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Journal articles on the topic 'Abbasid Caliphate'
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1
Anwar, Kaiwan Azad. "(ئایینی مەزدەکی) و شوێنەوارەکانی بەسەر دەوڵەتی خەلافەتی عەباسییەوە لەسەردەمی عەباسی یەکەمدا (132-232ک/750-847ز)." Journal of University of Human Development 2, no. 3 (August 31, 2016): 154. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/juhd.v2n3y2016.pp154-195.
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Mazdaki is considered to be one of the ancient Iranian religions that have left marks not only on the Sassanid Empire but also on Abbasid Empire. The reason was that the Abbasids relied on non-Arabs including the Iranians to topple the Umayyad Caliphate and get to power. They pledged to compensate their sacrifices when they took power. A distinguished character called Abu Muslim Khurasani cooperated with the Abbasids, championed their cause and played a leading role in helping them to seize power. Having gained power, the Abbasids reneged on their earlier promise and took a hostile position against them, instead, and murdered Abu Muslim Khurasani – an event that turned to an opportunity for Mazdaki followers to rebel to get back their previous achievements. Rawandi and Khurami as two branches of Mazdaki confronted the Abbasid Caliphate but they were finally defeated by overwhelming power of the Caliphate.
Mazdkians were followers of Mazdak, Bamdad’s son, who rose in 488 AD at Sassanid Qabad I. He was a religious man and appeared from Sassanid Empire. Mazdak attacked Zoroastrianism, which was the state religion for ten years. Later, the Sassanid authorities became hostile and Sassanid Anawshirwan ordered him to be eliminated in 536, although the religion continued up to more modern times.
To write this paper, the authors have used more than one hundred references in Arabic, Kurdish, Persian, and English. First, the history of Mazdak’s name and personality has been explored to find out its etymology, family and place of birth. Second, Mazdaki religion and the views of theologists, historians, and orientalists have been discussed. Next, the significance of Mazdakifon Abbasid Caliphate during Abbas I has been addressed to realize its influences over the state. The bibliography and the abstract in English and Arabic come at the end of the paper
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Mansour, Imad. "Direct and inferred influences of the Silk Roads on the ‘golden age’ of the Abbasid Caliphate." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 3, no. 3 (January 21, 2018): 246–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891117751865.
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This article sheds light on the east-west international relations of the first century of the Abbasid Caliphate. It describes discernable Chinese influences on the onset and maintenance of a golden age of Islamic government in this century, distinguished for the flourishing of translation, research contributions in natural sciences and philosophy, sophistication in the fine arts, and economic productivity and prosperity. These influences were in the fields of trade, governance, artisan production, and scientific epistemological knowledge. The article argues that two interlocking factors helped create the conditions of possibility for the golden age of the Abbasid Caliphate: first, a positive disposition defined by pragmatism and accommodation by the Tang Dynasty found a counterpart in Abbasid policy; second, for the Abbasids, relations along the Silk Roads that had been developing for centuries valorized the potential of exchanges with the east, including China. The article explains the varied intensity of influences from the Silk Roads, as well as the Tang Dynasty, on the Abbasid golden age. It concludes by briefly explaining how people-to-people exchanges maintained ties, especially after the political power of both governments weakened and eventually ended.
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Dar, Owais Manzoor. "Mona Hassan, Longing for the Lost Caliphate: A Transregional History." ICR Journal 11, no. 1 (June 15, 2020): 177–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v11i1.36.
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The institution of the Islamic caliphate, the temporal succession to the Prophet Muhammad, emerged upon the latter’s death in 632, when his close companions assumed leadership of the entire Muslim community’s affairs, not merely those of a faction, tribe, or region. The unexpected disappearance of the Abbasid and Ottoman caliphates in 1258 and 1924 respectively, intensified Muslim anguish, cultural trauma, grief and sorrow. The book under review explores the reactions of Muslims to the loss of the caliphate and tries to answer two essential questions: What did Muslims imagine was lost with the disappearance of the caliphate in the 13th and 20th centuries? And how did they attempt to recapture the loss and redefine the caliphate under changing circumstances?
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Hayat, Munazza, Naeem Badshah, and Dost Muhammad. "U-12 Muslim-Non-Muslim Relations in the Abbasid Era of the Subcontinent: A Research Review." Al-Aijaz Research Journal of Islamic Studies & Humanities 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 165–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.53575/u12.v4.01.165-180.
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The era of the Abbasid Caliphate (750 -1258AD) is a period of cultural rise of Muslims. Although the Abbasid Caliphate was less extensive than the Umayyad Caliphate, the Abbasid Caliphate was still the largest political entity in the world. In this era the five independent governments of Subcontinent, are particularly noteworthy: 1. Daulat Mahaniya Sanjan (Subcontinent) 2. Habariya, Mansura (Sindh) 3. Daulat Samia Multan (Punjab) 4. Makran 5. Turan.In addition to these five permanent governments, some of them were permanent rulers who belonged directly to the Caliph of Baghdad. But their status was no more than that of big landowners and feudal lords. The article aims to analyze Muslim and non-Muslim relations, during the Abbasid’s rule in Subcontinent in historical context. During this era the government did not intervene in the people’s affairs. Any disputes or problems relating to the law were referred to the judge but this Islamic rule was only restricted to the Muslims. The non-Muslims were not bound to follow it. Every place had its own local meeting which would deal with any case according to its own rules and customs. Hence, they could design and implement their own law. In short the Muslim ruling period of Sub-continent provides a practical base in the way of Muslim, non- Muslim relation in present age.
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Young, Alden. "Longing for the Lost Caliphate: A Transregional History (bt Mona Hassan)." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 36, no. 2 (April 15, 2019): 95–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v36i2.588.
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In her superbly learned book, Mona Hassan sets out to explain the enduring meaning of Muslim lamentations after two of the greatest Muslim caliphates were abolished in 1258 and 1924 CE. 1258 marks the date when the last Abbasid Caliph, al-Musta‘sim, knelt before the Mongol Commander Hulegu outside the walls of Baghdad, shortly before he was executed. Hassan is not here directly concerned with the history of either the Abbasid Caliphate or the Mongol conquest; rather, she seeks to understand what was a novel problem for the Muslim community, namely, the absence of a caliph, which then lasted three and a half years.
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Altayev, J., and Z. Imanbayeva. "THE ORIGINS OF THE ARABIC TRANSLATION TRADITION." Adam alemi 90, no. 4 (December 15, 2021): 163–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.48010/2021.4/1999-5849.17.
