Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Sicilian migrants"

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Статті в журналах з теми "Sicilian migrants":

1

Fais, O. D. "Sicily and Islam: Past and Present." Islam in the modern world 16, no. 3 (October 25, 2020): 95–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.22311/2074-1529-2020-16-3-95-118.

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In this article, the author analyzes the historical past of Sicily, a region that became the object of the Arab- Berber, or Saracen conquest in the early Middle Ages, and the current realities of this region of Italy in the light of the migration problem. The researcher in detail discusses the background, characteristics, time frame and results medieval “Arabization” of the region, the similarities and diff erences of Islamization in Sicily and other European regions undergoing the expansion of the Muslim. Special emphasis is placed on the relation of Sicily to the Muslims: the author examines the specifi city of the interpretation of the concept “Islam” in various segments of the population, features of the mapping Sicilian, religious affi liation and regional origin of migrants with their status in the local evaluation system, the reasons for the existence of positive attitudes towards Muslims and Islam, as well as the identity of the Sicilians and migrants and interpretation of each of these categories of the population of the terms “own” and “alien”.
2

Arculeo, M., S. Lo Brutto, M. P. Pancucci, M. Cammarata, and N. Parrinello. "Allozyme Similarity in Two Morphologically Distinguishable Populations ofParacentrotus Lividus(Echinodermata) From Distinct Areas of the Mediterranean Coast." Journal of the Marine Biological Association of the United Kingdom 78, no. 1 (February 1998): 231–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025315400040054.

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Allozymes ofParacentrotus lividusfrom Palermo Gulf in the northern Sicilian coast (Italy) and from a small body-size population in the western Greek coast (Ionian Sea) were investigated by PAGE. Five of the twenty examined loci were polymorphic(AAT*, ADH*, ME*, PGI*andPGM*)over each population with a polymorphism value of 0–25. Average heterozygosity was equal to 0081 in the Sicilian sample and 0084 in the Greek. Deviations from Hardy-Weinberg equilibrium were significant inME*andPGI*loci (as calculated byy).Nei's (1978) genetic distance (D=0–0025) index described a close identity between the two samples. FSTvalue of polymorphic loci ranged from 0001 to 0029, its mean value (0–008) resulting low and appearing to be discriminate between the samples with a significant difference (P<0–05). The number of migrants per generation was equal to 31.
3

Taviano, Stefania. "Translating Migration: Art Installations against Dehumanizing Labelling Practices." Languages 8, no. 3 (September 20, 2023): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages8030221.

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Migration is commonly described as a threat through images of invasion and flood in Western media. Migrants and asylum seekers tend to be the target of hate speech together with other vulnerable groups and minorities, such as disabled people, and definitions and labels have precise implications in terms of social justice and human rights. Migrant is an umbrella term used to refer to a variety of people who leave their countries of origin. Out-of-quota and dubliner are further labels, together with asylum seekers. Through an interdisciplinary approach, adopting a translation perspective on social justice, I would like to focus on the ways these labelling practices affect migrants’ and asylum seekers’ lives to the point of violating their rights. A clear example is represented by the English term dublined, translated as dublinati/dublinanti into Italian, and with no translation into German. It derives from the Dublin regulations, signed in 2013 and still valid, and indicates those people who want to apply for asylum in a given country but cannot do so because their fingerprints have been taken and registered in another EU country. Classifications of this kind, combined with further categorisations, such as “ordinary” or “vulnerable”, are applied throughout EU countries and languages to determine whether asylum seekers deserve, and are thus granted, asylum or not. They are informed by a dehumanizing view of migration and translate into “bordering practices” which prevent access to reception systems and welfare services. Resistant translation practices, a new language and art activism can contribute to reversing dehumanizing practices by putting displaced people’s identities at the centre. The Sicilian artist Antonio Foresta is the author of the installation Pace Nostra, a symbolic wave made of migrants’ clothes and Caltanissetta inhabitants’ bedsheets, with both an Italian and Arabic title, which translates migration, commonly perceived as “their” drama, into “our” drama, a common human experience, leading to a common goal: peace.
4

Zaccardelli, Enzo, and Jeffrey H. Cohen. "Arancini, Identity, and the Refugee Debate in Sicily." Migration Letters 18, no. 4 (July 20, 2021): 453–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v19i4.1386.

