Дисертації з теми "Urban social conflict"
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1
Setiawan, W. "Urban development and the urban planning responses to social diversity and potential conflict in Indonesia." Thesis, University of Salford, 2014. http://usir.salford.ac.uk/30747/.
Анотація:
The history of communal, violent conflicts has put Indonesia on the map after its crisis in 1998. As an ‘extraordinarily diverse’ country, the recent conflicts and the social diversity of Indonesia has led to a need to understand the importance of the relationships among societies. Several researchers have attempted to explain the reasoning behind the incidents, but they have mostly approached the matter from social and political perspectives. Another shortcoming of the existing research is the diverse use of methodology and thematic choices, and thus researchers have reached different conclusions. To better understand the dynamics of conflict, a study needs to be conducted into the violent conflicts in Indonesia which will draw on data from similar types of conflict. Although some discussions in urban development and urban policy delivery arise in relation to social diversity issues and the potential conflicts, they are often unrelated to the context of a developing country, such as Indonesia. This research aims to establish a framework of urban planning and development direction in response to the social diversity issues which might lead to communal conflict in Indonesia. The framework achieves this through a number of objectives: observing the relationship between social diversity, communal conflict, and urban development, and exploring the elements of urban planning practices relevant to urban diversity and potential conflicts. The research looks at the context of communal conflicts during the end of 1990s and early 2000s, which happened in three urban environments: Solo, Poso, and Sambas. The case studies involve an in-depth interview with 38 respondents, and an additional six respondents for the verification. The research adapts the Grounded Theory approach in the analysis of the data. The findings reveal that the emerging issues are moving from personal level to city level. The pattern indicates that communal conflicts at a personal level could grow exponentially into a larger conflict at city level. An urban planning strategy could help in mitigating the potential conflicts, particularly from the community level. Community-level development would need to mediate a larger planning agenda to be able to improve the performance of personal-level development. In response to communal conflicts, urban planning practice could respond indirectly by taking social diversity into account. The result contributes to three levels of development stakeholders: the government, urban planning practitioners, and the general population. This would help urban policy makers to take action. This also provides an idea of what researchers and urban planning practitioners should look at to deal with the issues of violent conflicts, particularly in developing countries.
2
Pokharel, Smriti. "Jhakris and the urban Nepali conflict : chaos and confusion." Scholarly Commons, 2008. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/706.
Анотація:
This study explored the intercultural conflict between urban Nepalis, who believe in Western medicine, and the Jhakris, Nepalese traditional healers. Nepalis in Western influenced urban areas made traditional healing practices illegal, resulting in violent arrests and beatings of Jhakris by police and occasional violent retaliation by Jhakris. This research sought to understand the roots of the intercultural conflict between the urban Nepali society and the Jhakris, and suggest possible solutions to reduce this intercultural conflict. Interviews were conducted with eight members of each group. The data were analyzed by using a conflict styles framework. Westernized members of urban Nepali society ranked high on the Competing conflict style and the Jhakri community ranked high in Compromise and Problem-Solving styles. The perceived grievances of each group were summarized and it was concluded that people in both groups who have a choice of Western and Jhakri healing options might be best placed to begin working toward negotiation and mediation.
3
Ball, Roger. "Violent urban disturbance in England 1980-81." Thesis, University of the West of England, Bristol, 2012. http://eprints.uwe.ac.uk/17958/.
Анотація:
This study addresses violent urban disturbances which occurred in England in the early 1980s with particular reference to the Bristol ‘riots’ of April 1980 and the numerous disorders which followed in July 1981. Revisiting two concepts traditionally utilised to explain the spread of collective violence, namely ‘diffusion’ and ‘contagion,’ it argues that the latter offers a more useful model for understanding the above-mentioned events. Diffusion used in this context implies that such disturbances are independent of each other and occur randomly. It is associated with the concept of ‘copycat riots’, which were commonly invoked by the national media as a way of explaining the spread of urban disturbances in July 1981. Contagion by contrast holds that urban disturbances are related to one another and involve a variety of communication processes and rational collective decision-making. This implies that such events can only be fully understood if they are studied in terms of their local dynamics. Providing the first comprehensive macro-historical analysis of the disturbances of July 1981, this thesis utilises a range of quantitative techniques to argue that the temporal and spatial spread of the unrest exhibited patterns of contagion. These mini-waves of disorder located in several conurbations were precipitated by major disturbances in inner-city multi-ethnic areas. This contradicts more conventional explanations which credit the national media as the sole driver of riotous behaviour. The thesis then proceeds to offer a micro analysis of disturbances in Bristol in April 1980, incorporating both qualitative and quantitative techniques. Exploiting previously unexplored primary sources and recently collected oral histories from participants, it establishes detailed narratives of three related disturbances in the city. The anatomy of the individual incidents and local contagious effects are examined using spatial mapping, social network and ethnographic analyses. The results suggest that previously ignored educational, sub-cultural and ethnographic intra- and inter-community linkages were important factors in the spread of the disorders in Bristol. The case studies of the Bristol disorders are then used to illuminate our understanding of the processes at work during the July 1981 disturbances. It is argued that the latter events were essentially characterised by anti-police and anti-racist collective violence, which marked a momentary recomposition of working-class youth across ethnic divides.
4
Bradlow, Benjamin Hofman. "Quiet conflict : social movements, institutional change, and upgrading informal settlements in South Africa." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/80905.
Анотація:
Thesis (M.C.P.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 2013.This electronic version was submitted by the student author. The certified thesis is available in the Institute Archives and Special Collections.
Cataloged from student-submitted PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 131-135).
The South African government's attempts to provide land and housing for the poor have been focused primarily on interventions at the policy level and within internal state bureaucracies. But experiences of social movements for land and housing have shown that significant opportunities for formal institutional change occur through relationships of both contestation and collaboration between such movements and state institutions, especially at the local level. Such a relatively underexplored mechanism of institutional reform enables us to understand exactly how such change processes gain legitimacy and potency. This thesis draws on case studies of two recent, formalized partnerships between grassroots social movements and local authorities in the metropolitan municipality of Cape Town and the municipality of Stellenbosch. The studies examine exactly how such relationships create the space for both conflict and collaboration between communities and city government. They are based on semi-structured interviews with government officials, community, and movement leaders, and participant observations of engagements between the movements and city authorities in January and June-August 2012. The evidence suggests that theories of the state and institutional change require much greater attention to the multiple ways in which social movements interact with the state in order to realize rights of access to land and housing. The contingent endowments of these actors allow them to be more or less able to trigger institutional reform processes. When change has occurred, collaboration has been essential. But these cases also highlight the value of a credible threat of conflict based on city-wide mobilization, no matter how quietly such a threat lurks in the background. Policy interventions in the urban land and housing sector in South Africa, pitched as rational bureaucratic recipes, are unlikely to realize such rights without institutionalized engagements, especially at the city level, with organized social movements of the landless urban poor that articulate both conflictual and collaborative tendencies.
by Benjamin Hofman Bradlow.
M.C.P.
5
Gilleland, Amanda H. "Human-Wildlife Conflict Across Urbanization Gradients: Spatial, Social, and Ecological Factors." Scholar Commons, 2010. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/3489.
Анотація:
As suburban and exurban residential developments continue to multiply in urban areas, they encroach on wildlife habitats leading to increased human-wildlife interactions. The animals involved in direct conflict with homeowners are often relocated or exterminated by the homeowners. Often the homeowners contact state licensed wildlife trappers to eliminate the problem animal. In this study I examined how landscape, ecological, and social factors influence the incidence of human-wildlife conflict of thirty two residential areas in the Tampa, Florida metropolitan area. These residential areas, totaling over 300 km2, are part of the urban development gradient representing a range of urban land use from the urban core to exurban residential areas. This study consisted of four phases. In the first three phases, I investigated which landscape, ecological, and social factors contribute to homeowner conflict with wild animals on their property. In the last phase, I combine the significant factors contributing to human-wildlife conflict from the first three phases to build a more complete model.
A spatial analysis of the locations of human-wildlife conflict events recorded by licensed wildlife trappers showed the most significant development and landscape factors affecting human-wildlife conflict reporting in a residential area were human population density and total area of natural habitat immediately adjacent to the residential area. A survey of the relative abundance of conflict prone animals living near and in remnant patches of habitat in suburban residential areas revealed that greater abundance was not correlated with the reported conflict of that species within that residential area. Species that were social, omnivorous, and had some flexibility in home range size were involved most often in conflict in highly urbanized environments. Species that were less social, and were not omnivorous, were not significantly involved in human-wildlife conflict in highly urbanized residential areas. These species tended to be restricted to intermediately urbanized areas like suburban and exurban residential areas.
Several social factors were also significant contributors to human-wildlife conflict as revealed through personal interviews with suburban homeowners in Hillsborough and Pasco counties. Interviews confirmed that most people have positive attitudes toward wildlife, but some form of conflict was reported by thirty four percent of suburban residents, although only seventeen percent of those perceived it as a problem worth spending money to solve. Analysis of the attitudes of residents who reported having experienced problems associated with wildlife on their property, revealed significant negative correlations with statements of environmental concern and concern for the treatment of animals.
Using all the significant variables from the physical landscape, ecological evaluation, and the human attitude study in the suburbs, I developed a statistical model of human-wildlife conflict across the urbanization gradient. While the model has marginal success in terms of practical application for prediction, it is quite valuable for defining the importance of these variables in relation to conflict with certain types of species across the gradient. This set of papers collectively defines relationships between variables existing in urban, suburban, and exurban residential areas and human-wildlife conflict. These factors should be considered when planning new residential areas to minimize human-wildlife conflict while maximizing the residents’ enjoyment of natural areas and species within the residential area.
6
Allen, C. "On theory, knowledge and practice in housing and urban research : a phenomenology of conflict and reconciliation." Thesis, Liverpool John Moores University, 2018. http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/7787/.
Анотація:
One year before my academic life began, Jim Kemeny published a book called ‘Housing and Social Theory’ (Kemeny 1992). This book has had a major impact within European housing and urban research over the last two and a half decades, not least by crystalizing its epistemic divisions into ‘mainstream’ and ‘critical’ (Webb 2012). In the face of Kemeny’s critique, ‘mainstream’ housing and urban researchers have remained wedded to ‘policy oriented’ empiricist approaches about which they have been defensive. In fact, it could even be argued that policy oriented housing researchers have been emboldened during this period. On the other hand, some housing and urban researchers have spent the last 25 years exploring the relationship between housing and social theory with a view to developing a more ‘critical’ understanding of housing and housing policy. My own work falls into this latter category and can be broken down into three phases (represented in the three parts of this thesis) which all bear the hallmarks of Kemeny’s influence, to greater or lesser degrees. Kemeny’s influence is most obvious in part I of the thesis. This contains a series of papers that represent my attempts to develop a sociology of housing and housing research. Although my initial contributions to the literature focussed on the social construction of housing problems and policy, my subsequent interventions recognise that it is not enough to focus ‘critical’ theoretical attention on policy issues alone; the context of research practice, itself, requires the same critical theoretical attention. This recognition set me on an intellectual track that resulted in published contributions to the sociology of knowledge literature, within the entrepreneurial context of the contemporary university. These contributions examine how entrepreneurial contexts shape academic subjectivities and the sociological episteme. If part I of the thesis finds sociology useful in illuminating housing policy and housing research practice then part II contains a book and two papers that call it into question. The origins of this ‘hostile turn’ towards sociology are in two pieces of research (into the lives of heroin users and visual impaired children) where sociology had hindered my attempts to develop an adequate knowledge of the phenomena under the microscope. The publications in this part of the thesis embrace phenomenology to make theoretical sense of the limits of the sociological episteme and to develop a more adequate understanding of the lives of heroin users and visual impaired children. They also set me on an intellectual path that led to my theoretical development of a more fundamental critique of housing and urban research and, eventually, a constructive and reconciliatory resolution to what I have argued are its epistemic limitations. The book and two papers contained in part III of the thesis were produced in conditions of acute conflict. The book and ‘fallacy paper’ were written in response to the controversial housing market renewal programme but were contextualised within my wider intellectual concerns about the fundamental problems of housing and urban research. They represent a full-frontal intellectual ‘attack’ on the professional enterprise of housing and urban research and its social consequences. The ‘impact’ paper was written and published 5 years later, following a ‘career break’ during which I had reflected on the fundamentally conflictual nature of housing and urban research and sought nonviolent alternatives to such conflict. It outlines a reconciliatory approach to housing and urban research that is true to the intellectual argument in the ‘fallacy paper’ whilst seeking to outline and advance the possibilities for collaboration between housing and urban researchers and their constituencies.
7
Waldon-Johnson, Carolyn Joyce. "Impact of an Urban High School Conflict Resolution Program on Peer Mediators:." ScholarWorks, 2015. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/1808.
Анотація:
Urban high school students in the United States are often involved in conflicts related to bullying, physical fighting, and drug abuse. These conflicts create a hostile learning environment; interventions such as conflict resolution programs are implemented to reduce these disruptions to learning. The purpose of this qualitative case study was to explore how an urban high school conflict resolution program impacts trained peer mediators. The conceptual framework was based on Erikson's psychosocial theory of human development and Freire's critical theory about pedagogy of the oppressed. Participants included 4 high school students who participated as trained peer mediators in an urban high school conflict resolution program in a southern state. Data were collected from multiple sources, including individual interviews with students, reflective journals maintained by these students, and archival records and documents related to this program. At the first level of data analysis, line-by-line initial coding and categorization was used to analyze each data source. A content analysis was used for archival records and documents. At the second level, categorized data across all sources of data was examined to determine themes and discrepant data. The key finding was that this conflict resolution program positively impacted peer mediators because they learned cultural competency skills such as active listening and maintaining neutrality; these skills helped participants fulfill their desire to help peers resolve conflicts and to resolve personal altercations with friends and family. This study will help educators and policymakers develop a deeper understanding about how conflict resolution programs and peer mediators improve the learning environment in urban high schools.