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The Arab Caliphate was famous for its highly developed book culture and the fact that it turned the Arabic language into the international language of communication, science and art throughout the Arab-Muslim East. During the reign of the Abbasid dynasty, the Arab-Muslim civilization is experiencing the peak of its heyday and power. Under the Abbasids, Baghdad became not only the political, but also the cultural capital of the Caliphate. The famous House of Wisdom opens in Baghdad, where a large-scale translation activity has been carried out for centuries. The Abbasids achieved amazing success because they were able to absorb the rich cultural traditions of the peoples they conquered. At the same time, they pursued their own political goals - the strengthening and development of the Arab Caliphate. The Abbasids were not pioneers in translation, they skillfully used and developed the pre-Islamic developments of the Iranians in this area. It is important to study the reasons why the Arab Caliphate at one time reached historical heights. This is necessary in order for the lessons of the past to serve the good of the present.
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Shea, Ryan W., and Dianna Bell. "Charting the Unknown: Islamic Cartography and Visions of Africa in the ‘Abbasid Era." History in Africa 46 (April 30, 2019): 37–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hia.2019.9.
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Abstract:This article explores cartographic methods during the ninth and tenth century of the ‘Abbasid Caliphate, with a focus on the deformation of Sub-Saharan Africa in world maps produced during the early era. It reviews the preceding influences that factored into how ‘Abbasid cartographers understood and mapped out unknown regions alongside pieces of the folkloric fear that accompanied the idea of al-Wāq-Wāq, that is the uncharted and unknown areas of inland Africa south of the Sahara. By reviewing the methods and techniques of map making alongside information that circulated about al-Wāq-Wāq, this article offers a contribution to knowledge about cartographic practices during the ‘Abbassid era and reviews the work of prominent geographers alongside the deformations in their maps and social assumptions they carried about what and who rested within the interiors of Africa.
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Salh, Marewan Abdulrazaq, and Kamaran Aziz Abdulla. "The Political and Military Relationship Between Zaidi Princedom and Other Persian Princedoms During (250 - 316H / 928 – 864 A.D.)." Journal of University of Raparin 9, no. 2 (March 29, 2022): 206–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(9).no(2).paper9.
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The Princedom of Tahiri in Khorasan area during Abbasid caliphate followed a strict policy in front of the regions of Tabristan and Jurjan aiming to expand their ruling range in these areas supported by Abbasid caliphate. The Tahiris’ were considered as protectors of regions of western Eslamic Area and were apposing the appearance of any movement against the Abbasid caliphate, but even with that the Shiite Princedom of Zaidi established outside the will of the caliphate and had a main role in the political and military events in the eastern Islamic area in which had relations and battles with the present Persian Sunni Princedoms which continued till the fall of the Zaidi Princedom in 316 Hijri 928 A.D. by the Samanis’, as it was mentioned earlier in this research.
The nature of this study is divided in to three chapters in the first chapter we defined the Zaidi Princedom was defined as a Shiite Princedom in Tabristan area, And it had also shed some light on the political and military relationship between the Zaidi and Tahiri Princedoms. The second chapter is about the relation between the Zaidi and Safari Princedoms in term of politics and military in peace and war times.
In the third chapter a detailed analysis is given to relation between the Zaidiand Samani Princedoms which was hostile between the two of them because ofexpanding ambitions between both of them; also the difference of
religion was apart of this struggle.
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El-Hibri, Tayeb. "Harun Al-Rashid and The Mecca Protocol Of 802: A plan For Division Or Succession?" International Journal of Middle East Studies 24, no. 3 (August 1992): 461–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380002198x.
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The succession crisis and civil war that followed the death of Caliph Harun alRashid in 809 is a gloomy chapter in the history of the Abbasid caliphate in its prime that captured the attention of later medieval Muslim scholars. Their main challenge lay in trying to find an appropriate rationale for justifying the conflict between the caliph's sons, al-Amin and al-Maʾmun, and the fate of the community under a caliphate seized by force for the first time in the Abbasid era. The destruction wrought by the civil war on the capital, Baghdad, combined with the spread of factional strife to other provinces of the caliphate, presented an ethical and religious dilemma reminiscent to contemporaries of the early Islamic fitnas. Conscious of this parallel, the chronicler al-Tabari, writing a century later, devotes considerably more space to the years of the civil war than he does to the reigns of al-Rashid and al-Maʾmun that bracketed it.
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Hamdan Al- Tamimi, Azhar. "YEMENS RELATIONSHIP TO THE ABBASID CALIPHATE (132-193)." Route Educational and Social Science Journal 6, no. 44 (January 1, 2019): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17121/ressjournal.2471.
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Borroni, Massimiliano. "Samāǧa performances in third/ninth-century Abbasid courts." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 82, no. 2 (June 2019): 289–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x19000351.
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AbstractLiterary sources from the Abbasid period record few descriptions of courtly masquerades and plays called samāǧa, which closely resemble sumozhe plays from eighth-century China. On the basis of these samāǧa descriptions, the present paper argues that it is possible to understand how samāǧa plays were carried out. Moreover, I argue that samāǧa performances were a Central Asian custom imported to the Abbasid court with the establishment of the Turkish corps, and that its disappearance after the caliphate of al-Muʿtaḍid signals a substantial shift in the nature of the Turkish presence in the Abbasid heartland, marked by the establishment of the mamlūk system.
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عباس يوسف, د. نور الدين. "العنف السياسي لدى الفرق الباطنية في العصر العباسي الثاني 232-656هـ / 847-1258م." Omdurman Islamic University Journal 12, no. 1 (November 19, 2016): 64–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.52981/oiuj.v12i1.1690.
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The issue of the Caliphate is one of the most controversial topics that Muslims struggled with, since the establishment of an Islamic state, which the prophet (PBUH) initiated its foundations. The strife increased during the Caliph Imam Ali Bin Abi Talib and his conflict with Umayyden that ended with Umayyden victory, which led to the emerging of parties and sects that multiplied in numbers. After non- Arabs nationals joined Isla Umayyad faces Shi’ah, Khawarij, and other parties roughly. That led them to convert their activities in far places till the establishment at Abbassid state which raised the slogan Call to, Alal-Bayt, Abbasid ruled the state alone without their cousins Alawites. This led to more confrontations and divisions, In the late Abbasid era, power and sultan transferred to non- Arab. Many regions were recessed from Baghdad. The activities of the opposing groups increased vividly, some raised slogan of the Call for Al al- Bayt to achieve their goals. Some raised call for social justice and equality to attract common people. They all involved in violence and terrorism.
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Scharfe, Patrick. "Portrayals of the Later Abbasid Caliphate: A Reappraisal of the Buyid-Era Caliphs in Arabic Chronicles, 334/945-447/1055." Journal of Abbasid Studies 1, no. 2 (October 1, 2014): 108–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142371-12340008.
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Like other decline narratives, the alleged decadence of the Abbasid caliphate after its loss of military power in the mid-fourth/tenth century has been seen historically as an index of the “decline” of Islamic civilization generally, and remnants of these images still remain. However, a contextual examination of the key Buyid-era sources, namely Arabic chronicles, reveals little consciousness that the caliphate had lost its meaning. Chroniclers such as Miskawayh (d. 421/1030) provide a Buyid-centric narrative, but sources closer to the caliphate indicate that the power and authority of the caliphate had been re-shaped rather than fatally undermined. A broader conception of power is necessary to understand the transformed position of the caliphs, taking into account “soft” cultural and diplomatic power rather than military force alone, as caliphs continued to lead by managing the religious and legal-judicial spheres.