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In August of 2018, the Italian national government prohibited North African passengers onboard the Diciotti from disembarking in Catania, Sicily. The ship had docked amid an ongoing debate over how Italy should respond to an increasing number of immigrants and refugees arriving to the nation’s shores. Pro-migrant Sicilians came to the dock wielding arancini--fried rice balls--which are emblematic of the island's history and culture, as a way to symbolically welcome the migrants onboard the Diciotti. Nationalist Sicilians came as well to counter-protest the pro-migrant group. This paper asks first, who are the opposing groups (pro-migrant and nationalist Sicilians) and why did they adopt arancini? Second, how does arancini become a symbol of welcome and at the same time inhospitality? Third, how does the encounter become a stage for the larger debate over the meaning of identity in Sicily? By shifting the focus towards the host population and how it contests the meanings of such important local symbols, we capture the complexities of reception and debates over how natives perceive and receive migrants.
5

Mondello, Salvatore, and Donna Gabaccia. "Militants and Migrants: Rural Sicilians Become American Workers." Journal of American History 76, no. 4 (March 1990): 1288. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2936663.

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6

Keyssar, Alexander, and Donna Gabacia. "Militants and Migrants: Rural Sicilians Become American Workers." Contemporary Sociology 19, no. 3 (May 1990): 395. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2072452.

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7

Mormino, Gary, and Donna Rae Gabaccia. "Militants and Migrants: Rural Sicilians become American Workers." International Migration Review 24, no. 1 (1990): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2546684.

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8

Carlson-Cumbo, E., and Donna Rae Gabaccia. "Militants and Migrants: Rural Sicilians Become American Workers." Labour / Le Travail 26 (1990): 242. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143466.

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9

Cinel, Dino, and Donna Gabaccia. "Militants and Migrants: Rural Sicilians Become American Workers." American Historical Review 95, no. 4 (October 1990): 1165. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2163518.

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10

Migliozzi, Mary. "Antonia Rubino, Trilingual Talk in Sicilian-Australian Migrant Families." Forum Italicum: A Journal of Italian Studies 50, no. 1 (December 16, 2015): 307–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014585815623474.

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Дисертації з теми "Sicilian migrants":

1

PIRO, VALERIA. "TRAVAGGHIARI A JURNATA. INVESTIGATING DAY LABOR INSIDE SICILIAN TOMATOES ¿PLASTIC FACTORIES¿." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/312895.

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La tesi rappresenta un tentativo di indagare il lavoro a giornata e le sue dimensioni, attraverso un'analisi di un mercato del lavoro agricolo destagionalizzato nel sud Italia. Essa si sforza di capire quali sono le convenzioni, i concetti di giustizia e le giustificazioni fornite dagli attori locali a sostegno del sistema del lavoro a giornata. L'analisi è basata su un lavoro di campo della durata di circa sei mesi realizzato nella cosiddetta Fascia Costiera Trasformata (Ragusa, Sicilia), un distretto agricolo caratterizzato dalla produzione di ortaggi freschi che rappresenta uno delle più gradi estensioni serricole italiane. Da circa quarant'anni la forza lavoro nella zona è costituita in gran parte da lavoratrici e lavoratori stranieri, provenienti per lo più dalla Tunisia (a partire dagli anni '60) e dalla Romania (a partire dagli anni 2000). Durante il lavoro di campo, l'autrice ha realizzato due mesi di osservazione partecipante (coperta e scoperta) all'interno di varie aziende agricole e di magazzini di confezionamento, due settimane di “shadowing” seguendo un commerciante in diversi mercati ortofrutticoli locali, e circa 100 tra interviste semi-strutturate e colloqui informali con braccianti, datori di lavoro e testimoni privilegiati (sindacalisti, membri delle istituzioni locali, volontari, etc.). La tesi cerca di spiegare che significa lavorare a giornata attraverso un'analisi empirica delle dimensioni e delle forme assunte da questo tipo di lavoro. Considera, dunque, l'indisponibilità del tempo di vita e di lavoro vissuta dai braccianti; la sofferenza e il dolore causati da uno sforzo fisico incostante sul corpo dei lavoratori, così come lo stress mentale che che esso genera; l'insicurezza materiale vissuta dagli operai remunerati con salari bassi e incostanti; l'incertezza sul futuro che costringe i braccianti a «campare alla giornata». Essa esplora, inoltre, il continuum formale-informale e le diverse configurazioni di semi-formalità a cui il sistema del lavoro a giornata da origine. Secondariamente, la tesi si cimenta nel proposito di riflettere proprio sugli spazi, che costituisco il setting che “ospita” e allo stesso tempo plasma il lavoro a giornata, proponendo quattro immagini idealtipiche dei luoghi di lavoro. Infine, il contributo considera come il genere, l'etinicità e la classe dei lavoratori influenzano e sono influenzati dal lavoro a giornata, il quale produce diverse “matrici di dominazione” e di “agency”. La conclusione appare come un invito a prendere in considerazione i costi sociali della filiera del cibo fresco, per quanto riguarda la produzione sociale di valore, l'impatto sui territori locali e sulla forza lavoro.
The thesis attempts to investigate day labor and its dimensions, through the analysis of a deseasonalized agricultural labor market in the South of Italy. It tries to understand which are the conventions, the concepts of justice and justifications provided by the local actors to support day labor system. The findings are based on a six months fieldwork in the so called Fascia Costiera Trasformata (Ragusa, Sicily), an agricultural district characterized by the production of fresh crops that represents one of the biggest greenhouses areas in Italy. Since the last forty years, the workforce in the district has been mainly constituted by foreign (male and female) workers, mostly coming from Tunisia (since the 1960s) and Romania (since the 2000s). During her fieldwork, the author realized two months of (covered and uncovered) participant observation inside greenhouses and packinghouses companies, two week of “shadowing” following a broker inside local fruit and vegetable markets, and around 100 among semi-structured interviews and informal colloquies with farmworkers, employers and privileged testimonies (trade unionists, members of local institutions, volunteers, etc.). The thesis tries to explain what it means to work by the day through an empirical analysis of the dimensions and the forms assumed by day labor. Thus, it takes into consideration laborers' unavailability of their work and life time; the pain and suffering produced by an uneven physical endeavor on workers' bodies, as well as the mental stress that it generates; the material insecurity undergone by laborers remunerated through low and uneven salaries; the future uncertainties that bind workers to a daily model of existence. It also explores the continuum formal-informal and the several configurations of partial-formality that day labor system produces. Secondly, the thesis engages in the purpose of reflecting on the very spaces constituting the settings that “host” and at the same time shape day labor, proposing four ideal-typical “images” of the workplaces. Finally, the contribution considers how workers' gender, ethnicity and class shape and are re-shaped by day labor system, that produces several “matrices of domination” and “agency”. The conclusion appears as an invitation to take into consideration the social costs of eating fresh food, for what concerns social production of value, impact on local territories and on the workforce.
2

