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Journal articles on the topic 'Assyrier'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 March 2023

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1

Sever, Hüseyin. "Die Urformen Der Börse Und Inflation In Anatolien Und Ein Gestein, Dessen Ausfuhr In Der Zeit Der Kolonie Aus Anatolien Verboten Ist (1970-1750 v. Chr.)." Belleten 60, no. 228 (1996): 237–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.1996.237.

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In Anatolien, wo die Metalle wie Gold, Silber und Kupfer reichlich zur Verfügung stand, gab es im 3. Jahrtausend Betriebe, die sich mit genannten Metallen beschaftigten und man war auf dem Gebiet der Landwirtschaft technisch sehr fortgeschritten; das alles lenkte die Aüfmerksamkeit der in südöstlichen Anatolien und Nordmesopotamien ansassigen assyrischen Kaufleute auf sich. Aus diesem Grunde kamen zwischen 1970 und 1750 v. Chr., also in einem Zeitraum von etwa 200 Jahren, die assyrischen Kaufleute nach Anatolien und liessen eine Epoche, die man als Zeitalter der Handelskolonien der Assyrier ne

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2

Nielsen, John. "Kings of Chaldea and Sons of Nobodies: Assyrian Engagement with Chaldea and the Emergence of Chaldean Power in Babylonia." Studia Orientalia Electronica 9, no. 2 (2021): 108–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.23993/store.89456.

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From the ninth century until the last quarter of the seventh century BCE, the Assyrian Empire first extended its power over Babylonia and then engaged in a prolonged effort to retain control. The patchwork nature of Babylonian society—divided as it was between the traditional urban centers, territories controlled by five distinct Chaldean tribes, and regions inhabited by Aramaean tribes—presented opportunities and challenges for Assyria as it sought to assert its dominance. Assyrian interactions with the Chaldean tribes of Babylonia redefined the Chaldeans’ place within power relationships in

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3

Zaia, Shana. "GOING NATIVE: ŠAMAŠ-ŠUMA-UKĪN, ASSYRIAN KING OF BABYLON." Iraq 81 (July 19, 2019): 247–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2019.1.

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Šamaš-šuma-ukīn is a unique case in the Neo-Assyrian Empire: he was a member of the Assyrian royal family who was installed as king of Babylonia but never of Assyria. Previous Assyrian rulers who had control over Babylonia were recognized as kings of both polities, but Šamaš-šuma-ukīn's father, Esarhaddon, had decided to split the empire between two of his sons, giving Ashurbanipal kingship over Assyria and Šamaš-šuma-ukīn the throne of Babylonia. As a result, Šamaš-šuma-ukīn is an intriguing case-study for how political, familial, and cultural identities were constructed in texts and interact

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FARROKH, Kaveh, Katarzyna MAKSYMIUK, Patryk SKUPNIEWICZ, and Salam FATHI. "An Overview of Military Confrontations between of the Assyrian Army against the Medes in the 7th centuries BCE." Historia i Świat 11 (August 28, 2022): 125–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2022.11.07.

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The article discusses the military confrontation between Neo-Assyrian kingdom and the Median polities in the 7th century BCE. At the beginning the outline of the history of wars between the Medes and Assyria from the 9th century onwards is presented which is followed by the brief description of the Assyrian forces of the era and detailed examination of the events until the fall of the Neo-Assyrian empire. In conclusions an attempt to reconstruct possible principles of the Median warfare was made.

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Timmer, Daniel C. "Nahum’s Representation of and Response to Neo-Assyria: Imperialism as a Multifaceted Point of Contact in Nahum." Bulletin for Biblical Research 24, no. 3 (2014): 349–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26371181.