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van Berkel, Maaike. "Reconstructing Archival Practices in Abbasid Baghdad." Journal of Abbasid Studies 1, no. 1 (June 10, 2014): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142371-12340003.
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The Abbasid administration relied extensively on the use of written documents. The central administrative apparatus in Baghdad, with its numerous specialised bureaus, seems to have been one of the main producers of documents and it must have possessed some of the largest archives of its era. However, only few documents issued by and written for the central administration have survived in their original form. Through an analysis of references found in narrative sources, this article seeks to provide a reconstruction of the functioning of the archives of the central administration in Baghdad during the caliphate of al-Muqtadir (r. 295/908-320/932).
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Hasan, Abubakir Dewana Hamad, and Musa Mohammed Khidhir. "هۆكاری راپەڕینی خەڵكی رۆژهەڵاتی ئیسلامی دژی خەلافەتی عەبباسی(132-ــ232ك/749-ــ846ز) بەپێی سەرچاوە فارسییەكان." Twejer 3, no. 3 (December 2020): 295–336. http://dx.doi.org/10.31918/twejer.2033.8.
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This study is entitled “The reasons for khorasan egression against the Abbasid (Aliphat(A.D46-_ 749/A.H 232_ 132) a (( ording to Persian sources . It consists of preface and two studies. A preface was devoted to a brief investigationabout the study, its curriculum and the most important sources that we relied on. The first topic dealt with the most important movements that took place against the Abbasid caliphate. A second topic was devoted to examining the reasons for the establishment of these political, social, veligions and economic movements. The study ends with the most important results of the research.
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Casale, Giancarlo. "Tordesillas and the Ottoman Caliphate: Early Modern Frontiers and the Renaissance of an Ancient Islamic Institution." Journal of Early Modern History 19, no. 6 (October 23, 2015): 485–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342469.
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This article revisits the question of the “Ottoman caliphate,” the doctrine defining the Ottoman sultan as the universal sovereign and protector of Muslims throughout the world in addition to the territorial ruler of the Ottoman Empire itself. In existing scholarship, a wide gap divides those who describe this doctrine as a construct of modernity, with a history that goes back no farther than the late eighteenth century, and those who maintain a direct line of transmission from the earlier Abbasid caliphate to the Ottoman dynasty. This article proposes an “early modern alternative” to these two opposing narratives, which acknowledges a dynamic history of reinvention for the caliphate but locates its rebirth not in the period of colonial modernity but rather in the sweeping reconfiguration of space, time, and sovereignty ushered in by the Treaty of Tordesillas in 1494.
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Mårtensson, Ulrika. "“It’s the Economy, Stupid”: Al-abarī’s Analysis of the Free Rider Problem in the Abbāsid Caliphate." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 54, no. 2 (2011): 203–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852011x586822.
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AbstractThe article argues that al-abarī’s History of the Prophets and the Kings provides a free rider-analysis of the decline of Abbasid state power. Al-abarī’s historical analysis considers state policy on land tax, and religion as a legal norm related to the social contract between the head of state and the landlords. It is concluded that al-abarī saw the misāa tax system and ‘rule of law’ as the principal conditions for imperial rule, and that al-abarī’s History already provides an answer to modern historians’ questions as to why the Abbasid state crumbled, and what role religion played in the political economy.
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Borroni, Massimiliano. "Wandering Days: Two Sources in Poetry on the Abbasid Reforms of the Fiscal Schedule." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 64, no. 4 (June 4, 2021): 455–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341543.
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Abstract A close reading of two poetical sources provides new data on the reforms of the fiscal schedule of the Abbasid state in the ninth century. This paper reconstructs the calendrical complications in those Abbasid regions that followed Iranian administrative tradition and its solar calendar without intercalations. Two reforms were issued under al-Mutawakkil and al-Muʿtaḍid to correct the fiscal schedule of these regions. A panegyric by al-Buḥturī allows us to confirm and contextualize al-Mutawakkil’s reform in the final years of his caliphate. A few verses by Ibn al-Muʿtazz give a significant description of the close connection between al-Muʿtaḍid’s reform of the Iranian New-Year’s day and the construction of his public figure.
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Alkadhat, Mohammad. "The allegiance-offering ceremony of the caliphs and their heirs in the second Abbasid era (550-656 AH / 1155-1258 AD)." Journal of Arts and Social Sciences [JASS] 6, no. 2 (January 1, 2016): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.24200/jass.vol7iss1pp203-219.
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The period of this study witnessed a revival of the Abbasid Caliphate Institution after getting rid of foreign control. This was accompanied by a desire to revive the ceremonies that had stopped since the beginning of the fourth century AH. The ceremony of allegiance-offering to the Caliphs and their heirs was among several ceremonies that were revived during this period. The allegiance-offering ceremony was organized according to certain arrangements which begin on the day the former Caliph passes away, and end with a public allegianceoffering ceremony. This study attempts to trace those ceremonies, highlighting the religious and the media dimensions, which the Caliphate Institution was keen on stressing in these celebrations. The Caliphs saw in these ceremonies and the accompanying festivities and celebrations an important tool to enhance the image and aura of the Caliphate in the hearts of the public. They also saw these ceremonies as an opportunity to enhance the spiritual bond between the public and the Caliphate and the Caliphs. They also saw the ceremonies as a chance to assert their religious leadership of the Muslim World.
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Marsham, A., and C. F. Robinson. "The safe-conduct for the Abbasid ‘Abd Allāh b. ‘Alī (d. 764)." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 70, no. 2 (June 2007): 247–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x07000420.
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AbstractIn his Ta’rīkh al-Mawṣil, al-Azdī (d. 945) records the safe-conduct (amān) said to have been written for the surrender of the Abbasid ‘Abd Allāh b. ‘Alī (d. 764) to his nephew, the caliph al-Manṣūr. This text has been overlooked in discussions of early Abbasid history and in studies of the work of Ibn al-Muqaffa‘ (d. c. 756), who is widely credited with its production. This article presents an annotated translation of the amān and considers its transmission, authenticity, attribution and significance. Parallels with epigraphic, documentary and literary sources suggest that it was indeed originally composed in the early Abbasid period and that it conforms to developing conventions for amāns. Thus, it is important evidence for political theory and practice in the mid-eighth-century caliphate. Furthermore, it probably substantially reflects the agreement between the caliph and his uncle and may indeed be the work of Ibn al-Muqaffa‘.
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Griffith, Sidney H. "Anthony David of Baghdad, Scribe and Monk of Mar Sabas: Arabic in the Monasteries of Palestine." Church History 58, no. 1 (March 1989): 7–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167675.