Magauran, H. C. "Integration, political behaviour and attitude change : A comparative study of 100 southern Spanish and 100 Sicilian migrants in Charleroi, Belgium." Thesis, University of Kent, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.376792.

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Книги з теми "Sicilian migrants":

1

Rubino, Antonia. Trilingual Talk in Sicilian-Australian Migrant Families. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137383686.

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2

Gabaccia, Donna R. Militants and migrants: Rural Sicilians become American workers. New Brunswick, N.J: Rutgers University Press, 1988.

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3

Virciglio, Giuseppe. Milocca al Nord: Una comunità di immigrati siciliani ad Asti. Milano, Italy: FrancoAngeli, 1991.

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4

Bartoli, Clelia. Asilo/esilio: Donne migranti e richiedenti asilo in Sicilia : studi e storie. Palermo: Duepunti, 2010.

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5

Grasso, Mario. Migranti tra flessibilità e possibilità: Occupazione, integrazione e relazioni familiari in Sicilia. Roma: Carocci, 2007.

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6

Salvo, Margherita Di. Contatti linguistici e culturali a Napoli: L'immigrazione borghese di lucani e siciliani. Napoli: Liguori, 2012.

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7

Gabaccia, Donna R. Militants and Migrants: Rural Sicilians Become American Workers (Class & Culture). Rutgers Univ Pr, 1989.

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8

Rubino, A. Trilingual Talk in Sicilian-Australian Migrant Families: Playing Out Identities Through Language Alternation. Palgrave Macmillan, 2014.

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9

Rubino, A. Trilingual Talk in Sicilian-Australian Migrant Families: Playing Out Identities Through Language Alternation. Palgrave Macmillan, 2014.

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Частини книг з теми "Sicilian migrants":

1

Rubino, Antonia. "Introduction." In Trilingual Talk in Sicilian-Australian Migrant Families, 1–3. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137383686_1.

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2

Rubino, Antonia. "The Context of Italian Migration." In Trilingual Talk in Sicilian-Australian Migrant Families, 4–24. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137383686_2.

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3

Rubino, Antonia. "From Bilingualism in Sicily to Trilingualism in Australia." In Trilingual Talk in Sicilian-Australian Migrant Families, 25–73. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137383686_3.

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4

Rubino, Antonia. "Approaches to Multilingual Talk." In Trilingual Talk in Sicilian-Australian Migrant Families, 74–89. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137383686_4.

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Rubino, Antonia. "Trilingual Talk in Family A." In Trilingual Talk in Sicilian-Australian Migrant Families, 90–163. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137383686_5.

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Rubino, Antonia. "Trilingual Talk in Family B." In Trilingual Talk in Sicilian-Australian Migrant Families, 164–234. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137383686_6.