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Using an intertextual approach that focuses on the multifaceted transmission of concepts in addition to textual transmission of discrete points of ideology, this article examines how the biblical book of Nahum presents the Assyrian Empire and how it responds to it. While Nahum’s categories nearly mirror those of the relevant Neo-Assyrian sources, the response Nahum formulates to Assyrian imperialism is radically different from the militarily-driven project of world domination whose influence Nahum’s author so keenly felt. The nature of Nahum’s reaction to Assyria also distinguishes it from som

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Cook, Gregory D. "Human Trafficking in Nahum." Horizons in Biblical Theology 37, no. 2 (2015): 142–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712207-12341304.

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Nahum has come under recent censure for the term זונה (3:4). Scholars have argued that calling Nineveh a prostitute does not fit the brutal Neo-Assyrian Empire. This article argues that the book of Nahum charges Nineveh with multi-national human trafficking. Assyrian practices conform to the United Nations definition of human trafficking. The methods Assyria used to recruit, transport, and prostitute peoples match methods of modern slavers. The title זונה therefore is used because the city acted as a spiritual madam. Vast populations were kidnapped for economic purposes and much of the labor,

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Faust, Avraham. "The Interests of the Assyrian Empire in the West: Olive Oil Production as a Test-Case." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 54, no. 1 (2011): 62–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852011x567382.

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AbstractThe 7th century BCE in Philistia and Judah is characterized by economic prosperity, which is usually regarded as resulting from the “Assyrian Peace”, and from a policy of the Assyrian empire that aimed at maximizing production. The large center for the production of olive oil that was unearthed at Ekron in southern Israel is regarded as the best example of this policy. The present paper questions this scholarly consensus regarding the role of Assyria in the economy of the southern Levant, through a closer look at the olive oil industry in the region.

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Edmonds, Alexander Johannes. "Just a Series of Misunderstandings? Assyria and Bīt-Zamāni, Ḫadi-/Iḫtadi-libbušu, and Aramaic in the early Neo-Assyrian State". Asia Anteriore Antica. Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Cultures 3 (24 лютого 2022): 73–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/asiana-1188.

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The region of the Upper Tigris serves as a key case study in understanding the early expansion of the Neo-Assyrian Empire. Nevertheless, various aspects of its incorporation within the Neo-Assyrian pale remain obscure, particularly the date and nature of the establishment of the province of Amēdu or Na’iri, previously the Aramean polity of Bīt-Zamāni. After a summary of prior arguments and an investigation of the polity’s Middle Assyrian past, two overlapping and complimentary histories are written, one of the political interactions between Assyria and Bīt-Zamāni, and another of Assyria’s prov

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9

Weaver, Ann M. "The “Sin of Sargon” and Esarhaddon's Reconception of Sennacherib: A study in divine will, human politics and royal ideology." Iraq 66 (2004): 61–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001649.

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According to his inscriptions, Sennacherib, king of Assyria, conquered and razed the city of Babylon in 689 BCE. Previous Neo-Assyrian monarchs had employed a variety of strategies while attempting to deal with what Machinist has dubbed their “Babylonian Problem”. None of these previous tactics, however, approached the level of violence and destruction evidenced in Sennacherib's own descriptions of this campaign. Indeed, as elaborated by Brinkman, the Neo-Assyrian court traditionally venerated Babylonian culture.Machinist's interpretation, while not dismissing the unprecedented destructiveness

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Feldman, Marian H. "Nineveh to Thebes and back: Art and politics between Assyria and Egypt in the seventh century BCE." Iraq 66 (2004): 141–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002108890000173x.

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In 671 BCE, Esarhaddon advanced south from the Levant and attacked Egypt, sacking Memphis. About seven years later, in response to repeated Kushite uprisings and following an initial campaign into Lower Egypt, Ashurbanipal's army reinvaded Egypt, marching as far as Thebes where, according to Assyrian accounts, the temples and palaces were looted and their treasures brought back to Nineveh. The Assyrians had been in conflict with Egypt for some time, but these clashes had always taken place in Western Asia, where the two states fought for control and influence over the small Levantine kingdoms.