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Forty years ago George Every called the attention of the scholarly world to the likelihood that in the oriental patriarchates after the time of John of Damascus the Arabic language increasingly became the language of the Melkite, or Roman (rūmī), community of Christians in the caliphate. They came to use Arabic, Every suggested, not only for scholarly purposes, but even for the divine liturgy, at least for the Scripture lessons.1In the years since Every made these observations it has become increasingly clear that not only was there such an increase in the use of Arabic in the church during the first Abbasid century, but that the crescendo in the use of Arabic went hand in hand with the diminishment of Greek as a language of church scholarship in the monasteries of the Holy Land from early Abbasid times, perhaps even until the Ottoman period, when the so-called “Rūm Millet” reintroduced the control of Greek speakers in the Jerusalem patriarchate.2Accordingly, one might speak of the first flowering of Christian life in Arabic in the Holy Land as having occurred during the three centuries stretching from 750, the beginning of the Abbasid caliphate, to around the year 1050, the eve of the crusader period in Near Eastern history.3And the documentary evidence for the literary activity of the Holy Land monks who wrote in Arabic during this period is largely the archive of “old south Palestinian texts” which Joshua Blau studied for his Grammar of Chrtstian Arabic.4
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E.B., Kamidolla, and Salkynbaev M.B. "Historical prerequisites of appearance of Turkic Mamelukes in the abbasid caliphate." Journal of Oriental Studies 80, no. 1 (2017): 74–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.26577/jos-2017-1-808.
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Asadov, F. M. "Tax-farming agreement at the reign of the Abbasid caliph al-Muctadid (892 CE): an extract from the Kitāb al-Wuzarā’ by Hilal al-Sabi." Orientalistica 3, no. 5 (December 29, 2020): 1298–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7043-2020-3-5-1298-1311.
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The publication is a commented translation from Arabic into Russian of an extract from the book by Hilal al-Sabi (Abū'l-Ḥusayn Hilāl b. Muḥassin b. Ibrahīm al- Ṣābi 969–1056 AD) “Kitāb al-Wuzarā’ ” (The Book of Wazirs. The extract comprises an account about the circumstances and conditions of a lease agreement between the wazir of the Caliph al- Mu‘tadid billah (r. 892–902 AD) and a certain Muhammad at-Tai concerning the fertile lands of Central and Southern Iraq. The translation is introduced by a preface, which outlines the political and economic situation in the caliphate in the year of the accession of the caliph al-Mu‘tadid to the throne and explains the reasons for the emergence of the tax-farming deals during the rule of the Abbasid caliphs. The extract also provides the description of the circumstances of the agreement as well as provides the actual text of the document. Altogether they describe the relations between the government officials and the tax-farming dealers in the Abbasid caliphate at the end of the 9th century AD. They offer a vivid picture of creating corruption schemes to enrich government bureaucracy and tax dealers. They also provide many interesting details, which illustrate the life of the caliph court and the army.
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Basharin, Pavel. "О статусе«махдистских» движений X в. на Ближнем Востоке и их связях с политической борьбой в халифате." Islamology 6, no. 1 (April 18, 2013): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.24848/islmlg.06.1.05.
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This paper is the second part of a detailed study devoted to the religious movements of the10th century Middle East. The conflict of two renowned wazirs ‘Ali b. al-Furat and ‘Ali b. ‘Isa reflected the struggle between the clans of Nestorian secretaries and Shi‘ites who were supported by Judaic bankers. Ibn Furat obtained the losing of domination of Nestorian secretaries in the ‘Abbasid Caliphate. His adherents started in pursuit of some ecstatic Sufis like al-Hallaj. But later their supremacy came to an end and Ibn Muqla dealt shortly with extreme Shi‘ite al-Shalmaghani who was supported by Banu ’l-Furat. All these repressions connected with fear of Qarmates who were the key threat for the Caliphate in this period.
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Haris, Munawir. "SITUASI POLITIK PEMERINTAHAN DINASTI UMAYYAH DAN ABBASIYAH." Tasamuh: Jurnal Studi Islam 10, no. 2 (November 7, 2018): 391–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.32489/tasamuh.43.
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At the end of the Rasyidin Caliphate there was division within Muslims. Politically there are two dominant groups: Hasan bin Ali and Mu’awiyah bin Abi Sufyan. Politically there are two dominant groups, Hasan bin Ali and Mu’awiyah bin Abi Sufyan. After the negotiations, for the sake of unity of Muslims, it was agreed that Hasan acknowledged Mu’awiyah as the Caliph of the Muslim marked the emergence of the Umayyad Dynasty. The moment was called 'am jama'ah (unity year) in 661. The Abbasid Dynasty was the descendant of Prophet Muhammad's uncle, al-Abbas, who supported Ali bin Abi Talib and his descendants (including Hasan bin Ali). This paper aims to discuss some of the political situation that developed when the Umayyads (661-750) and the Abbasids (750- 1258). In Mu’awiyah bin Abi Sufyan's time there was a change of the political system from the khulafaur Rashidin into a system of al-Mulk (heredity monarchy) characterized by the appointment of his son, Yazin bin Mu'awiyah. This system adopted from the Persian and Byzantine kingdoms. However, maintaining the term caliph of Islam. Mu'awiyah also used Diwan and Sheikh to run the government, with the mechanism of Shura for consultative functions. After 150 years the Umayyads, the power was changed over by Abu al-Abbas Abdullah and marked the rising of the Abbasid in 750. In the Abbasid period the political and religious issues can’t be separated, which earlier in the Umayyad period were separated. The propaganda that the caliph is the representative of the people in carrying out God's command is valid until the Judgment Day. More explicitly, the term al-Imam (which also means the leader of prayer) is the leader in political affairs. In addition, the implementation of Islamic Shari'a is also more highlighted in governing the government and legitimating the power of the caliph. In general, the political style of the Abbasids is more Persian than the more Arab Umayyads.
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Haris, Munawir. "Situasi Politik Pemerintahan Dinasti Umayyah dan Abbasiyah." TASAMUH: Jurnal Studi Islam 10, no. 2 (September 3, 2018): 391–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.47945/tasamuh.v10i2.79.
