possible to explain peculiarities of this confrontation which appear to duplicate characteristics of the Herodotean debate involving Athens and Sparta before the battle of Plataea. Thuc. 1.67–88 is like Hdt. 8.140–4 in comprising four speeches of which the first (A) 1 is answered by the third (Cl) and the second (B) is answered by the fourth (C2). In each case Cl and C2 are spoken by representatives of a single people: with the Athenians in Herodotus’ debate answering two different peoples, and with two different Spartans in Thucydides answering two different peoples.

25

Bodzek, Jarosław. "Review of Wolfgang Fischer-Bossert, Coins, Artists, and Tyrants. Syracuse in the Time of the Peloponnesian War, Numismatic Studies 33, The American Numismatic Society, New York 2017, 371 pages, 27 plates; ISBN 978-0-89722-341-6." Notae Numismaticae - TOM XV, no. 15 (May 17, 2021): 322–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.52800/ajst.1.a.18.

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26

Liosis, Nikos. "Auxiliary verb constructions and clitic placement." Journal of Greek Linguistics 17, no. 1 (2017): 37–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01701004.

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The Tsakonian clitic system possesses a clitic auxiliary with the same syntactic and prosodic properties as the object clitic pronouns with which it may cluster preverbally or postverbally. The clitics of the two Tsakonian subdialects (Peloponnesian Tsakonian and Propontis Tsakonian) differ typologically since the latter has second position clitics but the former does not. It is shown here that Peloponnesian Tsakonian clitics do not simply constitute a mixed system in a state of transition between the inherited Medieval Greek enclitics and SMG proclitics, because of certain peculiarities they show. In particular, circumclitics and split clitics have arisen, and second position clitics are retained not as free variations but as elements whose placement depends on strict prosodic and/or syntactic conditions.

27

Weiberg, Erika. "Pictures and people. Seals, figurines and Peloponnesian imagery." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 3 (November 2010): 185–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-03-09.

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The point of departure for this paper is the publication of two Early Helladic sealing fragments from the coastal settlement of Asine on the north-east Peloponnese in Greece. After an initial description and discussion they are set in the context of sealing custom established on the Greek mainland around 2500 BCE. In the first part of the paper focus is on the apparent qualitative differences between the available seals and the contemporary seal impressions, as well as between different sealing assemblages on northeastern Peloponnese. This geographical emphasis is carried into the second part of the paper which is a review and contextualisation of the representational art of the Aegean Early Bronze Age in general, and northeastern Peloponnese in particular. Seal motifs and figurines are the main media for Early Helladic representational art preserved until today, yet in many ways very dissimilar. These opposites are explored in order to begin to build a better understanding of Peloponnesian representational art, the choices of motifs, and their roles in the lives of the Early Helladic people.

28

Rozumyk, V. "Peloponnesian War: Domestic Policy Determinants of Foreign Policy." Problems of World History, no. 1 (March 24, 2016): 52–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2016-1-3.

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The article investigates the common aspects of home policy determinants of foreign policy. The author argues that before the modern political science international relations raises questions about the possibility of aggravation of geopolitical confrontation in the process of alternative models of world order and the impact of the internal heterogeneity of the leading countries in the world in the development of a new system of international relations. On the example of the Peloponnesian War, the internal factors of international relations are reviewed and analyzed, the inadequacy and inaccuracy of many of the stereotypes of the theory of international relations, inspired liberal propaganda are clearly demonstrated. Falseness of the statements about the innate aggressiveness of authoritarian regimes is proved, the position about an inherent pacifism of democracies is refuted.

29

Stiros, S. C. "Model for the N. Peloponnesian (C. Greece) uplift." Journal of Geodynamics 9, no. 2-4 (July 1988): 199–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0264-3707(88)80065-6.

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30

Nikolaidis, Anastasios. "Revisiting the Pylos Episode and Thucydides' 'Bias' against Cleon." Classica et Mediaevalia 69 (October 26, 2020): 119–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/classicaetmediaevalia.v69i0.122617.

