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1
De Groot, Michael. "The Soviet Union, CMEA, and the Energy Crisis of the 1970s." Journal of Cold War Studies 22, no. 4 (2020): 4–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00964.
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Numerous scholars have claimed that the Soviet Union was a primary beneficiary of the 1973–1974 oil crisis. Drawing on archival evidence from Russia and Germany, this article challenges that interpretation, showing that the oil crisis forced Soviet policymakers to confront the limits of their energy industry and the effects of the crisis on their East European allies. Demand for Soviet energy outpaced production, forcing Soviet officials to weigh their need to compensate for economic shortcomings at home against their role as the guarantor of Communist rule in Eastern Europe. The Soviet decision to raise prices within the Council on Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) and the Soviet Union's inability to fulfill demand across CMEA compelled the East European governments to purchase oil from Middle Eastern countries at increasing world market prices, crippling their balance of payments and accentuating their other economic shortcomings.
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Dabrowski, Marek. "Thirty years of economic transition in the former Soviet Union: Macroeconomic dimension." Russian Journal of Economics 8, no. (2) (2022): 95–121. https://doi.org/10.32609/j.ruje.8.90947.
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The paper contains a retrospective analysis of macroeconomic policy and reforms in the countries of the former Soviet Union (FSU) from 1992 to 2021, after obtaining political and economic independence in 1991. Special attention is given to problems of macroeconomic stabilization and economic growth. As a result of structural distortions inherited from the Soviet economy and the slow pace of economic and institutional reforms, the FSU countries suffered from a long and deep output decline in the 1990s. Their post-transition growth recovery in the 2000s did not last long. Furthermore, they remain vulnerable to both domestic and external economic shocks. Given the limited predictability of post-COVID global economic trends and the damaging consequences of the war in Ukraine, this vulnerability will likely continue in the next couple of years.
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Pinaeva, D. A., and E. R. Salakhutdinova. "Material Incentives for Innovation and Rationalization in Soviet Enterprises during 1960s to 1980s." Nauchnyi dialog 13, no. 10 (2024): 420–44. https://doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2024-13-10-420-444.
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This article addresses the issues of funding innovative activities in the USSR during the second half of the 20th century. It argues that an effective mechanism for material incentives for innovation was never established in the Soviet Union. The study demonstrates that the resources allocated for the development of invention and rationalization were used ineffectively by both ministries and agencies, as well as by public organizations. In the context of a planned economy, achieving an optimal balance of interests among stakeholders in the process of creating and utilizing inventions was virtually unattainable. Through specific examples and statistical data, it is shown that innovators gradually shifted their efforts from developing and implementing major inventions and rationalization proposals to minor improvements that could be easily adopted by enterprises, reflected in statistical reports, and for which they received modest but stable rewards. It was found that payments intended to expedite the creation and dissemination of innovations became arbitrary disbursements to managerial staff and administrative employees, who often had no direct involvement with the innovations produced. The conclusion drawn is that the funding mechanism for innovative activity in the USSR did not foster a sustainable motivation for effective inventive and rationalization efforts.
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Davydov, Andrey. "Russia Containment Policy: Economic Aspects." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 11 (2024): 0. https://doi.org/10.18254/s207054760033205-2.
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This article covers key theoretical approaches to the problem of economic containment of Russian Federation by Western countries. This geopolitical strategy pursued by the United States and other Western countries aimed to prevent successful economic development both Russian Federation and China during current century. The initiator of containment policy was American diplomat George F. Kennan, counselor of the U.S. Embassy in Moscow. In February 1946 George F. Kennan presented analytical report about future Soviet-American relation. To avoid military confrontation Kennan suggested to contain Soviet Union development by economic measures. In current situation the Export Control Reform Act of 2018 (ECRA) is the major legislative instrument of U.S. containment policy. One of the primary policy motivations behind this act was the need to enhance U.S. export and investment controls to address concerns regarding the release of critical technologies to Russia and China. The new law requires to control deliveries of the following technologies: artificial intelligence and machine learning, augmented reality, advanced battery technology, “big data” technology and some others. In the Section 2 the author reviews the effects of U.S. containment policy for Russian economic development. Three basis scenarios of Russia containment are being discussed. Major results of containment policy are being analyzed. Due to Western sanctions Russian gross domestic product decreased 1.2% in 2022. But in 2023 Russian GDP increased 3.6%, and in 2024 higher economic growth is expected. Oil export decreased in 2023, but Russian balance of payment is positive President Trump administration is expected to suggest new ideas to Russian-American relations.
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Volodin, Andrei G. "India in the World of Regionalization." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 4 (2017): 178–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-4-178-191.
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The article is dedicated to the policy of India in the processes of regionalization in Asia. After the collapse of the Soviet Union (a country, which used to be the main ally of India) there appeared a great need for India to make a deep revision of its geo-economic and geopolitical paradigms. Thus, Delhi started looking for the new strategic partners in order to restore the balance between India and extremely active China. The “Look East Policy” had become the first result of those searches, because of the long history of cultural and political influence of India on the South-East Asian countries. Apart from it, due to the active participation of India in the region, the member states of the ASEAN were aimed to set a balance in relationships with China in Asia-Pacific region. By developing the partnership with the members of ASEAN and participating in the processes of regional economic integration, India attempts to “push” the economic development of its northeastern states, situated separately from the main (“continental”) part of the country. Although there are some achievements, regarding the participation of India in the processes of regional integration, the country’s economy is still only partially integrated in the production “chains” in the ASEAN countries. Moreover, there are significant obstacles regarding the economic integration in the South Asia. They appear because of the fear, experienced by the countries of the region, regarding the Indian predominance in the region. Besides, strategically those countries consider contradictions between India and China as a situation from which they potentially may benefit. During the last decades, there has been a rising importance of the Western Asian region in strategic economic activities of India. From the Western Asia India gets energy carriers and due to the financial transfers made by the Indians, working in the Persian Gulf, it covers country`s balance of payment deficit.