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Seymour, Michael. "Neighbors through Imperial Eyes: Depicting Babylonia in the Assyrian Campaign Reliefs." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 4, no. 1-2 (2018): 129–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2017-0022.

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AbstractThe Neo-Assyrian campaign reliefs are rich sources for understanding Assyrian ideas of empire, geography, and Assyria’s relationship to the wider world. They are also exceptions: the format of the later Assyrian campaign reliefs is in several respects so unusual in ancient Near Eastern art as to demand explanation. Not the least of the campaign reliefs’ unusual qualities is the extensive and often detailed depiction of foreign landscapes and people. This paper examines one instance of this phenomenon: the particular case of depictions of Babylonia and the far south in Assyrian campaign

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Hays, Nathan. "Humility and instruction in Zephaniah 3.1-7." Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 44, no. 3 (2019): 472–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309089219862823.

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The rapid and unmarked transition from the oracle against Assyria/Nineveh in Zephaniah 2.13-15 to the condemnation of Jerusalem in 3.1-7 rhetorically underscores the deep and troubling continuity between Jerusalem and Assyria/Nineveh. This article examines this continuity in light of two important elements of the book of Zephaniah: the depiction of Assyria (and those nations aligned with it) as prideful and the scribal character of 3.1-7. The finding is that Zeph. 3.1-7 presents Jerusalem and its leaders as paralleling the arrogant Assyrians and like-minded nations in a way that spurs Zephania

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Ridder, Jacob Jan de, and Leonhard Sassmannshausen. "A Middle Assyrian Fragment Mentioning Iron from Kassite Nippur." Altorientalische Forschungen 48, no. 1 (2021): 56–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2021-0003.

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Abstract In this study, a fragment from the Hilprecht Collection in Jena will be discussed. The tablet was previously identified as Middle Babylonian and published as TMH NF 5, 59. Closer inspection reveals Middle Assyrian palaeography. The fragmentary tablet deals with metals used for precious objects and was part of a larger inventory or letter. Noteworthy is a reference to iron, a metal rarely attested in Kassite Nippur but better known from the archaeological material and philological evidence from the Middle Assyrian Empire. An overview of philological evidence for iron in 2nd millennium

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14

Jones, Christopher W. "The Literary-Historical Memory of Sargon of Akkad in Assyria as the Background for Nimrod in Genesis 10:8–12." Journal of Biblical Literature 141, no. 4 (2022): 595–615. http://dx.doi.org/10.15699/jbl.1414.2022.1.

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Abstract The figure of Nimrod in Gen 10:8–12 remains enigmatic: while the passage clearly depicts a Mesopotamian figure, no consensus has been reached on attempts to identify Nimrod with any historical or mythological character. I argue that the passage dates from the mid-seventh century and should be understood in light of the literary-historical memory of Sargon of Akkad and the Akkad dynasty then circulating in the Neo-Assyrian Empire. With royal support, Assyrian court scholars used omens, chronicles, epics, and geographic lists to present the Neo-Assyrian Empire of the seventh century as

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Nadali, Davide, and Lorenzo Verderame. "Neo-Assyrian Statues of Gods and Kings in Context." Altorientalische Forschungen 46, no. 2 (2019): 234–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2019-0016.

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Abstract Neo-Assyrian letters are a broad and interesting corpus of data to investigate how ancient Assyrians dealt with the manufacture of statues, the shaping of royal and divine effigies, and the final arrangement of sculptures. This paper aims to analyse the ritual and practical aspects of the making of images in the Neo-Assyrian period with reference to this corpus of letters, which reveals how Assyrian kings, officials and sculptors worked together for this purpose. It explores the role of the personnel involved, the process of the creation, and the final display of statues. Based on the

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16

Postgate, Nicholas. "THE BREAD OF AŠŠUR." Iraq 77 (December 2015): 159–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2015.14.