8
Ehrhardt, David Willem Lodewijk. "Struggling to belong : nativism, identities, and urban social relations in Kano and Amsterdam." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a9e13e87-0688-4e7b-bcf4-4c05514e294d.
Анотація:
The research problem of this thesis is to explore the effects of top-down, bureaucratic definitions of belonging and social identity on urban social relations. More specifically, the thesis analyses the ways in which the nativist categorisations of indigeneity in Kano and autochtonie in Amsterdam can help to understand the tensions between ethnic groups in these two cities. Methodologically, the study is designed as a least-similar, comparative exploration and uses mixed qualitative and quantitative methods in its case studies of Kano and Amsterdam. Theoretically, this study uses identity cleavages and identification as the mediators between policy categories and social relations. It combines social-psychological, historical, and institutional theories to link bureaucratic nativism to ethnic identities and, finally, to conflictual (or ‘destructive’) interethnic relations. The resulting theoretical argument of the thesis is that nativist policy categorisations are likely conducive to antagonism, avoidance, and conflict between groups defined as ‘natives’ and ‘settlers’. The central finding of the thesis is that both in Kano and in Amsterdam, indigeneity and autochtonie have entrenched a primordial and competitive (or ‘exclusionary’) notion of ethnic identities and have thus been conducive to interethnic antagonism, avoidance, and conflict. Introduced at a time of rapid immigration, social change, and persistent horizontal inequalities, the two top-down policy categories came to redefine urban belonging in Kano and Amsterdam. As a result, previously apolitical ethnic boundaries between ‘natives’ and ‘settlers’ became politicised, connected to exclusionary definitions of religion and class, and ranked on the basis of their claim to a primordial ‘native’ status - that is, their status as historical ‘first-comers’ in their place of residence. The categorisation and group positioning effects of nativism have, therefore, intensified the urban struggle to belong in Kano and Amsterdam. At the same time, however, the thesis underlines that ethnic conflict in Kano and Amsterdam is limited, partly because nativist forms of belonging are continuously challenged by, for example, inclusive multiculturalism in Kano and urban citizenship in Amsterdam.
9
Song, Young I. "Battered Korean women in urban America : the relationship of cultural conflict to wife abuse /." Connect to resource, 1986. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1226001413.
10
Angel, Lalinde Marcela. "Peace through parks : the challenge of overcoming social frictions and ecological tensions in the development of parks in post-conflict Bogotá." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/118068.
Анотація:
Thesis: M.C.P., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Urban Studies and Planning, 2018.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 67-71).
In the development of parks in Bogota, legacies of conflict pull the environmental and post-conflict equity-building agendas apart. This thesis interrogates the relationship between post-conflict, equity-building and the ecology of public parks in order to propose a framework for the development of green open spaces that advances both agendas simultaneously, through everyday city-making processes. In particular, using a case study of Bogotá's park system, this research explores the challenges when maximizing the benefits of ecological services, while fostering spatial equity, social cohesion, and civic formation in the development of parks in post-conflict contexts. This thesis employs an inductive research methodology that combines qualitative methods with spatial analysis and case study inquiries to identify key assumptions obscured in the everyday city-making processes. This reveals a phenomenon observable in the development of parks in Bogotá, whereby forces of social exclusion and fear of the other, in combination with ideas of order and security, end up provoking a simultaneous restraint on biodiversity and human diversity. This thesis explores the position of the different actors-both mainstream players and alternative organizations-involved in the design, planning, and operation of parks in Bogotá, and reveals how decision-making tools reinforce their theoretical positions. By doing so, it uncovers competing frameworks and priorities at play in a fragmented institutional context. A selection of exemplary parks, illustrate where legacies of conflict (such as associating nature with crime, and expressing nervousness towards "the other") still over-determine the ways in which parks are designed, programmed, and maintained. These environmental tensions are mostly present in the development of large parks in ecologically vulnerable areas, and are generated by rigid assumptions that treat ecological functionality and security as mutually exclusive. Simultaneously, small neighborhood parks face class-based social frictions that reflect differences between neighborhood-centric preferences and the function of parks as city services for all, and a trend for increased agency of neighborhood associations threaten to make parks less inclusive. Nevertheless, alternative practices are emerging in the development of natural recreational settings that are promoting ecological conservation, high-use, and civic formation. By identifying opportunities, promoting collaboration, and seeking new processes and decision-making tools, this thesis offers a set of planning strategies and an implementation framework of social inclusion and ecological biodiversity to overcome fear (or perception of fear) and reinforce the potential of parks as peace-building tools.
by Marcela Angel Lalinde.
M.C.P.
11
Moreira, Paulo. "'This neighbourhood is an endangered species' : investigating urban conflict and reciprocity between Chicala and Luanda, Angola." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2018. http://repository.londonmet.ac.uk/1390/.
Анотація:
At the heart of this thesis is an investigation of the reciprocal relationship between the city of Luanda and one of its central informal neighbourhoods, Chicala. The study situates Chicala among conflicts that have arisen in the urban densification process and their socio-political management, and in the context of a long history of natural formation. The particular geographical location of Chicala, along with its integrity and specific development, made the neighbourhood vulnerable to colonial invasions, and more recently to aggressive urbanism and large-scale masterplans. In the context of Luanda’s current neoliberal trajectory of urban regeneration following a protracted civil war (1975-2002), Chicala is undergoing a process of demolition and replacement by high-standard real estate developments. The research began shortly before plans for the complete erasure of the neighbourhood were implemented and local authorities and private investors forcefully displaced its inhabitants to remote settlements with unsuitable living conditions. The thesis aims to write Luanda’s urban history afresh by forging a place for the neighbourhood of Chicala and its wider context in the city’s urban order. Documentation of the characteristics of a neighbourhood on the brink of disappearing required a collaborative methodological approach, and a reflection of how architects can operate in such complex urban settings. The thesis aims to go beyond a mere exploration of informal architectural order; rather, it is a contribution to understanding Luanda, and to understanding postcolonial cities in general in their depth. Analysis of a set of relationships between the neighbourhood and the city is presented in a chronology of six chapters. Each chapter emphasises the ‘hybrid’ nature of Chicala as part of a larger context, both in urban terms (autoconstruction, monuments and neoliberal form-fantasies are addressed as part of an urban continuum) and historically (precolonial, colonial and postcolonial periods are presented as part of an interconnected process). The thesis concludes with remarks on the collaborative dimension of the research and the practices of ‘blurring’ it enabled. It is complemented by four Appendices, presenting a portfolio which complements the methodological approach: fieldwork reports, institutional documents based on the collaboration with Agostinho Neto University, and an extensive visual archive produced over the course of the research.
12
Segat, Gustavo. "In the Middle of an Urban War: Middle-Classness and Fear of Violence in Rio de Janeiro." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21554.
Анотація:
This research frames the context of Rio de Janeiro as a New War, and explores the phenomenological formation of fear among residents in the middle of the socio-economic pyramid. Through eleven semi-structured interviews, the body sensations and context in which fear of violence is likely to emerge are explored in a quest to describe the consequences for the group living amidst war. The research indicates that aside from class, gender and age are also relevant for the creation of fear of violence and conclude that the experiences of Rio de Janeiro’s residents are very similar to previous studies of civilians amidst New Urban Wars. The major take-away, however, is that middle-classness does not eliminate fear, but leads it towards a specific angst about losing personal assets – like mobile phones –as opposed to direct physical harm. In knowing this, one concludes that middle-class fear is mostly psychological, and the group addresses it by using the resources available to enlarge perceived safety. The observations made here should be useful to future enquires about the experiences of civilians in urban conflict within Rio de Janeiro and other urban areas at war around the world, in addition to fomenting a scholarship about those forgotten in the middle of our cities.
13
Derossett, David L. "Crisis, conflict, and consumption| Case studies of the politics and culture of neoliberalization in urban responses to global economic transformations." University of Missouri - Columbia, 2013.
14
Kostakos, Panagiotis. "Conflict, power and wealth : organised crime as an everyday phenomenon : a case study of Greece." Thesis, University of Bath, 2010. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.547877.
15
Lantschner, Patrick. "The logic of political conflict in the late Middle Ages : a comparative study of urban political conflicts in Italy and the southern Low Countries, c. 1370-1440." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:88345337-bad5-4eb6-b626-ec6ae003cfef.
Анотація:
This thesis examines urban political conflict in the late Middle Ages (c. 1370-1440) in Europe’s most heavily urbanised regions, Italy and the Southern Low Countries. Conflicts have frequently been viewed in the context of an emerging state-controlled political order, and have been interpreted either as forms of disruptive disorder, or as affirmations of political processes shaped by states. This thesis suggests that urban conflict should be studied not in the context of a state-controlled political order, but within the political framework provided by the numerous semi-autonomous jurisdictional institutions inside and outside cities (such as guilds, parishes or contending outside powers). This pluralistic order of politics gave rise to a form of political order sui generis which expressed itself in two ways. According to a general logic of conflict (Part One), particular rationales for justifying conflict (Chapter One) and specific political practices ranging from concealed protest to urban warfare (Chapter Two) were embedded in this multi-faceted and shifting political framework. Action groups could be negotiated and renegotiated around the resources provided by the city’s multiple legitimating institutions (Chapter Three). At the same time, such political institutions were configured differently in different cities, and this also generated a particular logic which lay at the basis of different systems of conflict (Part Two). Levels of conflict could, in fact, vary greatly between Bologna and Liège (Chapter Four), Florence and Tournai (Chapter Five), and Lille and Verona (Chapter Six), where, on the basis of different underlying political institutions, diverse practices of conflict and forms of association prevailed. The pluralistic order of politics itself was, therefore, a form of political organisation which crystallised around conflict. It gave rise to a logic which put conflict at the centre of the political order of late medieval cities.
16
Borja, Jordi. "Revolución urbana y derechos ciudadanos: Claves para interpretar las contradicciones de la ciudad actual." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/83360.
Анотація:
La “Revolució urbana i drets ciutadans”, títol de la tesi, no es pot adscriure a una disciplina acadèmica específica. Crec que predomina la Geografia Urbana, però també hi ha Urbanisme, és a dir intervenció sobre el territori, Política (no confondre amb “ciència política”), és a dir preses de posició al llarg de tots els texts, Sociologia i Dret (cal dir que van ser les primeres disciplines dels meus estudis universitaris) i sempre present una visió històrica. No cal dir que em sento molt més proper al historicisme de Gramsci que al estructuralisme que va marcar molt (excessivament) a la meva generació i que mai m’ha atret, malgrat que en algun dels meus primers treballs, de fa 40 anys, es notés la seva influència.
La primera i la segona parts del treball es basa en escrits i reflexions dels darrers anys. En els anys 90 reconec que vaig prioritzar la dimensió positiva de la ciutat, influència especialment deguda als meus 12 anys (1983-95) en el govern de Barcelona. Gradualment he recuperat el “mètode dialèctic” i m’he centrat principalment en les contradiccions dels processos urbans.
La primera part és analítica i general i exposa la fallida de les promeses de la revolució urbana de les darreres dècades. Es centra en la ciutat metropolitana o les regions urbanitzades. Inclou també una reflexió sobre l’ensenyament del urbanisme, resultat de la reflexió sobre el màster que he dirigit a partir de l’any 2000 a la UB i després a la UOC. Aquesta part està feta des de la perspectiva relacional entre els poders polítics i els processos urbans en la seva dimensió socio-econòmica a més de territorial.
La segona part, a partir de l’anàlisi crítica de l’urbanisme, està feta des de la perspectiva de la relació entre espai públic i moviments socials. La qüestió de l’espai públic, vinculat al dret a la ciutat, ha estat el principal eix de reflexió en els darrers 10 anys. Els annexes (14 entre les dues parts) permeten presentar anàlisis concretes que complementen els texts bàsics.
La tercera part consisteix en un sol capítol però molt extens (90 pàgs.), es de redacció molt recent i reprèn els temes del primer capítol a partir de la crisi econòmico-financera iniciada cap els anys 2007-2008, una crisi molt vinculada als processos d’urbanització especulativa i a la borbolla immobiliària. És el capítol més “polític”. Els tres annexes que completen aquesta part són també representatius de l’ideari de l’autor i han estat escrits en moments diversos.
He afegit un text complementari que ha donat com a resultat un segon volum de 300 pàgines. Una mena d’autobiografia sobre com he après el que sé de les ciutats i he afegit una relació bastant extensa de les publicacions (llibres i articles) i dels treballs (informes, plans o projectes, etc) realitzats al llarg de gairebé 50 anys. L’he titulada “Les meves universitats. Història d’un procés d’aprenentatge”. El títol, inspirat en Gorki, ja dóna la pista de que no es tracta d’una “autobiografia intel•lectual”. El meu aprenentatge ha estat més al carrer que a les aules, més en la pràctica política i social i també professional de l’urbanisme que en la recerca, més en els viatges que en el sedentarisme obligat per les classes universitàries. Reivindico com mètode de coneixement el que es deriva de la pràctica social, professional i política.