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At the end of the Rasyidin Caliphate there was division within Muslims. Politically there are two dominant groups: Hasan bin Ali and Mu’awiyah bin Abi Sufyan. Politically there are two dominant groups, Hasan bin Ali and Mu’awiyah bin Abi Sufyan. After the negotiations, for the sake of unity of Muslims, it was agreed that Hasan acknowledged Mu’awiyah as the Caliph of the Muslim marked the emergence of the Umayyad Dynasty. The moment was called 'am jama'ah (unity year) in 661. The Abbasid Dynasty was the descendant of Prophet Muhammad's uncle, al-Abbas, who supported Ali bin Abi Talib and his descendants (including Hasan bin Ali). This paper aims to discuss some of the political situation that developed when the Umayyads (661-750) and the Abbasids (750- 1258). In Mu’awiyah bin Abi Sufyan's time there was a change of the political system from the khulafaur Rashidin into a system of al-Mulk (heredity monarchy) characterized by the appointment of his son, Yazin bin Mu'awiyah. This system adopted from the Persian and Byzantine kingdoms. However, maintaining the term caliph of Islam. Mu'awiyah also used Diwan and Sheikh to run the government, with the mechanism of Shura for consultative functions. After 150 years the Umayyads, the power was changed over by Abu al-Abbas Abdullah and marked the rising of the Abbasid in 750. In the Abbasid period the political and religious issues can’t be separated, which earlier in the Umayyad period were separated. The propaganda that the caliph is the representative of the people in carrying out God's command is valid until the Judgment Day. More explicitly, the term al-Imam (which also means the leader of prayer) is the leader in political affairs. In addition, the implementation of Islamic Shari'a is also more highlighted in governing the government and legitimating the power of the caliph. In general, the political style of the Abbasids is more Persian than the more Arab Umayyads
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Suryo Ediyono, Ro Hani,. "TERAPI MUSIK MENURUT AL-FARABI PADA MASA DINASTI ABBASIYAH." Jurnal CMES 12, no. 1 (October 9, 2019): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/cmes.12.1.34872.
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This study was intended to describe the functions and instruments of music during the Abbasid Dynasty and to describe music therapy according to Al-Farabi. The research method used is the descriptive qualitative method, where the data were technically collected using the library technique, then the data were analyzed based on the formulated problem, following after it describes the analysis results in the form of a written report. The data sources are the reference books related to Al-Farabi. The data of this study used Mūsīq Al-Kabīr, books, theses, journals related to the research. Based on this research, it can be concluded that the art of music began to develop rapidly during the Abbasid caliphate, and music can be used as a therapy for the soul, spiritual, and psychosomatic.
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D. G. Tor. "The Political Revival of the Abbasid Caliphate: Al-Muqtafī and the Seljuqs." Journal of the American Oriental Society 137, no. 2 (2017): 301. http://dx.doi.org/10.7817/jameroriesoci.137.2.0301.
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Alesa, Mohammad, and Khaled Aldafheeri. "Al-Mu'tazila Before Caliph Al-Ma'mun's Era." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 32 (November 30, 2016): 330. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n32p330.
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Scholars in Al-Mu'tazila, and the dilemma of creating Qur'an that relates to it, was being used in studying various issues that is connected with the Abbasid caliphate Al-Ma'mun. This was without any deep search of its roots of more than a century before AL-Ma'mun's era. In this study titled “Al-Mu'tazila before Caliph Al-Ma'mun's era,” we attempt to trace the initial precursors (I'tezal/seclusion), starting by AL-Qadariya which emerged as a reaction from Umayyad Jabriya to reaching Al-Ma'mun's taking power.
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ΤΑΚΙΡΤΑΚΟΓΛΟΥ, Κωνσταντίνος. "Η συμμετοχή Τούρκων πολεμιστών στον αββασιδικό στρατό κατά τις αραβο-βυζαντινές συγκρούσεις: Οι επιχειρήσεις του στρατιωτικού αρχηγού Bughā al-Kabīr." Byzantina Symmeikta 28 (March 17, 2018): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.14387.
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Αim of this study is to examine why the presence of select Turkic warriors in the Abbasid armies had little impact on the course of the Arab-Byzantine conflicts. The article focuses mainly on the campaigns conducted by the commander Bughā al-Kabīr against the Byzantine Empire and other Caliphate enemies. The small number of the Turkic warriors, as well as the difficulties encountered by the horse archers in mountainous terrains are the main reasons that there were no changes to the balance of power in the frontier conflicts.
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Henderson, Julian, Keith Challis, Sarah O’Hara, Sean McLoughlin, Adam Gardner, and Gary Priestnall. "Experiment and innovation: early Islamic industry at al-Raqqa, Syria." Antiquity 79, no. 303 (March 2005): 130–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00113754.
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The city of al-Raqqa in north central Syria rivalled early Baghdad in scale, and was briefly during the ‘Abbasid caliphate the imperial capital of an empire stretching from North Africa to Central Asia. Now largely levelled the multifaceted Islamic cityscape is revealed by aerial and satellite imagery. It is at this site that the evidence of innovative Islamic industries has been revealed by excavations undertaken by the Raqqa Ancient Industry project since 1994. Here they discuss the production models for glass and ceramics in their socio-economic contexts.
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Joubin, Rebecca. "The Multifarious Lives of the Sixth ‘Abbasid Caliph Muhammad al-Amin: Collective Memory Construction, Queer Spaces, and Historical Television Drama in Egypt and Syria." International Journal of Middle East Studies 52, no. 4 (November 2020): 643–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743820000793.
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AbstractA vast array of narratives found in medieval historical chronicles and literary sources have referenced the particular ways in which the culture associated with the ‘Abbasid caliphate diverged from a binary model of gender. Despite debate about the historical accuracy of these early chronicles, the repeated references to the sixth ‘Abbasid caliph Muhammad al-Amin's non-heteronormativity indicate at least a kernel of truth. This article examines the collective memory construction of al-Amin in the Egyptian series Harun al-Rashid (1997) and two Syrian series, Abna’ al-Rashid: al-Amin wa-l-Ma'mun (The Sons of al-Rashid: al-Amin and al-Ma'mun, 2006) and Harun al-Rashid (2018). These contemporary portrayals of the life of al-Amin simultaneously illustrate the process by which history is altered by authorial perspective and the erasure of nonheteronormative space within the ‘Abbasid caliphate. My own authorial perspective inclines toward an interpretation of al-Amin as queer; through this lens, an inspection of wide-ranging accounts of al-Amin's life reveals the historical biases of his time and our current moment, too, as historians then and now variably recognize al-Amin's queerness in constructing collective memory. Some have argued that anti–al-Amin chroniclers may have engaged in historical revisionism and referred to al-Amin as queer to discredit the caliph, but ultimately, whether or not this is true, the current application of those early references by contemporary screenwriters is the most revealing historiographical decision, as his many representations serve as a mirror for our contemporary subjectivities, interests, and agendas. At a time when queer lives and experiences are notably absent from traditional historical narratives, this article proposes that regardless of the accuracy of the original sources, the absence itself in contemporary portrayals is significant, as patterns of exclusion yield tangible meaning. In this particular case, the ready elimination of queerness from contemporary narratives shows the ways in which queerness is vulnerable to erasure in favor of other, more politically expedient identity characteristics and values.
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Marks, Laura U. "Taking a Line for a Walk, from the Abbasid Caliphate to Vector Graphics." Third Text 23, no. 3 (May 2009): 229–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09528820902954861.
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Dymydjuk, Dymitr. "Początki użytkowania szabli na terenie wczesnośredniowiecznej Armenii." Res Gestae 11 (December 4, 2020): 172–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/24504475.11.11.