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As today, bread in antiquity came in a multitude of varieties, some of which were specific to particular regions or populations. Examining the terminology and iconography of breads in Assyrian texts, it is clear that there was a continuity of certain types of bread peculiar to Assyria from the Middle Assyrian period to the final century of the Assyrian empire. This exemplifies the strength of Assyria's identity over half a millennium, and the persistence of its cultural independence in some respects from its Babylonian neighbour. The majority of the written sources refer to cultic activities,

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Dewar, Ben. "US AGAINST THEM: IDEOLOGICAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF ASHURNASIRPAL II'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST ASSYRIAN REBELS IN ḪALZILUḪA". Iraq 82 (13 серпня 2020): 111–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2020.4.

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This paper is a study of the rebellion against the Assyrian king Ashurnasirpal II in the city of Ḫalziluḫa in 882 bc, which is an unusual instance of a rebellion by Assyrians being recorded in the Assyrian royal inscriptions. This paper explores the significance of the rebellion from two angles: the ideological problem of rebellion by Assyrians, and the psychological impact on Assyrian troops of killing their fellow Assyrians. Within the ideology of the royal inscriptions, Assyrians did not normally rebel against the incumbent king, who was in all ways presented as a model ruler. It will be ar

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Brown, Brian. "Kingship and Ancestral Cult in the Northwest Palace at Nimrud." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 10, no. 1 (2010): 1–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921210x500495.

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AbstractBuilt in the early 9th century BCE, the Northwest Palace at Nimrud presented a new “imperial” architecture and iconography that was related to Assyrian expansionism at this time. Yet it also contained specific points of contact with the past via the royal Assyrian ancestors. A monument in the throneroom, the “center” of the state, provided the “public” view of this ideology, while one of the palace’s more secluded wings was devoted to the performance of ancestral cult. Through these and other means, rapid and fundamental socio-political change was accompanied by the idea of a logical a

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Lovell, Nathan. "Immanuel in Imperial Context: Isaiah, God, and History." Bulletin for Biblical Research 32, no. 2 (2022): 123–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bullbiblrese.32.2.0123.

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Abstract This article investigates the implications of the Immanuel prophecy for the doctrine of God and the political idea of Israel that emerge from the book of Isaiah. It does this in conversation with both the Immanuel tradition elsewhere in the OT, as well as with an alternative ideology that Isaiah encountered through Assyria. I argue that Isaiah’s use of Immanuel in the context of the Syro-Ephraimite crisis and Assyrian aggression (Isa 6–12) allows him to avoid framing Zion theology as an Israelite version of Assyrian imperialism. But, in doing so, Isaiah also implies that the transcend

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Clancier, Philippe, and Damien Agut. "Charming Snakes (and Kings), from Egypt to Persia." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 8, no. 1-2 (2021): 21–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2020-0019.

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Abstract The war between Assyria and Egypt resulted in the deportation of scholars from the Nile Valley to Mesopotamia. Among them were the so-called “snake charmers.” While it was a well-known profession in Egypt, this was not the case in Assyria or Babylonia, where the treatment of snakebites and scorpion stings was left to exorcist doctors. A number of clues from the late Neo-Assyrian and Achaemenid Persian periods suggest that the “snake charmers” from Egypt enjoyed success with the kings of the great empires in the Middle East. Their presence most likely resulted from the professional str

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Valk, Jonathan. "The Origins of the Assyrian King List." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 6, no. 1 (2019): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2017-0009.

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AbstractThe Assyrian King List (AKL) is central to the reconstruction of Assyrian and broader Near Eastern history and chronology. Because of AKL’s significance, locating its original moment of composition has far-reaching historiographical implications. There is no scholarly consensus on the dating of AKL, but a closer look at the internal evidence of AKL indicates a firm, fifteenth century terminus post quem for the creation of AKL, while the bilingual tablet fragment BM 98496 establishes the thirteenth century reign of Tukulti-Ninurta I as a secure terminus ante quem. Within this temporal r

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Groß, Melanie, and David Kertai. "Becoming Empire: Neo-Assyrian palaces and the creation of courtly culture." Journal of Ancient History 7, no. 1 (2019): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jah-2018-0026.