Però crec que aquesta vida agitada no m’ha impedit llegir, escriure i fins i tot pensar. Sense menysprear altres formes de coneixement, com el que s’entén actualment en el món acadèmic, reivindico el valor del coneixement derivat de la pràctica i no admeto que se li negui el seu caràcter “científic”, si és que les ciències socials es poden qualificar així. En la reflexió sobre la pràctica hi ha també base teòrica, mètode, treball empíric i verificació o avaluació dels resultats. El text de conclusió es titula “L’agonia de la Universitat i la responsabilitat dels intel•lectuals” i és una crítica de la regressió de les ciències socials quan es converteixen en caricatures de les anomenades “ciències dures”.“Urban Revolution and citizens’ rights”, the title of the thesis, can not be assigned to a specific academic discipline. I think it fits into Urban Geography, but also Urban Planning, that is to say intervention on the territory, and Politics (not to be confused with “political science”), i.e. giving points of view in all of the writings, as well as Sociology and Law (these disciplines were my majors at the University) and offers a historical view, present through the text. Needles to say that I always felt closer to Gramsci and his historicism then to structuralism that marked my generation (in excess) and never attracted me, although in my first works, written 40 years ago, one could notice its influence. The first part of the thesis is analytical and general and exposes the failure of the promises of urban revolution of the past decades. It focuses on the metropolitan city or urbanized regions. It also includes a reflection on the way Urbanism has been taught, a result of my experience in the Master course that I directed at the University of Barcelona from 2000 to 2006 and later at Open University of Catalonia. This part is written from a relational perspective between political power and urban processes in their socio-economical and territorial dimension. The second part is based on a critical analysis of urbanism and is written from a perspective of the relationship between public space and social movements. The question of public space, related to the right to the city, has been a principal axis of my thinking in the past 10 years. The annexes (14 altogether), allow us to present a specific analysis that complement the base text. The third part consists of only one chapter, but much longer (90 pages), that has been written quite recently and it returns to the topics from the first chapter now from the perspective of an economic-finance crisis that began in 2007-2008, a crisis whose roots are largely to be found in speculative urbanization and real estate bubble. It is a rather “political” chapter. The three annexes that complete this part are also representative of the author’s ideology and have been written at different moments. I also added a complementary text that turned to be a second volume of 300 pages. It is a sort of autobiography about the way I learned what I know about the cities. I also added a long list of my publications (books and articles) and other works (such as apports, plans, projects, etc.) produced in the last almost 50 years.
17
Vergnano, Cecilia. "Salir del campo rom. Estrategias desde abajo y planificación institucional en la ciudad de Turín." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/359384.
Анотація:
Con “campos rom” se hace referencia, en Italia, a los asentamientos informales de barracas, situados en los márgenes de la ciudad y poblados por habitantes étnicamente connotados como rom, pero también a aquellas áreas urbanas formalmente construidas por las propias administraciones locales específicamente destinadas a las poblaciones romaníes, asimismo ubicadas en zonas urbanas periféricas de escaso valor en el mercado inmobiliario. La institución de tales asentamientos ha producido una ulterior marginalización de sus habitantes y una serie de conflictos urbanos. Una vez constatado el sustancial fracaso de la política de los campos se ha hecho necesario inaugurar una nueva fase política de “superación” de los mismos. En el presente trabajo, enfocado en la ciudad de Turín, se analizan diferentes procesos de “superación”. Se exploran los significados, representaciones, estrategias relacionadas a la salida de un campo oficial por parte de una familia amplia y los significados, representaciones, discursos y prácticas asociados a la “superación” de asentamientos informales por parte de los actores de la gobernanza urbana: de los proyectos de regeneración urbanística y los proyectos de intervención social a los desalojos.
En concreto, se analizan tres diferentes casos:
- el del campo autorizado de la vía Germagnano, poblado por familias koraxané de origen bosnio, en cuyo vacío de gestión se injertan otras formas de gestión informales, produciendo conflictos incluso violentos, la expulsión de familias legítimamente beneficiarias de una vivienda al interior del campo y la apropiación del espacio por parte de familias nuevas, sin intervenciones por parte de la autoridad pública encargada de gestionar la asignación de las viviendas. Paralelamente, se sigue la transición de una da las familias expulsadas hacia su nueva residencia en otro terreno, adquirido en régimen de propiedad, a los márgenes de la ciudad.
- el del pogromo de la Continassa, con sus repercusiones en la aceleración de los procesos de regeneración urbana en la zona y el desalojo de las familias victimas del pogromo.
- el proyecto institucional de realojamiento / desalojo de las familias del más grande asentamiento informal de la ciudad, el de Lungo Stura Lazio.
De esta forma, se exploran las estrategias adoptadas por un grupo de habitantes del campo de vía Germagnano para salir del mismo, y las estrategias adoptadas por las autoridades locales para desmantelar algunos asentamientos informales. Se compara de esta forma los distintos significados asociados al concepto de “superación” por los diferentes stakeholders.
Se desentraña de esta forma el complejo enredo de intereses ligados al consenso electoral, el valor del suelo y el mantenimiento del trabajo del tercer sector que alimentan el antigitansimo institucional o “racismo democrático”.
Se evidencia el complejo conjunto de significado asociados al campo por parte de sus habitantes, revelando su carácter ambivalente de límite y recurso a la vez, reflejado por los procesos bidireccinales de entrada-salida del mismo.
También se evidencia la corta visión de las políticas de desalojo o realojamiento. Tanto en el ámbito de la vivienda como en el del mercado laboral, las respuestas de las administraciones parecen consistir en la marginalización y precarización de aquellos sujetos ya marginales y precarios que deberían ser los objetos de las políticas públicas. Más o menos conocidos, invisibilizados o instrumentalizados, los barrios de barracas tienen como punto en común el hecho de ser alimentados y creados por las mismas políticas que pretenden reabsorberlos. De hecho la perspectiva espacial resulta particularmente útil para entender este tipo de dinámica: estos diferentes procesos de transición, de desalojo, de desplazamiento, de realojamiento no hacen sino desplazar el problema sin solucionarlo; acentúan el problema mismo que pretenden resolver, precarizan sin realojar.In Italy the expression “Rom camps” is used to refer both to informal settlements like slums and shantytowns and to urban areas formally built by local administrations, specifically inhabited by groups ethnically defined as Roma and situated in peripheral and low-value areas. The official institution of these settlements caused the growing marginalization of its dwellers and a series of urban conflicts. Once national authorities recognized the substantial failure of segregation policies, a new political phase – focused on “overcome” the camps issue – has been declared. This work analyses the meanings, representations and strategies connected with the resettlement of an extended family in the city of Turin and the meanings, representations and strategies of the actors of the urban governance aimed at “overcoming” the Roma issue: from projects of urban renewal to rehousing projects and evictions.
18
Ryan, Christopher John. "A Qualitative Approach to Spiral of Silence Research: Self-Censorship Narratives Regarding Environmental and Social Conflict." Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1308264712.
19
Weber, Bryan Douglas. "A proposed post-conflict planning model for US Army reconstruction teams." Thesis, Kansas State University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/6956.
Анотація:
Master of Regional and Community PlanningDepartment of Landscape Architecture/Regional and Community Planning
Jason Brody
As effects of social and environmental conflicts perpetuate globally, fewer nations in the world appear to be at settled peace. The on-set of natural disasters and socio-political conflicts continue to force the United States Government to be increasingly called upon to provide resources that secure unstable regions during times of conflict. One method the government uses to securing its international neighbors is through the deployment of US Army reconstruction teams. These teams assist in transforming a negatively impacted foreign nation into a peaceful and functioning sovereignty within itself and its region; however, in order to begin reconstruction and engage in long term stability for the best interest of the host-nation, the Army must scrutinize current decision-making techniques to assure that basic human rights are instilled and local inhabitants have a means to sustain those efforts. This research sets out to define a planning model which supplements Army doctrine concerning post-conflict reconstruction, mainly FM 3-07 Stability Operations. It looks to incorporate academia, professional experience, and government resources with indigenous leadership in order to define a process to reconstruct infrastructure for a foreign nation during a time of need. More importantly, it looks to enforce those measures which endorse the basic human rights of society to instill security in post-conflict regions.
20
Silva, Jonadabe Gondim. "As contradições do desenvolvimento urbano em São Luís: a experiência da Vila Velha de Vinhais com a construção da Avenida Via Expressa." Universidade Federal do Maranhão, 2015. http://tedebc.ufma.br:8080/jspui/handle/tede/806.
Анотація:
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Previous issue date: 2015-06-18This paper analyzes, from the construction of the Via Avenue Express, the social contradictions from the aggressive process of urban expansion in São Luís, putting at particular risk traditional communities like Vila Velha de Vinhais. This community, who met endangered due to the construction of a part of the avenue on their land, has a long historicity, developed over four hundred years, still relying on a rich tangible and intangible heritage, including environmental reserves and a vast historical, archaeological and cultural heritage. The Expressway, designed by representatives of the State in conjunction with private capital - under the guise of the year 2012 to celebrate the four hundred years of St. Louis - follows continuing the characteristic development model of neoliberal capitalism and post-neoliberal: exclusive, elitist and guided by political and economic interests of the ruling classes. However, the construction of the boulevard brought strong reaction from the Vila Velha de Vinhais community, also causing outrage in many residents of São Luís and out of this city, reflecting internationally and bringing up issues important to the urban life of São Luís as: need for preservation of traditional cultures, the right to maintain our historical memories and on the impacts that development projects such as the Expressway have on the city.
Este trabalho analisa, a partir da construção da Avenida Via Expressa, as contradições sociais provenientes do processo agressivo de expansão urbana em São Luís, que põe em especial risco comunidades tradicionais como a Vila Velha de Vinhais. Essa comunidade, que se encontrou ameaçada em razão da construção de uma parte da avenida sobre o seu terreno, possui uma longa historicidade, desenvolvida em mais de quatrocentos anos, ainda contando com um rico patrimônio material e imaterial, que inclui reservas ambientais e um vasto acervo histórico, arqueológico e cultural. A Via Expressa, projetada pelos representantes do Estado em articulação com o capital privado sob o pretexto de no ano de 2012 celebrar os quatrocentos anos de São Luís segue em continuidade ao modelo de desenvolvimento característico do capitalismo neoliberal e pós-neoliberal: excludente, elitista e pautado pelos interesses políticos e econômicos das camadas dominantes. No entanto, a construção da avenida acarretou forte reação da comunidade da Vila Velha de Vinhais, causando também indignação em muitos moradores de São Luís e fora desta cidade, repercutindo internacionalmente e trazendo à tona questões importantes para a vida urbana de São Luís como: a necessidade de preservação de culturas tradicionais, o direito de manutenção de nossas memórias históricas e sobre quais os impactos que projetos desenvolvimentistas como a Via Expressa têm sobre a cidade.
21
Karugahe, Wilbur. "Domestic violence in a post-conflict African setting : a study of gender and role on personality, coping styles, attitudes to coercion and self-reported victimization in a Ugandan urban sample." Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2016. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/28351/.
Анотація:
Domestic violence has been gradually increasing globally with developing countries across Sub-Saharan Africa being the most affected (WHO, 2013). Uganda, in particular, ranks highest in relation to the incidence of domestic violence (UNICEF, 2000). This situation led to the enactment of the first domestic violence legislation in the country, the Domestic Violence Act, 2010; this makes domestic violence a crime and is particularly focused on reducing violence to women (Uganda GBV Guidelines, 2013). Women make up the majority of victims of domestic violence in Uganda and are subject to gender inequality within a patriarchal society that particularly disadvantages them. However, the argument of this thesis is firstly, although there are strong cultural factors implicated in violence against women, notably practices of wife inheritance, forced marriage and societal sanctioning of wife beating, there has been an over-reliance on cultural explanations for the problem (Bowman, 2006, Speizer, 2010) at the expense of exploring psychological factors. It is argued that understanding psychological issues related to domestic violence is particularly important in post-conflict settings since the literature shows that wars and violence at the societal level often get played out in the domestic sphere and can contribute significantly to the generation of psychological harm and personality issues (Saunders et al., 1999). Victims often use different coping behaviours-strategies to protect themselves from negative feelings and thoughts (Fritsch & Warrier, 2004) but what remains unclear is how both genders engage coping styles. Secondly, in an attempt to address the needs of women as victims, policy and practice in Uganda has failed to recognise the way that women can contribute to the victimisation of other women (particularly relevant in a context in which polygamous households and co-wives are normative) and also to men, who in such a patriarchal society may experience difficulties acknowledging victimhood and seeking help. Using non-coercive questionnaires administered to 60 victims and 60 perpetrators of both genders in an urban area in Uganda, this study aimed to explore the relationship, impact of gender and role in domestic violence based sub-scales on: attitudes to coercion (private matter, men’s right to control, women exaggerate, women’s behaviour used to justify, no big deal), self-reported victimisation (physical, psychological and sexual, personality traits (neuroticism, extroversion and psychoticism) and coping styles (problem solving, social support and avoidance)). Participants faking good (Lie) was controlled as a covariate according to Francis et al, 1999. This quantitative study employed 2x2 factorial design [gender vs role]. MANCOVA analysis was used to test hypotheses on differences and interactions and a Pearson product moment correlation analysis was conducted to test hypotheses on group relationships. Since results can be significant by chance, as recommended by Pallant 2013 p.217 this study applied Bonferroni correction-adjustment to the alpha levels which are used to judge statistical significance on 14 dependent variables. The findings revealed statistically significant role (victim and perpetrator) differences but no major gender differences. Results also revealed no interaction and no effect between gender and role on all aforementioned dependent variables. However, there were statistically significant correlational findings based on role as (victims and perpetrators) and gender for (males and females) on most sub-scales on attitude to coercion, self-reported victimisation and coping styles except personality traits. The only significant correlations for personality traits were between perpetrators neuroticism trait scores and psychological violence. Overall, exploring the psychological behaviour patterns, the study provides insights into the psychological characteristics of victims and perpetrators of both genders in the Ugandan sample. These results were then compared with western published studies and both commonalities and differences were identified. Studying the responses of both male and female victims and perpetrators represents the first such research in a post-conflict African context and makes a significant contribution to knowledge. Though specific to Uganda, the study findings point to the need for a greater awareness of the significance of psychological factors in exploring domestic violence in Africa, especially in countries where the population has been exposed to violence at a societal level, such as war. Furthermore, a major contribution is made by this study in its conclusion that there is need for a gender sensitive approach to domestic violence in African context, one that takes account of the differential needs of men and women as both victims and perpetrators. Finally, in opening up psychological explanations for domestic violence in addition to cultural factors and gender inequality, the way is paved for a synergistic approach for addressing domestic violence –one which addresses these as interlinking elements of the problem requiring simultaneous attention.