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For a long time, the military history of the Medieval Armenia was not an object of historical research, which in turn had a negative impact on the studies of the region’s social and political history. It is indisputable that in Armenia, as in most countries during the Middle Ages, the sword was a popular – albeit expensive – weapon. But when did sabres appear in Armenia, and were they popular? Images or archaeological fi nds of sabres from the territory of Armenia date only from the 12th/13th centuries, while in the Byzantine Empire and Abbasid Caliphate the sabre had been known already in the 9th–11th centuries, used mainly by nomads serving as mercenaries in both armies. Unfortunately, written sources are not really helpful, as Armenian chroniclers used diff erent terms (– sur, tur, suser – sur, tur, suser) in order to describe the word “sword” or something of the kind, diff erences between which are not completely understood. Moreover, there exists a methodological problem of distinguishing a backsword/pallash (single-edged sword) from a sabre. In order to make this research a more relevant, a comparative analysis with Byzantine, Georgians, Muslim and Nomads materials regarding the appearance, distribution and use of the sabre was employed. The conclusion states that in South Caucasus, the sabre appeared a bit later than in the Byzantine Empire and Abbasid Caliphate, having arrived thanks to North Caucasus, Byzantine, Muslim or Seljuk infl uences in the 10th–11th centuries, given that nomad mercenaries were not present in Bagratid Armenia.
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Manan, Nuraini A. "Dinasti Saljuk dalam Sejarah Peradaban Islam." Jurnal Adabiya 20, no. 2 (July 17, 2020): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/adabiya.v20i2.7432.
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Dynasty of Saljuk is a group of Turks originating from the tribe Ghuzz. Dynasty of Saljuk attributed to their ancestors named Saljuk ibn Tuqaq (Dukak). Their home country is located in the northern region of the Caspian sea and the Aral Sea and they embraced Islam at the end of the 4th century H / 10M and more to the Sunni school. The development of the Dynasty of Saljuk was aided by the political situation in the Transoksania region. At that time there was a political rivalry between the Dynasty of Samaniyah and the Dynasty of Khani- yyah. In this competition Saljuk tended to help the Dynasty of Samaniyah. When the Dynasty of Samaniyah was defeated by the Dynasty of Ghaznawi, Saljuk declared independence. Thugrul proclaimed the establishment of the Dynasty of Saljuk. In 432 H/1040 AD this dynasty received recognition from the Abbasid Caliphate in Baghdad. At the time of Thugrul Bek’s leadership, in 1055 CE the Saljuks entered Baghdad in the place of the Buwaihi dynasty. Previously Thugrul managed to seize the area of Marwa and Naisabur from Ghaznawi power, Balkh, Jurjan, Tabaristan, Khawarizm, Ray and Isfahan. This year Thugrul Bek also got the title of the Abbasid caliph with Rukh al-Daulah Yamin Amir al-Muminin. Although Baghdad can be controlled, but not used as a center of government. Thugrul Bek chose the city of Naisabur and then the city of Ray as the center of govern- ment. These earlier dynasties broke away, having been conquered by the Saljuq dynasty again recognizing the position of Baghdad. In fact they established the integrity and security of the Abbasids.
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Hussain, Ashaq. "Scientific And Literary Progress During Medieval Period With Special Reference To Medicine (750-945)." Ar-Raniry, International Journal of Islamic Studies 2, no. 2 (March 24, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.20859/jar.v2i2.50.
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During the Abbasid period, Muslim culture and civilization was at its zenith. It was a period of economic prosperity and of great intellectual awakening. The Abbasid Caliphate provided the most congenial atmosphere for the advancement of learning and education. In fact, the reign of Mamun-ar-Rashid who has deservedly been called the 'Augustus of Arabs' formed the culmination of the intellectual achievements of the Muslims. He was followed by a brilliant succession of Caliphs who continued his work. Muslims gained access to the Greek medical knowledge of Hippocrates, Discords, and Galen through the translations of their works in the seventh and eighth centuries. These initiatives by Muslims could be seen in the different aspects of the healing arts that were developed. The translation movement of the twelfth century in Latin Europe affected every known field of science, none more so than medicine. The present paper is an attempt to give a detailed contribution of Muslims to science with special reference to medicine. It is in this context the present paper has been analyzed.
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El-Hibri, Tayeb. "ALEXANDRE POPOVIC, The Revolt of African Slaves in Iraq in the 3rd/9th Century, trans. Léon King (Princeton, N.J.: Markus Wiener Publishers, 1999). Pp. 180. $18.95 paper." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 3 (August 2000): 413–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002555.
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The story of the Zanj revolt in Basra and Khuzistan against the Abbasid caliphate between the years 869 and 883 has received little extensive study by historians. This is not unusual given that, as with other important political events of this period, the information we have in the medieval sources is scarce. Alexandre Popovic makes a significant attempt to provide a comprehensive outline of the Zanj revolt and stress its social and political dimensions. This book, originally a French doctoral thesis submitted in the early 1960s, was first published in 1976. Now, with a grant from the French Ministère de la Culture et de la Communication, the book has been translated into English.
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Hassan Beigi, Mohammad. "A Study of Military and Social Institutions Serving the Judicial Structure of the Abbasid Caliphate." Historical Study of War 4, no. 4 (January 20, 2021): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.52547/hsow.4.4.1.
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Myrne, Pernilla. "Organizing, Presenting, and Reading Sexual Knowledge: The Abbasid Context of Jawāmiʿ al-ladhdha." Journal of Abbasid Studies 7, no. 2 (December 29, 2020): 182–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142371-12340059.
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Abstract The oldest surviving erotic manual in Arabic, Jawāmiʿ al-ladhdha, is characterised by a mix of medical and technical advice, interspersed with entertaining stories, hadith, poetry and historical anecdotes. In this article, I survey the organization of information in Jawāmiʿ al-ladhdha and discuss its contribution to Arab-Islamic scholarship. I argue that the author and his intended readers lived in the second half of the fourth/tenth century. The organization of sexual knowledge was part of the scholarly pursuit to organize the massive amount of pre-Islamic scholarship translated into Arabic during the Abbasid caliphate as well as the growing body of Arabic-Islamic scholarship. Although the presentation of this knowledge varies in the extant manuscript copies of the book, which were written for later audiences, all manuscripts share some basic tools for navigating the content, which suggests that the author made efforts to make it accessible for readers.
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Zaharani, Nor Farhain, and Elmira Akhmetova. "Islam, Modernity and the Concept of Progress (Islam, Pemodenan dan Konsep Kemajuan)." Journal of Islam in Asia (E-ISSN 2289-8077) 18, no. 3 (December 31, 2021): 205–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/jia.v18i3.1087.