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Abstract Assyria (911–612 BCE) can be described as the founder of the imperial model of kingship in the ancient Near East. The Assyrian court itself, however, remains poorly understood. Scholarship has treated the court as a disembodied, textual entity, separated from the physical spaces it occupied – namely, the palaces. At the same time, architectural analyses have examined the physical structures of the Assyrian palaces, without consideration for how these structures were connected to people’s lives and works. The palaces are often described as secluded, inaccessible locations. This study p

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Curtis, John. "Recent British Museum Excavations in Assyria." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 2, no. 2 (1992): 147–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186300002340.

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It is a great honour for me to be asked to give the Richard Barnett memorial lecture. I knew Richard Barnett well, and had the privilege of working with him at the British Museum for three years before his retirement. He was a great source of inspiration, and I and many others owe him a considerable debt of gratitude. I have chosen as my subject recent British Museum excavations in Assyria, partly because I believe this would have been of some slight interest to Dr Barnett. Both the British Museum and Assyria were close to his heart. He worked in the Museum for more than 40 years, and from 195

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Krikh, Sergey B. "The Formation and Significance of Assyrian Narrative for the Soviet Historiography of Antiquity." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 67, no. 1 (2022): 228–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.115.

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The author of the article, using the method of backward chronology, highlights characteristic features of the narrative about Assyria from the beginning of the 21st century until the middle of the 20th century, and points out that I. M. Dyakonoff, who used to be the leading Assyriologist, gradually had delegated to his pupils almost all of the aspects of Assyrian history, retaining the history of Sumer within his major research scope. On the basis of archival documents, the author shows that the Assyrian narrative of I. M. Dyakonoff had been generally shaped even before the war, during his wor

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Russell, H. F. "The Historical Geography of the Euphrates and Habur According to the Middle- and Neo-Assyrian Sources." Iraq 47 (1985): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900006744.

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The importance of control of the valleys of the Habur and Euphrates rivers to the Assyrians can hardly be over-estimated. The two river valleys are major routes from N. Syria and S.E. Turkey to southern Assyria and to Babylonia.In the Neo-Assyrian period, control of the valley of the River Habur was won early, as the Assyrian armies marched westwards across N. Mesopotamia. Control of the Euphrates, between the confluence of the Habur and the Babylonian border, followed soon after.We are particularly well-informed about the geography of the Habur and the Euphrates, below the confluence with the

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Zaia, Shana. "My Brother’s Keeper: Assurbanipal versus Šamaš-šuma-ukīn." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 6, no. 1 (2019): 19–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2018-2001.

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AbstractWhen Esarhaddon named his successors, he split the empire between two of his sons, with Assurbanipal as king of Assyria and Šamaš-šuma-ukīn as king of Babylonia. This arrangement functioned until 652 BCE, at which point a civil war began between the brothers. The war ended with Assurbanipal’s victory and Šamaš-šuma-ukīn’s death in 648 BCE. While Šamaš-šuma-ukīn’s death is mentioned in several of Assurbanipal’s inscriptions, it is still unclear how the king of Babylon met his end, and scholars have suggested theories ranging from suicide, assassination, execution, and accidental death.

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Dewar, Ben. "The Burning of Captives in the Assyrian Royal Inscriptions, and Early Neo-Assyrian Conceptions of the Other." Studia Orientalia Electronica 9, no. 2 (2021): 67–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.23993/store.88852.

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This paper is a study of the topos of the king burning captives in the Assyrian royal inscriptions. This punishment is notable for both its rarity and its cruelty, being the only time that the royal inscriptions describe violence towards children. I approach this topic in terms of Donald Black’s model of social control, in which the form and severity of social control, including violence, varies in relation to the “social geometry” that separates the parties involved in a dispute or conflict. I argue that in the royal inscriptions burning is inflicted on those that the Assyrians saw as “uncivi

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Dušek, Jan. "Dating the Aramaic Stele Sefire I." Aramaic Studies 17, no. 1 (2019): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455227-01701003.