22
Schar, Adèle. "Réconcilier Belfast : politiques urbaines post-conflictuelles et urbanité en Irlande du Nord." Thesis, Paris 10, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA100138/document.
Анотація:
Cette recherche questionne le rôle des politiques urbaines dans la gestion des conflits. Belfast est une ville au passé industriel : comme dans d’autres métropoles européennes, les espaces dévitalisés sont reconvertis. Or, l’espace urbain reste fortement marqué par un conflit communautaire territorialisé entre catholiques et protestants. Les élus nord-irlandais et les aménageurs proposent donc des solutions urbanistiques pour normaliser Belfast, dans une optique post-industrielle mais également post-conflictuelle. Les espaces vacants permettent à la fois la mise en place de grands projets de régénération urbaine tout en encourageant la promotion d’espaces neutres qui échappent à l’appropriation communautaire. Il convient donc d’interroger la capacité de l’espace urbain à créer du lien social afin de promouvoir une urbanité fédératrice au sein d’une ville diviséeThis research interrogates the role of urban policies in conflicts management. Belfast has an industrial past : as in other European cities, derelict spaces are being regenerated. Yet, the territorialised conflict between Catholic and Protestant communities continues to strongly mark the urban space. The Northern-Irish leaders and urban planners then offer urbanistic solutions to normalise Belfast, in both a post-industrial and a post-conflict way. Vacant spaces allow large scale regeneration projects as far as the promotion of neutral spaces, which are not subject to community appropriation. It is thus needed to question the ability of urban spaces to create social link in order to promote a unifying urbanity in a divided city
23
Ilkay, Yasemin. "The Political Struggle On And At Public Space: The Case Of Kizilay Square." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609064/index.pdf.
Анотація:
In Turkey, by 1980, a transformation has been observed on both the character of the societal opposition and the meaning, function, and spatial form of public spaces, which were characterized to be essential political spaces of a period. Kizilay Square was &lsquothe preferred space&rsquo
by the opposition during the struggle against Democrat Party in 1960&rsquo
s
however demonstrations were expelled out of the square by legal regulations and sanctions. On one hand, legally, Kizilay Square could not be the scene of societal opposition
on the other hand the meaning on the base of being a &lsquo
political scene&rsquo
has continued. However, spatial implementations, regulated by Ankara Metropolitan Municipality, occurred as an attempt to turn the square from a possible pedestrian zone to a junction. Since the period it has been conceived and designed as a socio-spatial project of new established republic in 1925, Kizilay Square has been transformed within its (historical) meaning, (urban) function and (spatial) form through changing contradictions and actors within political, social and economic context. This transformation has been experienced through political contradiction and struggle. Between the years 1960 and 1980, during which the societal opposition arouse, with respect to differentiating actors and movements, the conflict over meaning, function and form of the square also has differentiated from the meaning, form and function determined in the nation state construction process. Through this research, it is aimed to examine how the political contradiction and struggle on three dimensions of Kizilay Square has been transformed, within a historical perspective.
24
McCray, Jacquelyn Yvonne. "Civic Deliberative Dialogue and the Topic of Race: Exploring the Lived Experience of Everyday Citizens and Their Encounters with Tension and Conflict." Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1400249625.
25
Soma, Samantha Isabella. "Community, Conversation, and Conflict: a Study of Deliberation and Moderation in a Collaborative Political Weblog." PDXScholar, 2009. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1447.
Анотація:
Concerns about the feasibility of the Internet as an appropriate venue for deliberation have emerged based on the adverse effects of depersonalization, anonymity, and lack of accountability on the part of online discussants. As in face-to-face communication, participants in online conversations are best situated to determine for themselves what type of communication is appropriate. Earlier research on Usenet groups was not optimistic, but community-administered moderation may provide a valuable tool for online political discussion groups who wish to support and enforce deliberative communication among a diverse or disagreeing membership.
This research examines individual comments and their rating and moderation within a week-long "Pie Fight" discussion about community ownership and values in the Daily Kos political blog. Specific components of deliberation were identified and a content analysis was conducted for each. Salient issues included community reputation, agreement and disagreement, meta-communication, and appropriate expression of emotion, humor, and profanity. Data subsets were analyzed in conjunction with the comment ratings given by community members to determine what types of interaction received the most attention, and how the community used the comment ratings system to promote or demote specific comment types. The use of middle versus high or low ratings, the value of varied ratings format, and the use of moderation as a low-impact means of expressing dissent were also explored.
The Daily Kos community members effectively used both comments and ratings to mediate conflict, assert their desired kind of community, demonstrate a deliberative self-concept, and support specific conditions of deliberation. The moderation system was used to sanction uncivil or unproductive communication, as intended, and was also shown to facilitate deliberation of disagreement rather than creating an echo chamber of opinion.
26
Sutton-Day, Jonathan. "Endorsing Solidarity: Root Causes of Riots & Viable Solutions." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/475.
Анотація:
This article is about the causes of riots and collective social violence. The root causes are explored within context to the theoretical framework of social identity theory. The root causes were attributed to being caused by socioeconomic, ethnic and racial differences among individuals, especially immigrants and racial minorities. Also, the mass media and neglectful governments were partly to blame. We also propose a few viable solutions with regards to achieving better social cohesion through improved government interaction, the role of multinational corporations and the fostering of social tolerance.
27
Morell, i. Tipper Marc Andreu. "La Flor y Muerte de un Barrio. An Ethnography on Comprehensive Gentrification and Class Struggle in Urban Majorca." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/397712.
Анотація:
With his seminal proposal of a rent-gap theory, Neil Smith developed a consistent materialist explanation for gentrification that efficiently contended with individual consumer preference tenets by focusing on the cycles of capital’s disinvestment and reinvestment in the built environment thanks to the necessary mediation of forms of collective social action. However, since the rent-gap theory had been devised to argue against «consumer preference», with the emphasis on the back-to-the-city movement by capital and not people, all understandings of people vanished, including those that hold them to be the bearers of particular class relations and interests.
Despite later attempts to mellow such a structuralist approach by teasing out the working-class experience of resistance and displacement, it is hard to find in the original and subsequent work on rent gaps any explicit reference to the actual class relations that take place in the production of space of which gentrification is only one out of many expressions. These class relations are encouraged by the geographical expansion of capital and by the bureaucratic mediations of the State but in the last instance all of these are dependent on the labour of the working class. Such an understanding bears the possibility for thinking and implementing the limits to gentrification. Not only does gentrification have to face the contradictions of capital in its geographical expansion, and the conflictive State mediations encountered at every moment of the rent gap, but it may also encounter the opposition of a working class objectively made within the gentrification process.
After theorizing on the role ethnography can play in social anthropology and by extension in all social sciences, and by drawing lessons from the extensive oeuvre of Henri Lefebvre and to some ulterior developments on the production of space, I offer an ethnographic account for Es Barri, an area subject to comprehensive gentrification in the Historic Centre of Ciutat de Mallorca (also known as Palma, Spain). Although only partially successful, I argue the gentrification encountered in the field is comprehensive in so far it has been sought from several different instances and by various means, among which the involvement of so-called civil society organizations specialized in implementing on the ground the ideas of scale (the neighbourhood) and preservation (heritage) the class relation the rent-gap hypothesis holds. Furthermore, with the aim of complementing Neil Smith’s contribution regarding the collective mediator the State is, and acknowledging that gentrification is only yet another a spatial expression of a much more comprehensive social relation, I argue each of the rent-gap moments of disinvestment and reinvestment are laboured by different groups (the so-called underclass and the middle classes) that, despite the fact they carry out a struggle that subjectively brings them together, they are apparently unaware of forming a single working class that produces surplus for others thanks to what I come to call their «urban labour». Likewise, I contend that for rent gaps to be successful and find a profitable closure there is a need to maintain as wide open as possible the class gap on which urban labour is founded upon.
Against the description of the spatialisation of classes that are already formed, there is a need to explain politically how spatialisation intervenes in the urban struggle that makes them.Amb la teoria del diferencial de renda, Neil Smith desenvolupà una sòlida explicació materialista que serví per a entendre els processos de «gentrificació». Per a fer front als postulats de la preferència del consumidor individual, hi fità la ullada en els cicles de desinversió i reinversió del capital en l’entorn construït que estaven subjectes a la necessària mediació de formes d’acció social col·lectiva. En aquesta tesi doctoral hi contribuesc a la hipòtesi del diferencial de renda tot afirmant que cadascun dels cicles es basteixen a partir del «treball urbà» de diferents grups socials («classes marginals« i «classes mitjanes») que fan part d’una mateixa classe obrera del que uns tercers n’extreuen plusvàlues. A fi de confirmar aquest extrem, analitz el paper de l’etnografia en l’antropologia social i per extensió en el conjunt de les ciències socials, extrec lliçons de l’obra de Henri Lefebvre i de desenvolupaments ulteriors entorn de la producció de l’espai, i oferesc un relat etnogràfic de com es construí Es Barri, una àrea sotmesa a una gentrificació integral en el Centre Històric de la Ciutat de Mallorca (a les Illes Balears, Espanya). La hipòtesi del «treball urbà» permet pensar en els límits a la gentrificació com a una expressió més de la producció de l’espai, i ho fa des de posicionaments que fan prevaldre el treball per sobre del capital i de l’Estat gràcies al fet de considerar la formació objectiva d’una mateixa classe obrera a partir de la cooperació de grups ben diferenciats en una mateixa cadena de producció de valor. Ara bé, és precisament per mor d’aquesta diversitat que a nivell subjectiu no trobam una consciència col·lectiva explícita. Sostenc que per a que el diferencial de renda no es pugui tancar profitosament, cal acostar tant com sigui possible el diferencial de classe sobre el que es fonamenta el treball urbà. Contra la descripció de l’espacialització de les classes que ja estan formades, cal explicar políticament com l’espacialització hi intervé en la lluita urbana que les fa.
28
Soares, Ana Paula Marcante. "O território mito da orla : antropologia de conflitos territoriais urbanos e memórias ambientais em Porto Alegre, RS." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/108940.
Анотація:
Esta Tese apresenta o estudo etnográfico realizado sobre os conflitos territoriais implicados ao processo de transformação da paisagem urbana da orla do Lago Guaíba, em Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil, por meio de projetos urbanísticos idealizados e implantados na orla sul da cidade, particularmente no bairro Cristal e suas adjacências. Em meio às situações de conflitos de uso e ocupação da orla, busca-se compreender como se opera, no tempo, a construção material e simbólica desse espaço da cidade, enfocando as formas como são construídos os pertencimentos e enraizamentos, as mobilidades e dinamismos urbanos dos habitantes destes territórios em disputa, expressos em suas narrativas. As concepções de tempo e espaço a partir das quais se desenvolve essa Tese articulam a relação dialógica entre duas escalas de análise: cotidianos e sociabilidades dos habitantes em suas formas de ocupação dos espaços urbanos em conflito; políticas urbanas contemporâneas em suas formas de normatização do espaço urbano. Pautada na ideia de existência de um processo de valorização do patrimônio ambiental da orla, a pesquisa analisa princípios, orientações e linguagens orientadas pelo ideário da cidade democrática, e que são incorporadas pelas lógicas de normatização da cidade no contexto brasileiro, a partir do ajuste “ambiental” da dinâmica urbana. Neste contexto, investigam-se as práticas e os sentidos atribuídos pelos sujeitos envolvidos nos conflitos territoriais em questão, enfatizando-se as continuidades e descontinuidades dos sistemas de valores, identidades sociais e memórias em jogo nesses territórios, evidenciando tensões entre homogeneidade/heterogeneidade de dinâmicas políticas e experiências sociais nos processos de transformação urbana.This dissertation presents an ethnographic study about territorial conflicts surfaced in the process of transformation of urban landscape on the waterfront of Guaíba Lake, in Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil, through urban projects idealized and implanted in the south waterfront of the city, particularly in Cristal neighborhood and its adjacencies. Amid the conflicts related to the use and occupation of the lake waterfront, this study aims to understand how the material and symbolic construction of this area operates over time, focusing on the way social belonging and social roots, as well as mobility and urban dynamism, expressed in the narrative of the inhabitants of these territories under dispute, are built. The conception of time and space from which this dissertation develops articulates a dialogic relation between two scales of analysis: everyday life and sociability of the inhabitants on the way they occupy these urban spaces under conflict; contemporary urban policies and its regulations of the urban space. Based on the idea of an ongoing appraisement process regarding the heritage of the lake waterfront, this research analyzes principles, orientations and languages oriented by the ideas of the democratic city that are incorporated by the logic of the regulation of the city in the Brazilian context, considering the “environmental” adjustment of the urban dynamics. In this context, this study investigates the practices and meanings attributed by the subjects involved in the territorial conflicts, emphasizing the continuity and discontinuity of value systems, social identities and memories at play in these territories, evidencing tensions between homogeneity/heterogeneity of the political dynamics and social experiences in the process of urban transformation.
29
González, Márquez Miguel. "TRANSFORMACIONES URBANAS EN CIUDADES COSTERAS E INTERMEDIAS EN EL CONTEXTO MEDITERRÁNEO-SUR-ATLÁNTICO ESPAÑOL." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Rovira i Virgili, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/348559.
Анотація:
Aquesta tesi és un treball d'etnografia translocal on es relacionen dos nuclis urbans i els seus entorns regionals:
Tarragona-Camp de Tarragona y El Puerto de Santa María-Bahía de Cádiz. S'atén principalment a los
transformaciones espacials i funcionals de la ciutat per comprendre qui, com i para qui es transforma la ciutat. S'atén
tant als sectors tècnics i polítics com al paper de la societat civil.