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The Pylos episode, ending with the capture of almost 300 Spartans who had been cut off on the Sphacteria island, was the first major setback suffered by Sparta during the Peloponnesian war and, at the same time, the first major – and more importantly – unexpected success of Athens, in Peloponnesian territory at that. Without overlooking the military side involved, this paper will primarily focus on the political aspects of this enterprise in an attempt (a) to assess and evaluate Thucydides’ attitude to the protagonists of this episode, Cleon, Nicias and Demosthenes, (b) to better understand the historian’s political stance and judgement through the vocabulary that he employs, and (c) to show that his notoriously presumed bias against Cleon is poorly substantiated and, insofar as it may occasionally occur, it does not interfere with his respect for historical truth.

31

Fernández Prieto, Aida. "Lucia Cecchet, Poverty in Athenian Public Discourse. From the Eve of the Peloponnesian War to the Rise of Macedonia (=Historia Einzelschriften 239), Stuttgart, Franz Steiner Verlag, 2015, pp. 283 [ISBN: 978-3-515-11160-7]." Gerión. Revista de Historia Antigua 38, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 342–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/geri.68600.

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Reseña del libro de Lucia Cecchet, Poverty in Athenian Public Discourse. From the Eve of the Peloponnesian War to the Rise of Macedonia (=Historia Einzelschriften 239), Stuttgart, Franz Steiner Verlag, 2015, pp. 283 [ISBN: 978-3-515-11160-7].

32

ΣΜΑΡΝΑΚΗΣ, Γιάννης. "Κοινωνικές ιεραρχίες στα κείμενα του Πλήθωνα και τα πρότυπά τους". BYZANTINA SYMMEIKTA 12 (29 вересня 1998): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.854.

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<p>Yannis Smarnakis</p><p>Social Hierarchy in Pletho and its Models </p><p>The subject of this paper are the models of social organization proposed by G. Gemistos-Plethon to the despot of Peloponnese Theodore II Palaeologus and to the emperor Manuel II Palaeologus. The main sources for the investigation are two texts, written by Plethon, the first one between 1407-1415 and the second in 1418. The older text that was sent to the despot Theodore, depends on the platonic dialogues and proposes a similar model of three classes for the peloponnesian society. An interesting ideological shift was detected in the second text of 1418. Here the author proposes the division of the peloponnesian people into three parts, the soldiers, the priests and the peasants. The new model is identical to the ideological system of the three classes or functions in medieval France. I think that the main source of inspiration for Plethon was the specific ternary model that was grounded, in medieval France, on the neoplatonic tradition. Plethon transfers this ideological system to the social reality of his contemporary Peloponnese that was marked by the struggle of the powerful local aristocracy against the institution of monarchy. The ternary model gives a stable form to the peloponnesian society, justifies the role of the military aristocracy as the state against the Turks and legitimatizes the place of the monarch as the sovereign of the soldiers at the top of the social pyramid.</p><p> </p>

33

Bolmarcich, Sarah. "The Date of the “Oath of the Peloponnesian League”." Historia 57, no. 1 (2008): 65–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/historia-2008-0004.

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34

Yasnitsky, N. A. "W. Mitford on the Causes of the Peloponnesian War." Uchenye Zapiski Kazanskogo Universiteta. Seriya Gumanitarnye Nauki 161, no. 2-3 (2019): 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.26907/2541-7738.2019.2-3.34-42.

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35

Smarczyk, Bernhard. "J. F. Lazenby: The Peloponnesian War. A military study." Gnomon 78, no. 8 (2006): 703–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417_2006_8_703.

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36

ROSIVACH, VINCENT. "State Pay as War Relief in Peloponnesian-War Athens." Greece and Rome 58, no. 2 (September 26, 2011): 176–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001738351100012x.

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In the course of its history of the Athenian constitution, the Aristotelian Athēnaiōn Politeia describes Aristeides' leading role in organizing the Delian League, including his initial assessment of the contributions (phoros) paid by the League's members (Ath. Pol. 23.4–5). It then recounts his subsequent advice to the Athenians (24.1):Afterwards, as the polis was already growing bold and much money had been accumulated, his advice was to take over the leadership [of the League], and to come in from the fields and dwell in the urban centre [astu]; for there would be a living [trophē] for all – for those soldiering, for those standing guard, for those conducting public business – then in this way they would firmly hold onto their leadership.