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Abstract Based on palaeography and the supposed relative chronology of the three Aramaic steles from Sefire, various dates in the first half of the 8th century BCE have been proposed for the stele Sefire I. In this article, I propose a new reading in the inscription of part of the name of Aššur-dān III, one of the kings of Assyria from the first half of the 8th century BCE. This new reading, together with other available data, especially those gleaned from Neo-Assyrian written sources, provides the basis for a more precise dating of the inscription on stele Sefire I.

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Wyatt, Nicolas. "Book Review: Assyrian, Wolf, Fold…: Josette Elayi, Sargon II, King of Assyria." Expository Times 129, no. 9 (2018): 440. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524618767346.

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Loktionov, Alexandre Alexandrovich. "An “Egyptianising” Underworld Judging an Assyrian Prince? New Perspectives on VAT 10057." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 3, no. 1 (2017): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2016-0012.

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AbstractThis article makes the case for an Egyptian connection in the Neo-Assyrian tablet VAT 10057, commonly known as the Underworld Vision of an Assyrian Prince. It opens with a discussion of past work on this tablet, a synopsis of the text, and a survey of the evidence for Egyptian people and culture in the Neo-Assyrian Empire. It then proceeds to analyse specific lines of the composition which may reveal signs of what is termed “Egyptianising” influence. One description in particular, featuring a god standing atop a crocodile, is highlighted as especially convincing on the basis of a very

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Richardson, Seth. "“They Heard from a Distance”: The šemû-rūqu Paradigm in the Late Neo-Assyrian Empire." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 4, no. 1-2 (2018): 95–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2017-0020.

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AbstractIn its first 500 years, Assyrian imperial ideology was based on the idea that the empire was a monopole, a unique and ever-expanding core of order and right that continuously pushed back the borders of a disordered periphery, bringing new lands within the Assyrian state. Across these centuries, this precept resulted in virtually every encounter with other polities and peoples being described in terms of visuality and frontality: the enemy submitted on seeing the king, overwhelmed by his brilliant melammu, and bowed before him. By the late 9th century BC, however, the illusion of a mono

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Novák, Mirko. "From Ashur to Nineveh: The Assyrian town-planning programme." Iraq 66 (2004): 177–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001765.

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During the last century of Assyria's existence the urban landscape was characterised by a bipolar structure. The old capital Ashur was still the religious, ceremonial and cultural centre, while Nineveh was the seat of royal power (Maul 1997). Both cities were not only the oldest urban entities of the Assyrian heartland, flourishing at least from the third or even fourth millennium BC onwards; they both also represented two different regions within Assyria with very specific geomorphologic environments and distinctive socio-ecological conditions. While the Ashur region is situated at the southe

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Payne, Richard. "Ein iranisches Assyrien. Die Macht der Vergangenheit in der Spätantike." Historische Zeitschrift 312, no. 1 (2021): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hzhz-2021-0001.

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Zusammenfassung Das Assyrische Reich war 612 zerstört worden, doch bewahrte es seine identitätsstiftende Bedeutung bis in die Spätantike. Die Stadt Aššur ging im dritten Jahrhundert unter; vermutlich wurde sie von sasanidischen Herrschern zerstört. Aufgrund des starken iranischen Einflusses veränderte sich die religiöse Topographie der Region grundlegend. Allerdings wurden auch christliche Gemeinden gefördert und wuchsen erheblich. Dies führte zu einem Ende der religiösen assyrischen Traditionen, die allenfalls verborgen weiterlebten. Während die sasanidische Regierung in einem besonderen Maße

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Tucker, D. J. "Representations of Imgur-Enlil on the Balawat Gates." Iraq 56 (1994): 107–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900002850.