Encara que `'utilitzen conceptes vinculats a la geografia o a la politologia, la seva base és etnogràfica i antropològica,
doncs ens basem en l'observació participant i l'entrevista per extreure conclusions comunes sobre les dinàmiques
sociales més esteses quant a la transformació de la ciutat com a producte i productor humà.
Aquest traball, que analitza el període dels últims cinquanta anys, presta especial atenció a la repercussió de làuge i
la caiguda del sector immobiliari, que és un condicionant fonamental en sentit material i discursiu. Ho fa amb una
anàlisi detallada de les seves waterfronts i els seus barris portuaris, que són un element fonamental de cara als plans
de futur dels nuclis urbans que els posseeixen.Esta tesis es un trabajo de etnografía translocal donde se relacionan dos núcleos urbanos y sus entornos regionales, Tarragona-Camp de Tarragona y El Puerto de Santa María-Bahía de Cádiz. Se atiende sobre todo a las transformaciones espaciales y funcionales de la ciudad para comprender quiénes, cómo y para quienes se transforma la ciudad. Se atiende tanto a los sectores técnicos y políticos como al papel de la sociedad civil. Aunque se utilizan conceptos vinculados a la geografía o la politología, su base es etnográfica y antropológica, pues nos basamos en la observación participante y las entrevistas para extraer conclusiones sobre las dinámicas sociales más extendidas en cuanto a la transformación de la ciudad como producto y productor humano. Este trabajo, que analiza el periodo de los últimos cincuenta años, presta especial atención a la repercusión del auge y caía del sector inmobiliario, que es un condicionante fundamental en sentido material y discursivo. Lo hace con un análisis pormenorizado de sus waterfronts, que son un elemento fundamental de cara a los planes de futuro de los núcleos urbanos que los poseen.
This thesis is a work of translocal ethnography which relate two towns and their territorial context: Tarragona-Camp de Tarragona and El Puerto de Santa María-Bay of Cádiz. It primarily serves the space and funtional transformation of the city to understand who, how and forr whom the city is transformed. We consulted both thechnical and political sectors and the role of civil society. Although concepts related to geography or political science are used, the base is ethnographic and anthropological, as we rely on participant observation and interviews to get common conclusions on the most common social dynamics about the transformation of the city as a product and human producer. This work, which analyzes the period of the last fifty years, pays special attention to the crack of the construction business. That is a materials and discursive conditioning. It does so with a detailed analysis of their waterfronts and port districts, which are a very important element to face the future of the cities thaht own them.
30
Tischenko, Igor. "Rural Industrialization: Integrated and Sustainable Solutions for Poverty Reduction in Rural China." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/583.
Анотація:
China has achieved unprecedented economic growth and consequent successes in poverty alleviation over the past three decades of economic liberalization and market-oriented reforms. Yet, in order to continue its progress in poverty reduction, while addressing pressing environmental and sociopolitical concerns, it is crucial for China’s leaders to achieve and sustain green, equitable, and robust economic performance in all parts of China. This thesis argues that a reconceptualized and strengthened rural industrialization program would enable China to maintain economic growth and assist with the transition to a domestically driven consumer economy. Moreover, rural industrialization, coupled with targeted administrative and institutional policy modifications, will enable the Chinese government to provide support to millions of its rural poor, thus avoiding social instability and potentially severe internal conflicts. Such a program would also lessen pollution and its associated costs on China’s densely populated cities, by shifting heavy urban industries to relatively less contaminated areas while adopting cleaner, environmentally sustainable technologies, introduced in a participatory manner in consultation with local communities. This approach would concurrently address regional, rural-to-urban, and intra-communal disparities, provide opportunity for “green growth” initiatives, and better equip rural populations to address growing vulnerabilities as a result of climate change.
31
Ginjo, Milena de Mayo. "Pinheirinho: dinâmica de repressão e resistência na reconstrução dogmática do conflito fundiário urbano." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/17319.
Анотація:
Submitted by Milena Ginjo (milena.ginjo@gmail.com) on 2016-10-21T19:44:55Z
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On January 22, 2012, eight thousand people were forcibly evicted from their homes as a result of judicial decison that determined the repossession of the area. This happened in a litigation started in 2004, when the company's bankrupt estate Selecta Industry and Trade S.A. proposed the repossession against the residents of Pinheirinho occupation in São José dos Campos, São Paulo. Given these facts, the main goal of this study is to focus attention on the justice system before the conflict processing. We wanted to understand how the actors of this system influence the urban space and how was the legal mobilization of Pinheirinho actors around the judicial process. How the legal instruments were articulated to resist the repressive state? Through the dogmatic reconstruction of the land conflict, through judicial proceedings instituted from the Pinheirinho foundation in 2004, we observe how the space of the judicial process is configured in a dispute arena of social movements around the meanings of rights and the roles of the Rule of Law.
Em 22 de janeiro de 2012, oito mil pessoas foram removidas forçadamente de suas casas em consequência do cumprimento de uma decisão liminar de reintegração de posse. Essa decisão foi tomada nos autos de um processo judicial iniciado em 2004, em que a Massa Falida da empresa Selecta Indústria e Comércio S.A. propôs uma ação de reintegração de posse contra os moradores da ocupação Pinheirinho, em São José dos Campos, São Paulo. Diante desses fatos, o objetivo do trabalho consiste em focar a atenção no sistema de justiça diante do processamento do conflito. Com isso, queremos compreender como os atores desse sistema influenciam na produção do espaço urbano e como se deu a mobilização jurídica dos atores do Pinheirinho em torno do processo judicial. De que maneira os instrumentos jurídicos foram articulados para resistir ao aparelho repressivo do Estado? Para isso, através da reconstrução dogmática do conflito fundiário, por meio dos procedimentos judiciais instaurados a partir da fundação do Pinheirinho em 2004, observamos como o espaço do processo judicial se configura em arena de disputa do movimento social em torno dos significados do direitos e dos papeis do Estado Democrático de Direito.
32
Qurt, Husni S. "The Exercise of Power : Counter Planning in Palestine." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2014. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1885.
Анотація:
In the beginning of the 2000s, Israeli policies in the West Bank shifted from policies of control to policies of separation, which in turn led to the Transformation of West Bank communities into isolated urban islands. Current plans prepared for Palestinian localities by Palestinian planning institutions most often address these isolated islands without taking into account the Israeli-controlled areas surrounding these localities. Palestinians envision the entire West Bank as a contiguous area that will eventually form part of the Palestinian national state. However, most Palestinian plans take the boundaries imposed by Israel as a given and plan only for areas within the Israeli-controlled areas.
This dissertation is about the Palestinian planning processes in the West Bank in an attempt to assess whether these processes are or could counteract Israeli plans of separation. Upon extensive research, it was found that Palestinian planning institutions have a very limited impact in countering Israeli plans. The only counter-planning activity that can be observed is the Palestinian National Authority’s latest orientation to plan in Palestinian areas classified as Area C (found in areas under complete Israeli Control). The aforementioned lack of counter-planning activities can be attributed to the inefficiency of a legal framework, lack of vision, lack of coordination, and deficiencies within Palestinian planning institutions.
33
Soares, Jacqueline Alves. "O ambiente da periferia: conflitos sociais e riscos nas políticas urbanas em Fortaleza-Ceará." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFC, 2011. http://www.repositorio.ufc.br/handle/riufc/16287.
Анотація:
SOARES, Jacqueline Alves. O ambiente da periferia: conflitos sociais e riscos nas políticas urbanas em Fortaleza-Ceará, 2011. 222 f. : Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do Ceará, Pró-Reitoria de Pesquisa e Pós –Graduação, PRODEMA - Programa de Pós-Graduação em Desenvolvimento e Meio Ambiente, Fortaleza-CE, 2011.Submitted by Eric Santiago (erichhcl@gmail.com) on 2016-04-15T17:31:42Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_dis_jasoares.pdf: 2484524 bytes, checksum: 7028eb314239cc12e206640af23e1af0 (MD5)
Approved for entry into archive by demia Maia (demiamlm@gmail.com) on 2016-04-18T13:32:49Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_dis_jasoares.pdf: 2484524 bytes, checksum: 7028eb314239cc12e206640af23e1af0 (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-18T13:32:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_dis_jasoares.pdf: 2484524 bytes, checksum: 7028eb314239cc12e206640af23e1af0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011
The research seeks to understand the relationship between housing and the environment by analyzing the conflicts involving municipal urban project to eliminate risk areas. The challenge that arises is to observe whether such risk prevention policies and environmental disasters in urban areas have been changing the forms (or ways) of space production towards greater environmental justice. It starts from the assumption that the measures presented for hazardous areas of residents by not attacking the source of generating problems of environmental inequality, present ineffective and poor solutions keeping the imprisoned population to the circuit of risk, and present while legitimizing discourse of gentrification of the area. The residents, in turn, develop strategies of resistance through new allocations of meaning of "risks" as a discursive strategy of power. Such analysis is done empirically from case study involving the Municipal Program of Urban Requalification and Social Inclusion - PREURBIS in hazardous areas at a place called Boa Vista, located in the middle course of Rio Coco, Fortaleza-Ce. The area where the population is being allocated also presents risks due to the new dwelling location being situated in the surroundings of the landfill ‘Jangurussu’. From the material point of view these "struggles for ratings" articulate and redefine material disputes between the defense of living of this low-income population in an area well located and well served by public facilities and urban interventions that have valued the space in the capitalist logic, inducing the replacement of the former inhabitants by other higher-income inhabitants and retention of urban land for speculative purposes. We adopted a qualitative methodology with literature review, document research, participant observation and interviews.
A pesquisa busca compreender a relação entre moradia e meio ambiente através da análise dos conflitos envolvendo projeto urbanístico municipal para erradicação de áreas de risco. O desafio que a pesquisa se coloca é observar se tais políticas de prevenção riscos e desastres ambientais no meio urbano têm alterado as formas de produção do espaço rumo a uma maior justiça ambiental. Parte-se do pressuposto que as medidas apresentadas para moradores de áreas de risco, por não atacarem a origem dos problemas geradores de desigualdade ambiental, apresentam soluções ineficazes e precárias mantendo a população aprisionada ao circuito dos riscos, além de se apresentar enquanto discurso legitimador da gentrificação do espaço. Os moradores, por seu vez, elaboram estratégias argumentativas no sentido de garantirem seus direitos por meio de novas atribuições de significado dos “riscos” enquanto estratégia discursiva de poder. Tal análise é feita empiricamente a partir de estudo de caso envolvendo o Programa Municipal de Requalificação Urbana e Inclusão Social – PREURBIS em áreas de risco no lugar chamado Boa Vista, localizadas no médio curso do Rio Cocó, Fortaleza-Ce. A área em que a população está sendo alocada apresenta também riscos devido a localização da nova moradia estar situada no entorno do lixão do Jangurussu. Do ponto de vista material essas “lutas por classificações” se articulam e redefinem disputas materiais entre a defesa do morar dessa população de baixa renda numa área bem localizada e bem servida de equipamentos públicos e intervenções urbanas que tem valorizado o espaço na lógica capitalista, induzindo a substituição dos antigos habitantes por outros de renda mais elevada e a retenção da terra urbana com fim especulativo. Adotou-se metodologia qualitativa com revisão de literatura, pesquisa documental, observação participante e realização de entrevistas.
34
Maxwell, Daniel M. "Water Governance in Bolivia: Policy Options for Pro-Poor Infrastructure Reform." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/767.
Анотація:
As the case with most countries across Latin America, unprecedented migration to urban areas has strained city infrastructure systems. More particularly, the region faces a pressing crisis of water security, where rapid urbanization has outpaced water sector development. This thesis addresses the water infrastructure reform in El Alto and La Paz, Bolivia, focusing on strategies to better promote water access for the peri-urban poor. The research investigates the level of progressivity of water service expansion and pricing regimes: in other words, does the present model of water distribution positively improve the lives of the poorest groups? By investigating these social dimensions of water management, this study brings perspectives on the broader dialogue on Bolivia’s economic development, along with issues of participatory governance.
Resumen: Como es el caso en muchos países latinoamericanos, la migración a áreas urbanas a niveles sin precedentes ha superado la capacidad de infraestructura. Concretamente, la región se enfrenta a una urgente crisis en la seguridad de agua potable dado que la rápida urbanización ha sobrepasado el desarrollo de este sector. Esta tesis aborda la reforma de la infraestructura de agua potable en El Alto y La Paz, Bolivia, enfocando en las estrategias para mejorar el acceso a agua por parte de los residentes periurbanos pobres. La investigación averigua el nivel de progresividad de los regímenes de precios y expansión de servicios de agua potable. En otras palabras, ¿contribuye el actual modelo de distribución de agua al mejoramiento de la vida de los grupos más desfavorecidos? Al investigar estas dimensiones sociales en el manejo de agua potable, este estudio ofrece perspectivas en cuanto al diálogo amplio del desarrollo económico de Bolivia, así como asuntos de gobernanza participativa.
35
Redfering, Kristie Jo. "Teacher Perceptions of Violence Prevention Approaches and Self-Efficacy: Where Do We Go from Here?" NSUWorks, 2014. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/29.
Анотація:
This research project explored teachers’ beliefs of violence prevention approaches and self-efficacy. Relevant research indicates the value of violence prevention and conflict resolution education as well as the importance of teacher support of such programs. Theories of decision-making and self-efficacy provide the foundation for the variables that were examined through use of a survey instrument developed by Dr. K. King and Dr. T. Kandakai. Participants were sampled from two Florida school districts. Independent variables included teacher background and experience indicators including demographics and teaching/training experience. Dependent variables were comprised of multiple indicators of outcome value, efficacy expectation, and outcome expectation. MANOVAs and ANOVAs were utilized to identify relationships between the independent and dependent variables. Among the statistically significant findings a theme emerged: training history including variety of training, specific topics, and the interaction effects of combinations of training impacted perceptions of self-efficacy and outcome expectation more significantly than other demographic and background characteristics. The results suggest that the provision of a variety of training for teachers may benefit violence prevention practice by increasing perceptions of efficacy which may lead to an increase in consistent and effective utilization of various conflict resolution education programs and strategies.