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7

Rubino, Antonia. "From Qualitative to Quantitative Data: Language Choice in the Family." In Trilingual Talk in Sicilian-Australian Migrant Families, 235–68. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137383686_7.

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8

Rubino, Antonia. "Summary and Conclusions." In Trilingual Talk in Sicilian-Australian Migrant Families, 269–76. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137383686_8.

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9

Crouch, Dora P. "Scale Differences: Akragas and Morgantina." In Water Management in Ancient Greek Cities. Oxford University Press, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195072808.003.0027.

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Can we discern differences in the way water was managed at larger and smaller Greek cities? Let us take two Greek cities in Sicily as case studies, examining them in some detail as to area, population, date, geological situation, and the water system elements known at each. The aim of this exercise is to begin to understand the impact of scale differences on the clusters of water system elements in ancient cities. Useful examples are Akragas—modern Agrigento—and Morgantina (Figs. 15.1, 15.2). Akragas is located on the south coast of Sicily, approximately in the center, and occupies a dramatic site on a hill between two rivers. The earliest settlement—and later the medieval town—were located on the highest peak of the 280-meter hill (Storia della Sicilia, 1979, map 1), but during classical and Hellenistic times the city spread down the hill to the wide and gentle valley to the south, which then rises again to form a ridge that separates that valley from the plain leading to the sea. In the sixth and fifth centuries B.C. a line of temples was built along the lower ridge, forming today the single largest, best preserved, and most impressive group of Greek temples anywhere. These architectural glories were possible because of the size and wealth of the city, the same factors that necessitated and made possible the extensive water system of the city. In contrast, Morgantina was built inland, on a ridge at the juncture of the Catania plain with the plateaus of the center of Sicily. This ridge stands 578 to 656 meters above sea level, higher by 300 to 350 meters than the valleys to the north and south, but lower than the site of the nearest modern town, Aidone (885 meters), about 3 kilometers away. Morgantina began as a prehistoric settlement of migrant tribes from Italy whose king, Merges, gave his name to the city. The earliest Sikel settlement was on Cittadella, the easternmost wedge of the ridge, during the archaic period, no later than the sixth century.

Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Sicilian migrants":

1

Maccarrone, Maria. "Una città nomade e multidimensionale: il caso della reale Aci." In International Conference Virtual City and Territory. Roma: Centre de Política de Sòl i Valoracions, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/ctv.7973.

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Viviamo strani giorni, tempi di rapide accelerazioni, cambiamenti sociali e trasformazioni ambientali stressanti, che richiedono soluzioni contenitive e culturali improcrastinabili. Poniamo il caso di Acireale, città insulare di circa 50.000 abitanti, posta lungo la costa orientale sicula, stretta fra l’azzurra ionia marina, il nero del Vulcano Etna e il sempreverde degli agrumi. Il paesaggio dell’Aci trattiene geomorfologie e memorie antiche. Ricomporne le alterne vicende significa riflettere sulle “reali” specificità di una città siciliana per la quale è esistita un’articolata continuità storica di frequentazione in una porzione ampia di suolo vulcanico denominato Timpa. Nel corso dei secoli, le comunità hanno identificato in questo unico complesso lavico un salubre avamposto su cui migrare, tendenzialmente da Sud a Nord, fino a stanziarsi sul pianoro su cui sorge la città di Acireale. In età recente, la maggior crescita edilizia ha consumato pregevoli parti di terreno agricolo, inducendo uno sprawl urbano verso l’entroterra ed esponendo la Timpa a grandi rischi generati dalla progressiva assenza di organici interventi d’assetto territoriale. Questo contesto storico e paesaggistico aspetta d’essere attraversato, curato e valorizzato per ricomporre di quei valori percettivi che giacciono latenti nella memoria collettiva. La riqualificazione della Timpa può essere il tema per l’infrastrutturazione geografica con cui ri-connettere le inevitabili istanze di trasformazione urbana all’improrogabile sviluppo sostenibile del territorio acese. We live in strange days, periods of rapid acceleration, with stressful social changes and environmental changes, which require cultural solutions. Take the case of Acireale, city of about 50.000 inhabitants, located along the eastern coast of Sicily, between the Ionio sea, Mount Etna and evergreen citrus. The landscape of Aci holds geomorfologie and ancient memories. Over the centuries, communities have identified in this unique building of lava a place healthy where migrate, from South to North. In recent years, the growth of buildings has consumed valuable pieces of agricultural land, causing urban sprawl inland and exposing the Timpa large risks generated by the progressive absence of organic interventions of regional planning. This historical context and landscape is waiting to be crossed, edited and enhanced. The project of the Timpa may be the theme for re-connect the inevitable instances of urban transformation at the sustainable development of the territory.

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