37

Pantelidis, Nikolaos. "The Active Imperfect of the verbs of the ‘2nd Conjugation’ in the Peloponnesian Varieties of Modern Greek." Journal of Greek Linguistics 4, no. 1 (2003): 3–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jgl.4.03pan.

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AbstractThe present paper treats the different types of formation and the inflectional patterns of the active imperfect of the verbs that in traditional grammar are known as verbs of the ‘2nd conjugation’ in the Peloponnesian varieties of Modern Greek (except Tsakonian and Maniot), mainly from a diachronic point of view. A reconstruction of the processes that led to the current situation is attempted and directions for further possible changes are suggested. The diachrony of the morphology of the imperfect of the ‘2nd conjugation’ in the Peloponnesian varieties involves developments such as morphologization of a phonological process and the evolution of number-oriented allomorphy at the level of aspectual markers, while at the same time offering interesting insights into the mechanisms and scope of morphological changes and the morphological structure of the Modern Greek verb. These developments can also offer important evidence for the process of dialectal differentiation of Medieval/‘Early Modern’ Greek.

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Hart, Janet. "Cracking the Code: Narrative and Political Mobilization in the Greek Resistance." Social Science History 16, no. 4 (1992): 631–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200016680.

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That narrative can be more than a mechanical recitation of events is epitomized in Thucydides’ challenge to historiographical paradigms current during the fifth century B.C. In his definitive history of the war between Athens and Sparta, the Athenian general in effect tells a “story” with a beginning, middle, and end. Thucydides’ history of the Peloponnesian War is anything but a neutral description of events. Instead, the collection interprets the conflict for the reader. The tale contains a discussion of the role of alternative military strategies and of the war’s wider political implications. According to Thucydides, the fractionization and polarization engendered by war as a mode of resolving political conflicts is too high a price to pay for victors and losers alike. Thucydides warns of psychic as well as material costs. Thus, the ancient political scientist tells the story of the Peloponnesian War to assert that the “sequences of real events be assessed as to their significance as elements of a moral drama” (White 1987: 21).

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Earley, Benjamin. "A NEW TRANSLATION OF THUCYDIDES - (J.) Mynott (ed., trans.) Thucydides. The War of the Peloponnesians and the Athenians. Pp. lxiv + 690, maps. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013. Paper, £17.99, US$27.99 (Cased, £50, US$85). ISBN: 978-0-521-61258-6 (978-0-521-84774-2 hbk)." Classical Review 64, no. 2 (March 18, 2014): 374–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x13004071.

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40

Kostuch, Lucyna. "CO TRAPIŁO GRECKICH ŻOŁNIERZY? ŻOŁNIERSKIE BOLĄCZKI W ŚWIETLE GRECKIEJ HISTORIOGRAFII OKRESU KLASYCZNEGO." Studia Europaea Gnesnensia, no. 15 (June 15, 2017): 75–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/seg.2017.15.4.

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The aim of the paper is to compile a list of typical complaints that a Greek soldier of the Classical period might have had. For that purpose, the author analyses the great war narratives of that time: Histories by Herodotus, History of the Peloponnesian War by Thucydides Xenophon’s Hellenica, Anabasis, and Agesilaus.

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Welch, David A. "Why International Relations theorists should stop reading Thucydides." Review of International Studies 29, no. 3 (June 26, 2003): 301–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210503003012.

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Many regard Thucydides as the first genuine International Relations theorist and a writer of continuing, even timeless importance. His history of the Peloponnesian War is certainly a remarkable work that obviously has had an enormous influence on the development of the field. Its influence, however, is largely pernicious. This article explores why.

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Picón Casas, Javier. "La noción de “hybris” en el Critias de Platón." Areté 20, no. 1 (March 16, 2008): 75–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.18800/arete.200801.003.

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Se justifican tres tesis. Primera, el sentido mítico-religioso tradicional de la justicia como castigo de la [palabra en griego] quedó desacreditado durante la Guerra del Peloponeso, como bien lo muestra Tucídides. Segunda, en tiempos de Aristóteles, tal sentido ya habría desaparecido en favor de un nuevo paradigma basado en el concepto de [palabra en griego]. Tercera, la obra de Platón constituye uno de los últimos intentosde recuperar ese sentido mítico-religioso tradicional tratando de interpretar la Guerra del Peloponeso a través del mecanismo del castigo de la [palabra en griego] .---“The notion of ‘hybris’ in Plato’s Critias”. The following theses are basically justified: (1) the traditional mythical-religious sense of justice as punishment of the [greek word] was discredited during the Peloponnesian War, as Thucydide shows. (2) In times of Aristotle such a sense had already disappeared in favour of a new paradigm based on the concept of [greek word]. (3) Plato’s work constitutes one of the last attempts to recover the traditional mythical-religious sense trying to interpret the Peloponnesian War through the mechanism of punishment of the [greek word].