36
Cottle, Simon. "TV news, urban conflict and the inner city /." Leicester : Leicester university press, 1993. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb355988258.
37
Sandoval, Quezada Natalia Belén. "Citizens resisting Smart Cities’ initiatives : The case of Concepción (Chile) and the R+D PACYT project." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för Urbana Studier (US), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-43674.
Анотація:
Parque Científico y Tecnológico (PACYT, Science and Technology Park) is a large-scale R+D project that seems to be framed in a Smart City plan for Concepción, Chile, which the media has presented as “the Chilean Silicon Valley” (Araus, 2015; Tele13, 2019) and promises to bring not only research and development opportunities for the city but also thousands of direct and indirect jobs (Estudio Interdiseño, 2018; la Tercera, 2015) carried out by PACYT Corporation. Nonetheless, voices have raised to question the construction of the 91 hectares initiative, and some of them have even organized in citizen groups targeting the creation of the urban complex, which actively share information contesting the PACYT through social media, and coordinate activities to protest and spread the word. This is the study case to be analyzed in the present research, which aims to explore and understand, on the one hand, the reasons that have led to the organization of citizens contesting the PACYT project, and on the other hand, the way the project has been advertised and developed in relationship to the city's inhabitants. It intends to make a novel contribution to the field of Urban Studies, both in the areas of Critical Smart Urbanism and Postcolonial Studies, which in this case collide in Latin America, part of the Global South, while opening a discussion around the topic of citizens contesting urban developments with a Smart City background, where few incursions have been made and more specifically in the Latin American context, where the Smart City seems to have a particular interpretation. With that in mind, the current research tries to dig into an under-studied territory, and in doing so, it plans to bring to the table the relevance of studying the approach and way of developing Smart Cities’ ideas in Latin American, and to put focus on what city’s inhabitants have to say about those developments and what their interests are, using the lenses of the right to the city and the understandings coming from urban social movements and conflicts. In that sense, the research outputs are to question the form in which Smart City projects are being implemented in Latin America and to find possible guidelines to incorporate the city’s inhabitants in the development of them elsewhere, with that in mind, future research can be supported by this investigation, which encourages further studies both in the described fields and territory. To do so, the current investigation explores and unwrap theories regarding the mentioned fields and focuses on analyzing the case making use of mixed methods research, by executing qualitative and quantitative methodological tools to reach relevant data that helps to answer the research inquiries. In that sense, the results show that it can be confirmed that the nature of the PACYT, i.e. its R+D purposes and origins linked to a Smart City plan to transform the city into smartness, does not play a relevant role in the development of the conflict that has emerged between the PACYT management, and the people opposed to its construction, but several aspects explain the urban social conflict and that will be explored in the present work.Acknowledgment.
First of all, I would like to thank all the interviewees that decided to share their thoughts in the present study, as well as to all the people that participated in the survey; without your contribution, it would have not been possible for me to reach my research goals and to count on with the rich material I have. On the other hand, I want to thank people from academia, such as my peers, who have given me advice and stamina, to my tutor, who has contributed with his wisdom, and to my mentor at university, who has kept me on track and provided me with valuable insights. I am grateful to these people for helping me with my willpower and effectiveness. Finally, I need to thank those surrounding me, like my family for supporting me from the distance, my partner for being here to contain and take care of me, and my dog for always being around me and spreading his love and joy.
38
Martín, i. Díaz Jordi. "Geopolitical and urban changes in Sarajevo (1995 – 2015)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/650917.
Анотація:
During the collapse of Socialist Yugoslavia and amid a concomitant process to ethnically divide Bosnia, Sarajevo suffered through a siege which after three-and-a-half years resulted in a completely new social, political and territorial order. Following the signing of the peace agreement in Paris in December 1995, to end the war in Bosnia, the city simultaneously experienced a transition from war to peace and from socialism to capitalism. This double transition was marked by increasing intervention from the international community, who deployed an administration in Bosnia and Herzegovina to supervise the implementation of the peace agreement. Despite the fact that no specific local peace-building mission was established in Sarajevo, the Office of the High Representative (OHR), in charge of supervising the civilian annexes of the agreement, became particularly involved in the supervision, coordination and even execution of several key processes shaping its urban transformation, in areas such as the management of land, economic transition and the reconstruction of Sarajevo’s intrinsic ethnic diversity. Thus, this dissertation analyses the role of the OHR in the urban transformation of the symbolic Bosnian capital during the post-war period with an ultimate focus on the impact of those policies, developed mostly between 1995 and 2003, in the current ethnic and spatial configuration of the city.En l’àmbit dels estudis urbans Sarajevo no és un cas d’estudi menor degut al seu simbolisme, amb un pes significatiu en la història contemporània continental, així com també per la llarga tradició de diversitat, inicialment religiosa i posteriorment ètnica, i de convivència al llarg de la seva història. Sarajevo és, de fet, un cas peculiar, sinó únic, en el sentit que la coexistència entre les diverses comunitats és una característica intrínseca de la ciutat, havent estat promoguda pels principals governs responsables dels tres períodes de major expansió urbana. Aquesta llarga tradició va rebre una de les seves principals agressions durant el col·lapse de la Iugoslàvia socialista. En el marc d’un procés de territorialització ètnica de Bòsnia i Hercegovina, desenvolupat principalment pels líders polítics serbobosnians conjuntament amb els sèrbies, Sarajevo va acabar sent sotmesa a tres anys i mig de setge que van provocar una profunda transformació de l’ordre social, ètnic, polític i territorial. Després de la signatura dels acords de pau a París el desembre de 1995, coneguts com els Acords de Dayton, que van posar fi a la guerra a Bòsnia, la ciutat va emprendre el període postbèl·lic destruïda, encerclada i dividida, amb una àrea assetjada sota control del Govern de Bòsnia i Hercegovina i els sectors perifèrics, i fins i tot alguns barris centrals, sota domini de les tropes serbobosnianes.
39
Aricò, Giuseppe. "La pacificación de la periferia. Conflictividad social y regeneración urbana en el barrio de La Mina, Sant Adrià de Besòs (Barcelona)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/396675.
Анотація:
En fuerte consonancia con la creciente penetración de las lógicas neoliberales en el campo de la planificación urbanística, violentos procesos de “regeneración urbana” se expanden actualmente en territorios cada vez más alejados de los centros urbanos. Especialmente en las periferias de las grandes metrópolis europeas, dichos procesos han encontrado un terreno fértil donde germinar como panacea inmejorable para “pacificar” supuestos “conflictos vecinales” mediante inyecciones de “civismo” y “convivencia”. En este sentido, el análisis de las políticas y retóricas de gobernanza urbana en marcha en las periferias sería clave para revelar los diversos contenidos ideológicos con los cuales se pretende deslegitimar esos territorios. El objetivo principal de dichas políticas sería convertirlos en nuevos o potenciales espacios urbanos de calidad urbanística, ambiental y sobre todo humana. A partir de esos supuestos, la presente tesis doctoral analiza el caso particular de La Mina, un barrio fuertemente estigmatizado en la periferia barcelonesa y que resultaría ilustrativo y emblemático de este tipo de procesos. Sometido a una amplia operación de trasformación social y urbanística desde su nacimiento, hoy día La Mina materializaría social y espacialmente una continuidad histórica y política entre el frenético “urbanismo desarrollista” del porciolismo y el renovado “urbanismo democrático” del modelo Barcelona. Sin embargo, el trabajo empírico llevado a cabo en el barrio revela también la existencia de una posible ruptura dentro de esas tendencias urbanísticas de corte clasista. Ésta estaría provocada por las distintas luchas vecinales nacidas en La Mina para hacer frente al estigma y conformar un espacio físico y social a escala más humana. De ese modo, la especial relación entre “conflictividad social” y “regeneración urbana” asumiría, en el caso analizado, un papel clave para entender la periferia no sólo como el resultado directo de determinadas redes de poder, sino sobre todo como el lugar dónde se re-producen, perpetúan y transforman específicas relaciones sociales.Strikingly in line with the growing penetration of neoliberal logics in the field of urban planning, violent processes of "urban renewal" are currently expanding in areas that are increasingly further away from urban centres. These processes have found fertile soil on which to develop an unbeatable panacea for “bringing peace” to alleged “neighbourhood struggles” thanks to the injection of "civic behaviour" and "conviviality", especially in the peri-urban areas of large European cities. Likewise, the analysis of the ongoing policies and rhetoric of urban governance found in the peripheries would be critical in order to reveal the multifarious ideological contents that are aimed at delegitimising those territories. The main purpose of these policies would be to transform such territories into new or potential spaces of urban, environmental and, above all, human quality. Based on these assumptions, this PhD thesis analyse the specific case of La Mina, a heavily stigmatised peri-urban neighbourhood of Barcelona that is illustrative and emblematic of this type of processes. Subject to an extensive social and urban transformation since it was first built, nowadays La Mina materialises a historical and political continuity, in social and spatial terms, that is in between the unbridled "developmental urban planning" of porciolismo and the renewed “democratic urban planning” of the Barcelona Model. However, the empirical work carried out in the neighbourhood also reveals the existence of a possible split within these class-based urban-planning trends. This is mainly caused by the different neighbourhood struggles rising in La Mina in order to address stigma and to make up both a physical and social space at a more human scale. Thence, the particular relation "social conflict" and "urban renewal" maintain in the case in point, assumes a crucial role for understanding the periphery not only as the direct result of certain networks of power, but especially as a place where specific social relations are re-produced, perpetuated and transformed.
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Soares, Jacqueline Alves. "The periphery of the environment: social conflicts and risks in urban policies in Fortaleza- CearÃ." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2011. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=13737.
Анотація:
Deutscher Akademischer Austausch DienstA pesquisa busca compreender a relaÃÃo entre moradia e meio ambiente atravÃs da anÃlise dos conflitos envolvendo projeto urbanÃstico municipal para erradicaÃÃo de Ãreas de risco. O desafio que a pesquisa se coloca à observar se tais polÃticas de prevenÃÃo riscos e desastres ambientais no meio urbano tÃm alterado as formas de produÃÃo do espaÃo rumo a uma maior justiÃa ambiental. Parte-se do pressuposto que as medidas apresentadas para moradores de Ãreas de risco, por nÃo atacarem a origem dos problemas geradores de desigualdade ambiental, apresentam soluÃÃes ineficazes e precÃrias mantendo a populaÃÃo aprisionada ao circuito dos riscos, alÃm de se apresentar enquanto discurso legitimador da gentrificaÃÃo do espaÃo. Os moradores, por seu vez, elaboram estratÃgias argumentativas no sentido de garantirem seus direitos por meio de novas atribuiÃÃes de significado dos âriscosâ enquanto estratÃgia discursiva de poder. Tal anÃlise à feita empiricamente a partir de estudo de caso envolvendo o Programa Municipal de RequalificaÃÃo Urbana e InclusÃo Social â PREURBIS em Ãreas de risco no lugar chamado Boa Vista, localizadas no mÃdio curso do Rio CocÃ, Fortaleza-Ce. A Ãrea em que a populaÃÃo està sendo alocada apresenta tambÃm riscos devido a localizaÃÃo da nova moradia estar situada no entorno do lixÃo do Jangurussu. Do ponto de vista material essas âlutas por classificaÃÃesâ se articulam e redefinem disputas materiais entre a defesa do morar dessa populaÃÃo de baixa renda numa Ãrea bem localizada e bem servida de equipamentos pÃblicos e intervenÃÃes urbanas que tem valorizado o espaÃo na lÃgica capitalista, induzindo a substituiÃÃo dos antigos habitantes por outros de renda mais elevada e a retenÃÃo da terra urbana com fim especulativo. Adotou-se metodologia qualitativa com revisÃo de literatura, pesquisa documental, observaÃÃo participante e realizaÃÃo de entrevistas.
The research seeks to understand the relationship between housing and the environment by analyzing the conflicts involving municipal urban project to eliminate risk areas. The challenge that arises is to observe whether such risk prevention policies and environmental disasters in urban areas have been changing the forms (or ways) of space production towards greater environmental justice. It starts from the assumption that the measures presented for hazardous areas of residents by not attacking the source of generating problems of environmental inequality, present ineffective and poor solutions keeping the imprisoned population to the circuit of risk, and present while legitimizing discourse of gentrification of the area. The residents, in turn, develop strategies of resistance through new allocations of meaning of "risks" as a discursive strategy of power. Such analysis is done empirically from case study involving the Municipal Program of Urban Requalification and Social Inclusion - PREURBIS in hazardous areas at a place called Boa Vista, located in the middle course of Rio Coco, Fortaleza-Ce. The area where the population is being allocated also presents risks due to the new dwelling location being situated in the surroundings of the landfill âJangurussuâ. From the material point of view these "struggles for ratings" articulate and redefine material disputes between the defense of living of this low-income population in an area well located and well served by public facilities and urban interventions that have valued the space in the capitalist logic, inducing the replacement of the former inhabitants by other higher-income inhabitants and retention of urban land for speculative purposes. We adopted a qualitative methodology with literature review, document research, participant observation and interviews.
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França, Carlos Eduardo [UNESP]. "O linchamento de Edson Neris da Silva: reelaborações identitárias dos skinheads carecas do Brasil na sociedade paulista contemporânea." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/89578.