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This paper reviews the circumstances surrounding the discovery of the three sets of Late Assyrian bronze gates on Tell Balawat (Imgur-Enlil). Attention is drawn to the strategic importance of the site in the light of recent investigations at Balawat. Architectural aspects of the elevation view of Imgur-Enlil depicted on the Mamu Temple gate erected by Assurnasirpal II are discussed in terms of the possibilities and problems in attempting to correlate graphically the elevation view with plan views of unidentified square enclosures on the campaign gates of Shalmaneser III. The logical graphical

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Kertai, David. "EMBELLISHING THE INTERIOR SPACES OF ASSYRIA'S ROYAL PALACES: THEBĒT ḪILĀNIRECONSIDERED". Iraq 79 (6 жовтня 2017): 85–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2017.12.

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Thebēt ḫilāniis one of the most famous features of Assyria's royal palaces as well as one of its most elusive. The term is mostly known from Assyrian royal inscriptions, which describe it as an architectural feature inspired by the architecture of Syro-Anatolia. Such explicit references to the architecture of other cultures is exceptional and provides a rare glimpse into the valuations of Assyria's architects.Modern attempts to identify thebēt ḫilāniarchaeologically are almost as old as the field of ancient Near Eastern Studies. Unfortunately, the discourse has become more convoluted over time

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Risteski, Sanja, and Vineta Srebrenkoska. "Appearance of protective clothing over the centuries." Tekstilna industrija 68, no. 4 (2020): 38–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/tekstind2004038r.

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In the history of the costume, protective military clothing has a special place. The origins of military clothing go deep into history. Protective clothing defined as protective "cover" clothes is used to protect the body from physical attack. In the in many of the ancient civilization is noticed similarity in the appearance of military clothing, which means that Egyptian, Assyrian, Greek and Roman soldiers are dressed and armed in a similar way. In this paper the protective military clothes over the centuries, starting from Egypt, Babylon and Assyria, Crete and Mycenae, Ancient Greece and Rom

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Biggs, Robert D. "Astrological Reports to Assyrian Kings. State Archives of Assyria, Vol. 8. Hermann Hunger." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 55, no. 3 (1996): 241–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/373858.

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نور الاعرجي, حسين سيد, та مصطفى كاظم سهل الغزي. "(ضغط التخوم على بلاد بابل وآشور (دراسة في التشكل السياسي". Journal of Education College Wasit University 1, № 31 (2018): 407–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31185/eduj.vol1.iss31.651.

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 It is meant borders of any country areas with the word boundary, and It is the main determinant of form and the mold of the political entities across human civilizations. The effect of the pressure of boundary and challenges clearly cleared in the course of the history of Mesopotamia, through provoking the forces inherent creativity within the old Iraqi man who had a positive nature and who showed different responses contributed to the emergence of cultural entities and their growth and prosperity. These challenges and impacts and results has varied from one part to another,

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Poulakis, Nick. "A Virtual Assyria. Produced by Dan Lundberg, Krister Malm and Owe Ronström URL: http://www.visarkiv.se/mmm/media/assyrien/index.htm." Yearbook for Traditional Music 36 (2004): 217–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0740155800020841.

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Johnson, J. Cale. "Simo Parpola (ed.), Robert Whiting (Managing Editor): Assyrian–English–Assyrian Dictionary. (The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project.) xxii, 289 pp. Helsinki: State Archives of Assyria, 2007. $75. ISBN 978 952 10 1332 4." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 74, no. 2 (2011): 311–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x11000103.

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Alster, Bendt, and Takayoshi Oshima. "Sargonic dinner at Kaneš: The Old Assyrian Sargon legend." Iraq 69 (2007): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001017.