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Fronda and Giroux. "Spartan Strategies in the Early Peloponnesian War, 431–425 B.C.E." Phoenix 73, no. 3/4 (2019): 293. http://dx.doi.org/10.7834/phoenix.73.3-4.0293.

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Fronda, Michael P., and Chandra Giroux. "Spartan Strategies in the Early Peloponnesian War, 431–425 B.C.E." Phoenix 73, no. 3-4 (2019): 293–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/phx.2019.0030.

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45

Smith, Douglas V. "A Review of “Song of Wrath: The Peloponnesian War Begins”." History: Reviews of New Books 40, no. 1 (January 2012): 24–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2012.625529.

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46

Spence, I. G. "Perikles and the defence of Attika during the Peloponnesian War." Journal of Hellenic Studies 110 (November 1990): 91–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631734.

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Given the increasing interest in ancient military history it seems timely to set Perikles' Peloponnesian War policy of avoiding major land battles in the context of the military options available and how these worked in practice. I should, however, sound one note of caution from the start. My discussion (especially sections I and II) represents a modern assessment of the defence strategies and options available to Athens in 431. While Perikles and his successors undoubtedly considered how best to fight the war, it would be misleading to even imply that their thought processes involved conducting an analysis anywhere near as sophisticated as the one which follows. Quite simply they lacked the theoretical concepts and even the technical vocabulary to do so. There was no history or tradition of staff college appreciations in fifth century Athens and no body of technical or theoretical military literature, and it seems clear that even experienced and successful commanders did not look at war with the same sort of theoretical constructs which we take for granted today.

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Keen, Antony G. "Athenian campaigns in Karia and Lykia during the Peloponnesian War." Journal of Hellenic Studies 113 (November 1993): 152–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632404.

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Thucydides (ii 9.4) records among the allies of Athens in 431 ‘coastal Karia and the Dorians living near the Karians’. All Karia and Lykia had been brought into the Delian League after the campaigns of Kimon that culminated in the battle of the Eurymedon. A number of Karian towns then appeared in the tribute lists in the mid-fifth century, but disappeared again sometime after 440. The evidence of the tribute lists, however, presents a range of communities which were still paying during the Peloponnesian War, and to this can almost certainly be added Keramos, which paid tribute in 432/1 (IG i 280.i.31).

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Hanink, Johanna. "The Great Dionysia and the End of the Peloponnesian War." Classical Antiquity 33, no. 2 (October 1, 2014): 319–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2014.33.2.319.

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Scholars have disagreed about whether the Great Dionysia was celebrated in 404 BCE, despite the grim circumstances in Athens on the eve of the city's surrender to Sparta. This article reconsiders the problem and reviews the positive documentary evidence for the festival's celebration. The evidence indicates that the festival was indeed held, which speaks to the centrality of the Great Dionysia to Athenian civic life. The article then re-examines the conditions in Athens in the spring of 404, the practical consequences that these may have had for the festival, and the celebration of other festivals during times of war and crisis. Despite the evidence that the Great Dionysia was celebrated, the scale of its festivities must have been reduced. The first regular celebration after the war did not likely take place until 402/1, when the posthumous premiere of Sophocles' Oidipous at Kolonos would have served partially as a symbolic proclamation that Athens' great theatrical tradition would continue undiminished.

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RUSSETT, BRUCE, and WILLIAM ANTHOLIS. "Do Democracies Fight each other? Evidence from the Peloponnesian War." Journal of Peace Research 29, no. 4 (November 1992): 415–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343392029004005.

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Griffith, R. Drew. "Heralds and the Beginning of the Peloponnesian War (THUC. 2.1)." Classical Philology 103, no. 2 (April 2008): 182–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/591613.

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