Анотація:
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O presente trabalho teve como objetivo captar as reelaborações das representações sociais dos skinheads “carecas do Brasil” após a morte de Edson Neris da Silva em fevereiro de 2000 na Praça da República, região central da cidade de São Paulo. Partimos da articulação do teatro do poder que elaborou a culpabilidade do violento crime aos skinheads “carecas do ABC”, considerando-os em suas representações como bárbaros e merecedores de uma punição exemplar, que servisse de modelo para as outras pessoas que possuem preconceitos de gênero controlar suas emoções e agressividades diante do diferente. As brechas presentes nos documentos permitiram que nós apreendêssemos outros aspectos dos símbolos e signos que compõem as teias de significados que afirmam as formas identitárias dos skinheads “carecas do Brasil”. Esses skinheads reelaboram e ressignificam as suas idéias e práticas sociais tendo como termômetro de mudanças a circularidade entre eles e a força de representações da imprensa e das pressões de segmentos sociais. Portanto, problematizamos a análise sobre as representações elaboradas pelos “carecas do Brasil” nos fanzines e demais meios de divulgação das idéias e valores desses grupos, quanto às produzidas pela imprensa, priorizando o jornal Folha de São Paulo, dentre os anos de 2000 a 2004, para captar não apenas as relações de poder presentes no confronto entre essas representações, mas, também, visamos desconstruir narrativas, tendo em vista desvendar as idéias, pensamentos, valores, tradições e culturas inventadas nesses discursos. Enfocamos as suas ações e experiências vivenciadas nos espaços urbanos, tendo em vista elaborar reflexões sobre os problemas cotidianos, de reestruturação das territorialidades, das redes de sociabilidade e das culturas de pertencimento configuradas...
The aim of the present work was to understand the reelaborations of the social representations of the skinheads of Brazil, after Edson Neris da Silva’s death in February, 2000, in a square (Praça da República), in downtown São Paulo. The study was based on the articulation of the power theater that elaborated the culpability of the violent crime against the “ABC skinheads”. This articulation considers the representation of the skinheads to be barbarian and that they deserved an exemplar punishment, which would be a model for others who had gender prejudice, so they could control their emotions and aggressiveness towards the difference. The gaps in the documents allowed us to learn other aspects of the sings and symbols which make the meaning webs that affirm the identitary way of the skinheads of Brazil. These skinheads reelaborate and resignify their ideas and social practice having as a thermometer of changes the circularities between them and the power of the press representation and the pressure of social segments. Therefore, we problematized the representations analysis elaborated by the skinheads of Brazil in fanzines and other means of publicizing ideas and values of these groups, related to the representations produced by the press. We prioritize the newspaper Folha de São Paulo, between years 2000 and 2004, to understand not only the power analogy involved in the confrontation among these representations, but we also aimed to deconstruct the reports, intending to reveal ideas, thoughts, values, traditions, and created cultures in these speeches. We focused on the skinheads’ actions and experiences in the urban areas, intending to elaborate considerations about daily problems, the territorialities structuralization, the sociability net, and the pertaining cultures configurated as micropowers that emerge in these spaces in a contradictory...(Complete abstract, click electronic access below)
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Rocco, Marcelo. "A produção do espaço urbano na perspectiva da criança: entre a brincadeira e o conflito na favela da paz em São Paulo." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2015. http://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/2538.
Анотація:
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Previous issue date: 2015-04-24Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico
The main objective of this dissertation is to introduce the children's perspective as a legitimate means of elaborating the processes of production of the urban space. The children who participated in this study and their families arein a situation of social exclusion na primeira frase fica melhor and subjected to an impending removal from their place of living, Favela da Paz, in the district of Itaquera, located on the Zona Leste of the City of São Paulo. The study was undertaken during the arrangements for the 2014 World Cup and the concurring transformation of the surroundings of the Corinthians Stadium. The researcher interviewed the children at the "quadra", an open space in the center of the shanty town/favela, where the children play. Many of the shanty town's/ favela's activities take place on this same spot, including debating reunions about the issue of the removal. This study was carried out using the methods of participant observation and interviews with the children. Despite their usual elaboration as marginal subjects, in this dissertation, the children are treated as social agents in their own right, through whose perceived reality the broader conflict of social exclusion is analysed. Through the interaction of the researcher and the children, the act of playing (and associated practices) is considered of main importance for the children's elaboration of their surroundings and its related issues, such as conflicts over the urban territory, exemplified by the many social interferences their place of living is subjected to
A presente dissertação tem por objetivo central introduzir a criança como agente legítimo de perspectiva para pensar os processos de produção do espaço urbano. Sobretudo, em situação de exclusão social, aqui traduzida na possibilidade iminente da remoção das famílias moradoras da Favela da Paz, localizada no distrito de Itaquera, Zona Leste da cidade de São Paulo. Foi no momento dos preparativos para a Copa do Mundo de 2014 e das transformações do entorno do Estádio do Corinthians, que chamou a atenção do pesquisador, assumir essa favela como objeto de reflexão a partir da perspectiva das crianças que lá vivem. Era numa área aberta na parte central da favela, destinada a atividades dos moradores, inclusive reuniões relacionadas a tratar sobre a ameaça de remoção, que o pesquisador teve contato com as crianças que utilizavam esse mesmo espaço para brincar. Empreendeu-se, portanto, pesquisa de campo com a realização de entrevistas e observação participante, buscando assumir a criança como o agente para analisar esse conflito. Assim, a partir da interação entre pesquisador e pesquisado, contatou-se a importância da brincadeira, e das práticas implícitas a ela, como meio de elaboração das crianças frente a questões envolvendo a disputa pelo espaço, figuradas, principalmente, como interferências nesse mesmo lugar
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França, Carlos Eduardo. "O linchamento de Edson Neris da Silva : reelaborações identitárias dos skinheads "carecas do Brasil" na sociedade paulista contemporânea /." Marília : [s.n.], 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/89578.
Анотація:
Orientador: Lídia Maria Vianna PossasBanca: Maria Cristina cortez Wissenbach
Banca: Luis Antônio Francisco de Souza
Resumo: O presente trabalho teve como objetivo captar as reelaborações das representações sociais dos skinheads "carecas do Brasil" após a morte de Edson Neris da Silva em fevereiro de 2000 na Praça da República, região central da cidade de São Paulo. Partimos da articulação do teatro do poder que elaborou a culpabilidade do violento crime aos skinheads "carecas do ABC", considerando-os em suas representações como bárbaros e merecedores de uma punição exemplar, que servisse de modelo para as outras pessoas que possuem preconceitos de gênero controlar suas emoções e agressividades diante do diferente. As brechas presentes nos documentos permitiram que nós apreendêssemos outros aspectos dos símbolos e signos que compõem as teias de significados que afirmam as formas identitárias dos skinheads "carecas do Brasil". Esses skinheads reelaboram e ressignificam as suas idéias e práticas sociais tendo como termômetro de mudanças a circularidade entre eles e a força de representações da imprensa e das pressões de segmentos sociais. Portanto, problematizamos a análise sobre as representações elaboradas pelos "carecas do Brasil" nos fanzines e demais meios de divulgação das idéias e valores desses grupos, quanto às produzidas pela imprensa, priorizando o jornal Folha de São Paulo, dentre os anos de 2000 a 2004, para captar não apenas as relações de poder presentes no confronto entre essas representações, mas, também, visamos desconstruir narrativas, tendo em vista desvendar as idéias, pensamentos, valores, tradições e culturas inventadas nesses discursos. Enfocamos as suas ações e experiências vivenciadas nos espaços urbanos, tendo em vista elaborar reflexões sobre os problemas cotidianos, de reestruturação das territorialidades, das redes de sociabilidade e das culturas de pertencimento configuradas...(Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: The aim of the present work was to understand the reelaborations of the social representations of the skinheads of Brazil, after Edson Neris da Silva's death in February, 2000, in a square (Praça da República), in downtown São Paulo. The study was based on the articulation of the power theater that elaborated the culpability of the violent crime against the "ABC skinheads". This articulation considers the representation of the skinheads to be barbarian and that they deserved an exemplar punishment, which would be a model for others who had gender prejudice, so they could control their emotions and aggressiveness towards the difference. The gaps in the documents allowed us to learn other aspects of the sings and symbols which make the meaning webs that affirm the identitary way of the skinheads of Brazil. These skinheads reelaborate and resignify their ideas and social practice having as a thermometer of changes the circularities between them and the power of the press representation and the pressure of social segments. Therefore, we problematized the representations analysis elaborated by the skinheads of Brazil in fanzines and other means of publicizing ideas and values of these groups, related to the representations produced by the press. We prioritize the newspaper Folha de São Paulo, between years 2000 and 2004, to understand not only the power analogy involved in the confrontation among these representations, but we also aimed to deconstruct the reports, intending to reveal ideas, thoughts, values, traditions, and created cultures in these speeches. We focused on the skinheads' actions and experiences in the urban areas, intending to elaborate considerations about daily problems, the territorialities structuralization, the sociability net, and the pertaining cultures configurated as micropowers that emerge in these spaces in a contradictory...(Complete abstract, click electronic access below)
Mestre
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Rivera, Pabón Jorge Andrés. "Proceso de urbanización y agentes urbanos en Pereira, Colombia. Desigualdad social, fragmentación espacial y conflicto ambiental, 1990-2012." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/132907.
Анотація:
Con esta investigación que tiene por objetivo general el realizar un análisis geográfico e histórico del proceso de urbanización de la ciudad de Pereira-Colombia, con el propósito de identificar y explicar las causas y factores determinantes de la desigualdad social y fragmentación espacial que caracteriza las diferentes etapas de su desarrollo y crecimiento urbano, se destacan entre los principales resultados, en primer lugar, que su origen es subproducto del proceso de colonización agraria de la vertiente andina establecida desde la segunda mitad del siglo XIX.
Posteriormente, se identifica a Pereira con la inserción territorial de algunas regiones especializadas en recursos estratégicos y materias primas como el café a las redes internacionales del comercio, pero sin una integración planificada a un modelo de desarrollo autárquico nacional. Por otra parte, la “época de la violencia” impacta en forma aguda a las zonas potencialmente más ricas en cuanto a su producción cafetera de exportación, generando un éxodo y desplazamiento campesino, siendo el proceso de urbanización de Pereira durante estos años corolario de esta dinámica social, con tasas de crecimiento intercensal para el área urbana entre 1938-1951 del orden de 68 por cada mil habitantes, y entre 1951-1964 de 50 por cada mil habitantes, siendo estas las cifras más altas en su evolución demográfica.
La ciudad de Pereira ha venido configurando por tanto una urbanización dual, con un crecimiento urbano que ha estado asociado a la instauración de una base económica productiva “formal” instaurada desde el período de modernización local, y de otro lado, un crecimiento espontáneo e “informal” relacionado con la dificultades estatales para atender los requerimientos económicos y habitacionales de la población de menores ingresos provenientes de las diferentes oleadas migratorias.
En este sentido, el desarrollo de la periferia popular obedece a la acción individual o colectiva de organizaciones de viviendistas y a los deficientes programas de desarrollo progresivo para los sectores de bajos ingresos (lotes con servicios para autoconstrucción). En cuanto a las áreas de elitización rururbana (multiplicación atomizada y dispersa de condominios neo-rurales) se puede afirmar que este proceso se ha dado a partir de la relación entre agentes urbanos que han adquirido las tierras baratas rurales anticipando la urbanización, y la posterior llegada de los promotores y constructores, que han sido favorecidos por las débiles políticas de gestión local para frenar los intereses inmobiliarios en un territorio rural con alto potencial agroecológico, paisajístico y ambiental.
Asimismo, cabe reiterar sobre los agentes sociales comprometidos en la urbanización marginal, que éstos han estado históricamente asociados a la falta de políticas de planificación territorial orientadas a prever las demandas de suelo para los estratos de ingresos más bajos, de modo que se pudiera mitigar su proliferación en un contexto social de fuerte inmigración como es el de Pereira, aumentando la acción de los procesos de invasión.
Por último, con el nuevo modelo de vivienda de interés social ofertada por el entramado “sector financiero y constructoras privadas” se ha limitando aún más la posibilidad de acceder al mercado de vivienda formal a los sectores de menores ingresos y pauperizados por la crisis económica que vive la ciudad y la región desde 1990 como consecuencia de la recesión del agro-negocio cafetero y el impacto de las políticas neoliberales y aperturistas en sus principales sectores productivos, entre ellos la manufactura local (textil, etc.).The main objective of this research is to make a geographical and historical analysis of the urbanization process of Pereira, Colombia, in order to identify and explain the causes of social inequality and spatial fragmentation that characterizes the different stages of its development and urban growth. Among the most important results, the first one is that the origin as a town of Pereira was related with the process of rural land colonization of the mountainous areas of the central Colombian Andes established since the second half of the nineteenth century. Subsequently, Pereira is part of the territorial insertion of some regions specializing in strategic resources and commodities such as coffee to international trade networks. After that, the "violence period" hits sharply to the potentially richest areas in terms of coffee production for export, generating an peasant exodus, with the urbanization process of Pereira as a main effect of this social dynamic. Therefore, Pereira has been shaped a dual urbanization, associated with a "formal" productive economic structure from the local modernization period, and on the other hand, a spontaneous growth related with the state difficulties in order to get proper solutions to economic and housing needs of the population who has the lower income. In this sense, the development of the popular periphery has been produced by individual or collective actions from social organizations, and from public housing politics such as progressive development programs. Finally, rural gentrification has been ocurred because of relationship between urban agents who have purchased cheap land anticipating rural urbanization, and subsequent arrival of developers and builders, with several effects in these areas with high agro-ecological potential, environmental and landscape heritage.
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Isoldi, Ana Luiza Godoy. "A mediação como mecanismo de pacificação urbana." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2008. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/8079.