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This paper aims to review definitions and scope of modernity and analyze it in the context of a specific religion, Islam. The paper then highlights the harmony between progress and Islam based on the historical examples from the glorious eras of Islamic civilization in Andalusia and the Abbasid caliphate, in which modernity and religion were complementary in producing the novel innovations of that time. Knowledge creation and technological advancements were strongly pursued during that time by numerous renowned Muslim scholars, intellectuals and philosophers. This paper then examines the current situation in the Muslim world. The majority of Muslim nations are backward, impoverished and stagnant due to rigidity and restrictions in political and intellectual freedom, in addition to gender inequality and discrimination. As the paper finds, these unprecedented qualities are not a part of Islamic teachings, but the consequential effect of post colonialism and the politicization of religion by certain squatters using Islam for political interests and purposes. Keywords: Modernity, Islam, Islamic Civilization and innovations, Muslim Spain, Abbasid Caliphate, Modernity today, Islam and modernity. Abstrak Penulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengulas definisi, dan skop kemodenan seta menganalisa hubungan antara modernisasi dengan agama iaitu, Islam. Terbukti pemodenan boleh wujud dengan keharmonian antara kemajuan dan Islam itu sendiri dengan mengaplikasikan contoh sejarah daripada zaman kegemilangan tamadun Islam seperti di Andalusia dan Abbasiyah dimana pemodenan dan agama saling berkait rapat antara satu sama lain untuk menghasilkan inovasi yang terbaik pada waktu itu. Penciptaan ilmu pengetahuan dan kemajuan teknologi tercetus dengan kelahiran ulama, ahli intelek dan ahli falsafah Muslim. Selain itu, bahagian berikut bagi penulisan ini mengkaji situasi masa kini di dunia Islam dimana majoriti negara Islam dikatakan mundur, dibelenggu kemiskinan dan berfikiran jumud disebabkan ketegasan dan pembatasan didalam kebebasan berpolitik dan intelek, kesaksamaan jantina dan diskriminasi. Penulisan ini menemui, sifat sifat negatif tersebut tercetus bukan berdasarkan daripada ajaran Islam, tetapi kesan daripada pasca penjajahan dan pempolitikan berlandaskan agama daripada puak tertentu yang menggunakan Islam atas tujuan kepentingan politik. Kata Kunci: Pemodenan, Islam, Tamadun Islam dan inovasi, Muslim Sepanyol, Khalifah Abbasiyah, Kemodenan hari ini, Islam dan pemodenan.
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Daud, Burhan bin Che. "Legitimacy and Authority in Medieval Islamic Historiography." Kresna Social Science and Humanities Research 1 (February 12, 2021): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.30874/ksshr.65.
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Usurpation is a common term used by Western historians to describe the illegitimate change of political supremacy inthe context of medieval Muslim states. The taking over of any state without authority is considered an illegal occupationof a legitimate state and its leader is considered illegitimate or usurper. This paper attempts to shed some lights on thenotion of political legitimacy and authority in Islamic tradition and its application in the context of medieval Syria,particularly during the Zengid dynasty. This period experienced the coming of the second crusade to the East with therevitalization of the spirit of jihad was on its way among the Syrian Muslims. This paper argues that the Zengid dynastywas trying to uphold the institution of the caliphate through recognizing the spiritual leadership of the ‘Abbasid caliphof Baghdad as well as acquiring political legitimacy to administer their subject on behalf of the caliph and the Seljuqsultan. Through adherence to the Sunni tradition of political legitimacy, Zengi (d. 541/1146) and Nur al-Din (d.569/1174) succeeded in promoting Sunnism by means of Muslim unity and jihad enterprise. As a result, after theannexation of Egypt from the Fatimid caliphate in 565/1171, Muslims in Syria and Egypt were unified under the bannerof Sunnism with Nur al-Din as their new legitimate ruler
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Maulana, Bonnix Hedy. "Akuntansi Merdiban (Tangga): Sejarah & Praktek Akuntansi Islam Menuju Keadilan dan Kepatuhan Illahiyah." Agregat: Jurnal Ekonomi dan Bisnis 1, no. 1 (September 30, 2017): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.22236/agregat_vol1/is1pp133-145.
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Accounting Merdiban a historical record of accounting used by the Abbasid Caliph of Islam began to Caliph Ottoman era in the year 1924. Historical evidence proves form of financial reporting technologies in the context of the government at that time. Unlike the present context that the role of accounting in the era of the caliphate Islamiyah is more geared to meet the command and prohibition of Allah Ta'ala that is contained in the Quran and Hadith as a source of law. Through this history can be analyzed on ontology, and axiology epistimology on the accounting records of that era. This article is expected to open new horizons to the concept of Islamic accounting in order to be consistent with the purpose of man on earth is to worship Allah Ta'ala.
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J, Irwan Supriadin. "ARMADA LAUT DAN JEJAK KEJAYAAN KAUM MUSLIMIN MASA KLASIK." FiTUA: Jurnal Studi Islam 2, no. 2 (December 29, 2021): 189–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.47625/fitua.v2i2.329.
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This article reviews the Muslim naval fleet using a historical approach. The Muslim naval fleet was introduced by Muawiyah bin Abi Sufyan, the Governor of Syam in the era of the caliph Umar bin Khattab. Furthermore, it was developed during the caliphate of Uthman bin Affan and continued by Muslim rulers after the khulafaurrasyidin such as the Umayyad, Abbasid and Fatimid Empires. this is urgen Especially maintaining the integrity of areas controlled by Muslims such as the coasts of Africa and Europe and securing sea trade routes in important cities in the past such as Baghdad, Tunisia and Andalusia. The ability of the naval fleet, which was equipped with the latest weapons in its time, made the Muslim fleets respected by the European and Byzantine fleets, which were known to dominate the seas first.
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Saleh, Fauzan. "The Puppet Caliphs and the Titular Heads of State: the 'Abbasid Caliphate Under the Buyids' Reign." Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 42, no. 1 (July 6, 2008): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2004.421.1-33.
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Kekhalifahan Abbasiyah yang berlangsung selama lima abad lebih telahmengalammi masa pasang surut dengan dinamika yang tinggi. Di masakejayaannya, kekhalifahan Abbasiyah merepresentasikan zamankeemasan Islam dengan kemajuan peradabannya. namun dalam masasurutnya, Abbasiyah telah jatuh dalam dominasi penguasa asing,termasuk amir al-umara' dari dinasti Buyid. Para penguasa militer yangmestinya tunduk kepada khalifah ini justru telah memainkan peran yangjauh lebih menentukan, bahkan lebih berkuasa dari khalifah sendiri.Hal ini terjadi karena lemahnya posisi khalifah, sehingga hampir seluruhhak dan kewenangannya di ambil alih oleh penguasa militer tersebut.Dalam kondisi seperti itu menurut al-Mawardi,khalifah seperti itu tidak berhak lagi mendudukijabatannya dan ia harus diturunkan. Namun, meskipun para khalifahAbbasiyah telah kehilangan kekuasaan eksekutifnya, mereka ternyatamasih dapat mempertahankan kedudukan mereka, bahkan hingga jauhsetelah kekuasaan dinasti Buyid itu sendiri hancur. Bagi kaum Sunni,seperti apapun bentuknya, keberadaan khalifah harus tetapdipertahankan sebagas simbol pemerintahan yang sah dan sebagaimanifestasi dari kesatuan seluruh amat Islam.