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A very unusual literary tablet, Kt. j/k 97 from Kültepe, was published by C. Günbattı in 1997. It is inscribed with what already the first editor described as an Old Assyrian version of legends about Sargon. Since then the tablet has caused a good deal of discussion. Translations or editions have been made by M. Van De Mieroop (2000), K. Hecker (2001), B. Foster (2002, 2005), A. Cavigneaux (2005), and J. G. Dercksen (2005). These studies represent extremely different approaches: Hecker takes the text at face value and reads it as a laudatory royal inscription, whereas others see it as a kind o

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George, A. R. "MIKKO LUUKKO: Grammatical Variation in Neo-Assyrian. (State Archives of Assyria Studies, 16.) xiv, 276 pp. Helsinki: Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 2004. 951 45 9059 7." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 70, no. 1 (2007): 208–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x07000390.

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Frame, Grant, and A. R. George. "The Royal libraries of Nineveh: New evidence for king Ashurbanipal's Tablet Collecting." Iraq 67, no. 1 (2005): 265–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001388.

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The two tablets published here for the first time, BM 45642 and BM 28825, are edited together for good reason, for the historical background of both texts is very probably the same episode in King Ashurbanipal's drive to acquire scribal learning. Where BM 28825 concerns the reception of the Assyrian king's demand for tablets among the citizens of Babylon, BM 45642 deals with the reaction of scholars of nearby Borsippa to a similar royal message. BM 45642 is the better preserved of the two tablets, and allows a fuller understanding of both texts' formal characteristics and of the contextual bac

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WATANABE, Kazuko. "Hethitischer Einfluß auf Assyrien." Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan 46, no. 2 (2003): 92–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.5356/jorient.46.2_92.

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Miller, Daniel. "Objectives and Consequences of the Neo-Assyrian Imperial Exercise." Religion and Theology 16, no. 3-4 (2009): 124–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/102308009x12561890523474.

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AbstractThe Neo-Assyrian Empire was most ascendant in the eighth and seventh centuries B.C.E., ultimately controlling most of the ancient Near East before fading from history in 612. Assyrian ideology was predicated on cosmic supremacy of their chief deity Ashur, with the Assyrian monarch considered to be his vice-regent in "world" conquest. Assyrian imperialism may thus be said to have been religious in character. Nevertheless, the impetus for Assyrian domination was not primarily cultic. It was not compulsive desire to make subject peoples worship Ashur, but rather (as with empires in genera

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Parker, Bradley J. "Garrisoning the empire: aspects of the construction and maintenance of forts on the Assyrian frontier." Iraq 59 (1997): 77–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900003363.

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It is clear from the royal correspondence of the Assyrian empire and from the annals of Assyrian kings that the construction of forts was an integral part of the permanent establishment of Assyrian sovereignty in newly conquered regions. Forts served as garrison outposts in formerly hostile areas and were therefore the first footholds of Assyrian expansion into recently annexed territories. They were military centres, from which campaigns and intelligence operations were conducted into and beyond the frontier, administrative centres where the daily affairs of the surrounding areas were directe

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Thomason, Allison Karmel. "The Sense-scapes of Neo-Assyrian Capital Cities: Royal Authority and Bodily Experience." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 26, no. 2 (2016): 243–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774315000578.

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This study approaches the material world of the Neo-Assyrian period in Mesopotamia from the theoretical and methodological standpoint of the field of sensory archaeology. Analysis of relevant royal inscriptions, administrative tablets, bas-reliefs and artefacts excavated from the palaces in the Assyrian capital cities of Nimrud, Khorsabad and Nineveh demonstrates that the Assyrian kings and their courtly advisors participated in activities of biopolitics. The study identifies several phenomena and features of the Assyrian world, including palaces that served as sensorial envelopes, commensal f

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Postgate, J. N. "Assyrian Prophecies." Journal of Semitic Studies 47, no. 2 (2002): 312–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/47.2.312.

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Kwasman, Theodore, and Simo Parpola. "Assyrian Prophecies." Jewish Quarterly Review 92, no. 1/2 (2001): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1455635.

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Liverani, Mario, and Walter Mayer. "Politik und Kriegskunst der Assyrer." Journal of the American Oriental Society 118, no. 3 (1998): 445. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/606097.

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