Анотація:
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Previous issue date: 2008-05-12This study aims to identify adequate resolution mechanisms for conflicts in the urban environment, especially those regarding urbanistic policies, for the purpose of concretizing the diffuse interests, collective or individual, public or private, in an ampler, more effective and efficient way, within the context of a Democratic Constitutional State, which requires public participation in city administration. The analysis iniciates with the new trends in Urbanistic Law and Legislation, which include a consensual public administration, describes several means to settle disputes either by agreement or by stipulation, with their respective mechanisms, that integrate the conflict resolution system, especially in what regards mediation and, finally, analizes social community mediation as a tool for urban pacification, as well as the possibilities of urbanistic mediation, mainly when it is applied simultaneously with the urbanistic instruments. The research method was reading of the bibliographic repertoire about the subject in the field of Legal Science, with contributions from other disciplines as well. The results led to the accomplishment of the intended objectives, especially by the identification of an adequate route for the resolution of urbanistic disputes, markedly in the context of judicial case administration
Este trabalho tem como objetivo identificar mecanismos adequados para a solução de conflitos no cenário urbano, especialmente os conflitos urbanísticos, com o fim de concretizar os interesses difusos, coletivos e individuais, públicos e privados, de modo mais amplo, eficiente e efetivo, no contexto do Estado Democrático de Direito, que exige a participação popular na gestão da cidade. O estudo parte das novas tendências do Direito Urbanístico, o que inclui a Administração Pública consensual, discorre sobre os modos autocompositivos e heterocompositivos, e respectivos mecanismos, que integram o sistema de solução de conflitos, especialmente sobre a mediação e, por fim, analisa a mediação social comunitária como mecanismo de pacificação urbana, bem com as possibilidades acerca da mediação urbanística, principalmente quando aplicada junto aos instrumentos urbanísticos. O método de pesquisa foi a leitura do repertório bibliográfico sobre o tema no âmbito da Ciência do Direito, com aportes de outras disciplinas. Os resultados levaram ao cumprimento de seu objetivo, especialmente ao identificar uma via adequada para a solução de conflitos urbanísticos, notadamente no contexto do gerenciamento de causas judiciais
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Boossabong, P. "Governing the policy network on urban agriculture in Bangkok : the role of social capital in handling cooperation and conflicts." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2015. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1462712/.
Анотація:
Since 2010 a policy network on urban agriculture (UA) has emerged in Bangkok, incorporating policy actors from both governmental and non-governmental bodies. This study argues that multiple forms of social capital – including shared rules, reputation, trust, reciprocity, moral obligation, shared norms and shared knowledge among various actors – have shaped the functioning of this policy network since its emergence. In addition, the study argues that these forms of social capital support the capacity of the policy network to enhance cooperation and handle conflicts. The role of social capital in governing the UA policy network is examined in relation to the floods experienced in Bangkok between late 2011 and early 2012. The analytical framework adopted is based on two contrasting theories: Ostrom’s institutional rational choice (IRC) and Habermas’ communicative action theory (CAT). Both are applied to link social capital and policy network studies. Following these two perspectives, this study conceptualises social capital by considering both rational and normative commitments. By focusing on IRC and CAT perspectives on power, this study analyses how instrumental, communicative and structural power relates to social capital. Findings reveal that the aforementioned forms of social capital influenced the emergence of the policy network by determining the status of the network’s constituent organisations and groups and their power relations. Members of organisations and groups that shared forms of knowledge agreed that the reason for cooperation was epistemic, while reciprocity and moral obligation supported their decision to cooperate. The study also found that the reputable and trusted organisational leader within the network, who shared rules, norms and knowledge with others, played a key role in facilitating a deliberative process while handling conflicts. The analysis aims to bridge social capital and policy network studies, and reveals the benefits of articulating IRC and CAT to understand policy network governance.
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Pereira, Stefanie Berenschot [UNESP]. "Centralidade urbana e lutas sociais: a associação dos favelados de Piracicaba." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/95575.
Анотація:
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A centralidade ou a capacidade de promover a coalescência de funções é uma característica fundamental das cidades. A cidade reúne as instituições políticas e econômicas e é centro de decisão para a economia capitalista. Esta congrega as melhores condições para a reprodução do capital, tendo em vista que concentra os meios de produção e circulação do capital, bem como onde este realiza a opressão do homem por meio da exploração do trabalho e da segregação sócio-espacial. O presente texto tem a finalidade de pensar essa característica tão fundamental das cidades como fator de impulsão à formação dos movimentos sociais. O espaço das cidades seria então, segundo nossa hipótese, um lugar portador de possibilidades de transformação advindas das lutas desses movimentos. A análise da gênese e organização da Associação dos Favelados de Piracicaba (ASFAP) dá suporte à corroboração de nossa hipótese uma vez que é um movimento social surge em num contexto de potencialização da aglomeração urbana por conta da intensa industrialização
The centrality or the ability to promote the coalescence of functions is a fundamental characteristic of cities. The city brings together political and economic institutions and is the decision center to the capitalist economy. It brings together the best conditions for the reproduction of capital in order to concentrate the means of production and capital circulation, where it performs as well as the oppression of man by the exploitation of labor and socio-spatial segregation. This paper aims to consider this characteristic so fundamental as cities impulsion factor to the formation of social movements. The space of cities was then, according to our hypothesis, a place holder possibilities of transformation coming from the struggles of these movements.The analysis of the genesis and organization of the Associação dos Favelados de Piracicaba (ASFAP) supports corroboration of our hypothesis once it is a social movement that appears in a context of empowerment of urban agglomeration on account of intense industrialization
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Lucena, Elis Formiga. "Desenvolvimento e criminalidade: Um estudo do perfil dos adolescentes em conflito com a lei penal internos no Lar do Garoto – PB." Universidade Estadual da Paraíba, 2015. http://tede.bc.uepb.edu.br/tede/jspui/handle/tede/2542.
Анотація:
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
This dissertation presents the results of an investigation into the relationship between the economic development process experienced and rising crime rates. The study is motivated by the intention to show the relationship between the above indices and the economic and social transformations observed. Assume as hypothesis that the violation of rights, especially the criminality, is the result of a development process, which promots the increase of asymmetries, just redounding the weaknesses that lead to serious social problems, such as violence. This time, inserted in a development context, the general objective is the analysis of aspects of juvenile crime in Campina Grande and surroundings, in contrast to the development of data within the context presented; and as specific objectives: investigate the complexity of the development term; contextualize theoretically Development, State and Crime; search for the profile of the internal adolescents in the House Padre Otávio Santos, at Lagoa Seca City; and, finally, aims to confront the economic development and state action with the results obtained in the field research. From a methodological point of view, the research is divided into two phases, namely, bibliographic and field research. As for the last, it is said that is exploratory and is characterized as qualitative as to the content of the data, and quantitative regarding the occurrence of crimes. The locus of empirical research is the adolescent’s home in conflict with the penal law - Home Padre Otavio Santos - located in Lagoa Seca City / PB. The survey results, presented here, pointed that criminality, with emphasis on cases of children in conflict with the law, it´s a really intrinsic factor in the development process.
O presente trabalho expõe os resultados de uma investigação sobre a relação entre a lógica econômica de desenvolvimento experimentada e o aumento dos índices de criminalidade. Motiva o estudo a investigação de indícios que possam evidenciar a relação entre os citados índices e as transformações econômicas e sociais observadas. Assume como hipótese que a violação de direitos, especialmente a criminalidade, é resultado de um processo de desenvolvimento que, fomentando o aumento das assimetrias, acaba redundando nas fragilidades que geram graves problemas sociais, a exemplo da violência. Desta feita, inserta em um contexto de desenvolvimento, a pesquisa tem como objetivo geral a análise de aspectos da criminalidade juvenil em Campina Grande e entorno, em contraposição aos dados de desenvolvimento, dentro do contexto apresentado; e, como objetivos específicos: investigar a complexidade do termo Desenvolvimento; contextualizar teoricamente Desenvolvimento, Estado e Criminalidade; traçar o perfil dos soioeducandos internos na Casa Lar do Garoto Padre Otávio Santos; e, por fim, pretende confrontar o desenvolvimento econômico e a atuação do Estado com os resultados obtidos na pesquisa de campo. Do ponto de vista metodológico, a pesquisa se divide em duas fases, nomeadamente, bibliográfica e de campo. Quanto a esta, diz-se que tem caráter exploratório e se caracteriza por ser qualitativa quanto ao conteúdo dos dados, e quantitativa quanto às ocorrências de crimes. O locus da a complexidade do termo Desenvolvimento; contextualizar teoricamente pesquisa empírica é a casa de internação para adolescentes em conflito com a lei penal - Lar do Garoto Padre Otávio Santos -, situado na Cidade de Lagoa Seca/PB. Os resultados da pesquisa, ora apresentados, apontam para uma comprovação da hipótese então sugerida, uma vez que se verificou que, a partir de uma análise de dados de desenvolvimento, concluiu-se que a criminalidade, com ênfase para os casos dos adolescentes em conflito com a lei, constitui fator intrínseco a este processo.
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Marrero, Guillamón Isaac. "La fábrica del conflicto. Terciarización, lucha social y patrimonio en Can Ricart, Barcelona." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/722.
Анотація:
Esta tesis es un estudio etnográfico del conflicto en torno a una fábrica, Can Ricart, afectada por un plan urbanístico municipal, el Plan 22@ para la renovación de las áreas industriales del barrio del Poblenou en Barcelona. La investigación explora los distintos niveles en los que se desarrolló la controversia (urbanístico, industrial, patrimonial, político); se detiene en las particularidades del movimiento social surgido en el conflicto (una plataforma heterogénea y que combinó la resistencia con la creación); y revisa los debates en torno a la participación ciudadana, el patrimonio industrial, la memoria obrera y el modelo de ciudad que surgieron a partir del conflicto de Can Ricart. Aunque se centra en las luchas del periodo 2005-2007, la investigación recorre también fragmentos relevantes de la historia de los actores implicados. El texto está organizado en tres partes (I, II y III), más un prólogo, un epílogo y un ensayo sobre metodología. El principal objetivo de este último es situar la tesis en el campo de estudios de la transformación urbana y explicar la posición metodológica, los modos de hacer y los procedimientos empleados en este estudio. Se trata de un ensayo en torno al doble compromiso que informa este trabajo: con la restauración de la complejidad de los objetos de estudio y con formas de representación de cierta vocación antagonista.
Las tres partes forman el cuerpo principal del estudio. Su organización es esencialmente cronológica, aunque no lineal. La primera parte, "La Constitución", estudia los procesos de formación del objeto en discordia, primero fábrica y luego recinto industrial, y de las fuerzas en oposición (el proyecto de renovación del ayuntamiento, la asociación de varias entidades contra el desalojo y derribo). La segunda parte, "A pie de fábrica", describe en cierto detalle la dinámica de la fábrica antes y durante su desalojo. El objetivo principal es aquí representar minuciosamente la vida cotidiana de algunos de los talleres del recinto en este periodo crucial. La tercera y última parte, "Transformaciones", aborda el conflicto desde el momento que abandonaron la fábrica la mayor parte de las empresas hasta que el recinto fue parcialmente protegido por su valor patrimonial y parcialmente derribado.
NOTA: La presente tesis se halla acogida a licencia CREATIVE COMMONS (Reconocimiento-No comercial-Sin obras derivadas 3.0 España)
This study is an ethnography of the conflict of Can Ricart, a factory affected by a City Council plan to renew the industrial area of the Poblenou neighbourhood in Barcelona, the Plan 22@. The research is centred in the struggle against the closing and demolition of Can Ricart that took place between 2005 and 2007, though it engages with the history of many of the different actors involved (the building, the workshops, the plan, the neighbourhood, or the alliance against the demolition) and attempts to circulate through the different layers of the controversy (urban planning, industrial heritage, citizen participation, social movements).
Besides the prologue and epilogue, this thesis is divided in one methodological chapter and three parts. The chapter reviews the relevant literature and makes explicit the methodological orientations of the study, an experimental ethnography committed to restoring the complexity of the objects of study and to antagonistic strategies of representation. The first part, "The Constitution", investigates the processes of construction of the object in controversy and the agents in opposition. The second part, "From inside the factory", describes in detail the everyday life of the workshops before and during their eviction. The third part, "Transformations", analyses the conflict since the businesses left until the building was partially demolished and partially listed.
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Cunha, Tiago Araújo. "Em pleno coração da Aldeota: usos e conflito em torno da Praça Portugal." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFC, 2016. http://www.repositorio.ufc.br/handle/riufc/26904.
Анотація:
CUNHA, Tiago Araújo. Em pleno coração da Aldeota: usos e conflito em torno da Praça Portugal. 2016. 131f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Sociologia, Fortaleza,(CE), 2016.Submitted by Gustavo Daher (gdaherufc@hotmail.com) on 2017-10-27T17:29:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_dis_tacunha.pdf: 15495341 bytes, checksum: de28c3b1270bdc301c68ffe801e02396 (MD5)
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A presente dissertação tem como objetivo a investigação do conflito entre membros do grupo Direitos Urbanos Fortaleza com a Prefeitura Municipal, quando o Prefeito, em 7 de março de 2014, anunciou uma intervenção na Praça Portugal do bairro Aldeota, que previa a demolição da área central do logradouro, que funciona como rotatória na interseção de duas avenidas. Como solução do problema de trânsito da região, a rotatória seria substituída por um cruzamento. A obra passaria do anúncio para a execução imediata, porém o conflito durou por mais de dois anos, entre a data do anúncio ao início da obra no dia 18 de abril de 2016. Durante esse período, foi realizado um levantamento sistemático de notícias veiculadas nos principais jornais da cidade, bem como o acompanhamento dos fóruns de discussões do grupo que se opunha à obra em sua página no Facebook. Também houve participação em suas reuniões presenciais e o acompanhamento das ações de protesto na Praça Portugal, mobilizadas pelos opositores da obra. Durante a pesquisa, foi possível perceber como se dão as políticas de planejamento urbano e as tentativas de participação da sociedade civil nas decisões da cidade. O executivo municipal se mostrou durante todo o processo fechado ao diálogo, desqualificando a Praça Portugal como espaço de lazer e sociabilidade, usando essas justificativas para a ação demolitória.