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Yakin, Syamsul. "Pemikiran Politik Al-Ghazālī Seputar Konsesi dan Kontroversi Pengangkatan Kepala Negara." ILMU USHULUDDIN 5, no. 1 (August 30, 2018): 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/iu.v5i1.12381.
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The paper describes an analysis of al-Ghazālī’s political thinking concerning any requirements for the appointment of states kingship which were filled with concessions that caused controversies. The paper reveals the views of experts who claim that Sunni political thought, in which al-Ghazālī’s thought is included, has been characterized by giving legitimacy. By analyzing qualitative data and using historical-critical approach, this paper shows that al-Ghazālī's thought regarding legitimacy by making concessions to the power he defended had made his thoughts were considered as a controversy and arose criticism. However, history proves that al-Ghazālī continued to do that controversy for the continuation of the Abbasid Caliphate which ruled de jure and for the existence of the de facto power of the Saljuk Dynasty who at that time gained political and dogmatic pressure from The Isma’ilis.
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BIRAN, MICHAL. "The Islamisation of Hülegü: Imaginary Conversion in the Ilkhanate." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 26, no. 1-2 (January 2016): 79–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186315000723.
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AbstractAs is well known, Hülegü, Chinggis Khan's grandson and the founder of the Ilkhanate (r. 658–664/1260-65), never converted to Islam. Moreover, as the man who annihilated the Abbasid Caliphate (750-1258), that had led the Islamic umma for more than half a millennium, Hülegü was often portrayed—albeit mainly outside his realm—as one of the great destroyers of Islam. Yet around the mid-seventh/fourteenth century we find at least two different conversion stories relating to Hülegü in both Ilkhanid and Mamluk sources, both allegedly originating in Baghdad. This paper aims to present these narratives and analyse their origin and use in the context of the later or post-Ilkhanate period. I may say already at this stage that I have more questions than answers, and that my explanations as to why such stories were invented are rather speculative.
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Wink, André. "III. ‘Al-Hind’ India and Indonesia in the Islamic World-Economy, c. 700–1800 A.D." Itinerario 12, no. 1 (March 1988): 33–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300023354.
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In the aftermath of the Islamic conquests of the seventh and early eighth centuries the territory which came under effective domination of the caliphate extended from the Iberian peninsula and North Africa to Central Asia and into the Persian-Indian borderland of Sind which for three centuries remained its easternmost frontier. Beyond Sind a vast area was left unconquered which the Arabs calledal-Hindand which, in their conception, embraced both India and the Indianised states of the Indonesian archipelago and Southeast Asia. In the countless kingdoms ofal-Hindthe Muslims penetrated, up to the eleventh century, only as traders. By the time that Islamic power was established in North India the political unity of the Abbasid caliphate was already lost. Neither India nor Indonesia were provinces of the classical Islamic state. But in the Middle East three decisive developments had occurred and these created patterns which were to survive the political fragmentation of the empire. Most important was that a thoroughly commercialized and monetised economy with a bureaucracy and a fiscal polity had been established which continued to expand. Secondly, from the ninth century onwards, the Islamic military-bureaucratic apparatus had begun to be staffed with imported slaves on an extended scale. And thirdly, from its Arab roots the Islamic conquest state had shifted to a Persianised foundation, adopting Persian culture and the Sassanid tradition of monarchy and statecraft.
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ABAZOĞLU, Muhammet. "THE ROLE OF THE DIVAN CLERKS AND POLITICAL LETTERS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE I. ABBASID PERIOD LITERATURE PROSE. AHMED BIN YOUSSEF'S ALHAMIS RESSALA AS AN EXAMPLE." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 04, no. 01 (January 1, 2022): 543–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.15.38.
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Divan Scribe is a very old profession and it is said that it was one of the highest and most respected statures among worldly affairs, after the caliphate, when their positions in the state policy and judicial affairs are taken into account. Most of the time, the profession of the Divan Scribe was an important step to enter politics, as well as an important tool for reaching high positions such as Vizier. In general, Divan Scribes had a special role serving the Arab culture during the Abbasid period. Because the writing style of the Scribes had both lofty ideas and beautiful expression. As a matter of fact, as required by their statures, these people developed a dual-character expression that both emphasized the goals of the orders given from the administration and had the characteristics of Arabic rhetoric in the literal sense of the word. Their language was not a dry administrative language, on the contrary, it had brought together the requirements of the administrative language and the artistic beauties of the word. This study sheds light on the relations of the Divan Scribes with politics and the importance of this position during the Abbasid period. Again, in this study, the connection of the art of scribe with the vizier and the contributions of the scribes in service to the Arab-Islamic culture and especially in political thought are discussed despite the political crisis and troubles faced by the scribes.
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Sadowski, Michał. "Arabscy chrześcijanie wobec fatum. ‘Abdallāh ibn al-Faḍl al-Anṭākī i jego traktat "O obaleniu wyroku gwiazd"." Vox Patrum 62 (September 4, 2014): 457–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3596.
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‘Abdallāh ibn al-Faḍl al-Anṭākī is one of the most prolific writers of the Melkite Church within the confines of the Abbasid Caliphate during its mid period. From among hundreds of his various texts the Refutation of the sentences of the stars merits our attention due to its unceasing relevance. In short five sections of the treatise the author attempts to clarify his teaching on the issue of fate that continues to be discussed among the Christians at the time. Ibn al-Faḍl supports his exposition on the Patristic thought on fate, mostly elaborated by John Chrysostom. Among the sources of the treatise, we also find an explicit reference to the Ancient writers, like Galen, and Muslim philosophers of the time. The paper aims to discuss the origin of Arab Christian teaching on fate and to deliver to the Polish reader its first Polish translation.
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Farkhondehzadeh, Mahboobeh, Seyyed Alireza Golshani, Mohammad Reza Sanaye, and Babak Daneshfard. "Ibn Mandevaih Isfahani (949–983(?) AD), a physician from Isfahan’s medical school." Journal of Medical Biography 28, no. 3 (October 26, 2017): 126–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967772017719144.
Full textAbstract:
There have arisen a number of prominent Iranian-Islamic physicians throughout the history of the fertile medicine landscape of Iran, some of whom are not very well known. Abu Ali Ahmad ibn Abd al-Rahman Mandevaih Isfahani (949–983(?) AD) was a great medical figure with scientific activities in the Hospital of Isfahan and al-Adudi Hospital of Baghdad in the golden age of Iranian-Islamic history, culture, and civilization during the reign of the Buyid dynasty and Abbasid Caliphate. He was also a prominent physician during the reign of Adud al-Dawla Deylami (949–983 AD). This present research has as its objectives the studying of the scientific life of ibn Mandevaih Isfahani and his works in this field. The works of this scientist and scholar reflect his skill and expertise in literature, philosophy, medicine, and medicine-related fields including ophthalmology and pharmacology.