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Danylenko, Anatolii, and Vitalii Venger. "Market conditions and the role of the state in post-war economic recovery of Ukraine." Fìnansi Ukraïni 2024, no. 5 (2024): 7–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.33763/finukr2024.05.007.
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Introduction. The loss of consumers of Ukrainian products from the former Soviet Union harmed the economy, especially industry. Along with a significant decline in demand for its products, payments to the budget and receipt of foreign currency decreased. Privatization, especially in industry, and the development of the basics of market relations did not provide the necessary impetus for the economy. Insufficient state participation in the innovative renewal of fixed assets and in supporting demand for Ukrainian products also hindered growth. Problem Statement. The combination of market relations with state regulation of the economy, particularly for the development of Ukraine's industrial sector. Methods. The study employs methods of critical analysis, summarizing the advantages and disadvantages of market mechanisms in Ukraine, systematization, and integration. The purpose is to carry out a systematic analysis of the results of the activities of enterprises over a 30-year period of their development in the conditions of market economy in Ukraine, the assessment of the support of state management bodies in the process of ensuring the efficiency of domestic economic entities in general, the comparison of the Ukrainian approach to the independence of enterprises in market conditions with the provisions of J. M. Keynes’ theory regarding the role of the state in the formation of demand for their products. Methods. The study employs methods of critical analysis, summarizing the advantages and disadvantages of market mechanisms in Ukraine, systematization, and integration. Results. State assistance in the renewal of fixed assets and the transition to innovative production from 1991 to 2021 was insufficient. Following the industrial decline of 1991, recovery in Ukraine was slow as enterprises paid insufficient attention to the aging of their assets and their financial condition. Many industrial enterprises failed to take advantage of opportunities to modernize production and maintain profitability. This resulted in their losses, reduced budget payments, and the loss of global market segments The results of the analysis showed that the construction of the market economy in Ukraine did not follow Keynesian principles, which led to the aforementioned problems. Conclusions. It was the balanced involvement of the state in post-war economic restructuring that brought success to Germany, South Korea, and Vietnam. After the war, certain key enterprises in Ukraine may face a shortage of resources due to incurred losses. This problem can only be resolved with state involvement. The authors identified strategic industrial sectors whose development will accelerate structural and innovative transformations in the national economy, including metallurgy, mechanical engineering, and construction.
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KHALAFOVA, Sevda, and Nadir ISMAYILOV. "INFORMATION PROVISION OF TOURISM AND ECONOMY IN AZERBAIJAN AND ITS BIBLIOMETRIC ANALYSIS." GeoJournal of Tourism and Geosites 56, no. 4 (2024): 1809–15. https://doi.org/10.30892/gtg.56435-1349.
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Tourism is travel for pleasure, and the commercial activity of providing and supporting such travel. Tourism can be domestic (within the traveller's own country) or international, and international tourism has both incoming and outgoing implications on a country's balance of payments. The economy of Azerbaijan has gone through different stages of rapid growth, stability, and crisis. In general, the economy of Azerbaijan, besides field-wise classification, can be divided into three categories: 1. recession period, covering 1992–1995, right after Azerbaijan restored its independence after the USSR collapsed, 2. recovery, from 1996 to 1997, mainly because of increased oil sales, potential oil contracts, partners, and pipelines, 3. boom, from 1998 till 2008, and finally, an economic fall, starting from 2009. After Azerbaijan became independent following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the country started to pursue its sovereign economic policy. For a newly independent country with an economy mainly based on the oil and gas industry, it was quite demanding to keep its say in the world of economy giants. The key objectives of the new and independent economic policy were the establishment of the economic system built on the principles of several types of property, including private property, unlike the Soviet times, integration into the global economy and transition to the market economy. The study of document flow is the most important condition for evaluating the current situation, trends and development prospects in a certain field. The scientific information obtained with the help of the conducted research is successfully applied in various evaluation processes, which in turn allows to accurately determine the development of a certain scientific direction. Among the types of activities carried out in the direction of building an information society in the Republic of Azerbaijan, the organization and management of library - bibliography and information work, the use of modern technologies along with traditional work methods in providing information to readers has become a priority direction of our state's policy in the field of library work. The main goal of t he article is to conduct a comprehensive study of the document flow in the field of tourism and economy and to sup port the information provision of specialists working in this field in the future. One of the priority directions for modern librarian ship and bibliography is the study of information resources in the field of tourism and economy, the determination of the location of these information resources, the study of the current state of the flow of documents in this field, the bibliometric analy sis of fundamental scientific works created in the field of tourism and economy, library- based on the analysis of the current state of information systems, it consists in determining the directions for improving the information provision of different groups of the population. Research methods: special library science, historical, structural-functional analysis, systematic approach, generalization, sociological, statistical analysis and comparative analysis methods were used in the research process. The main conclusion of the article is to achieve the development of information demand and document flow in the field of tourism and economy as a result of the elimination of existing problems in this field. Mentioning certain proposals referring to the works of local and foreign authors is one of the points that attract the main attention in the article.
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Yakovleva, E. N., and N. N. Yashalova. "History and perspectives of payment for nature use in the Russian Federation." Voprosy regionalnoj ekonomiki 35, no. 2 (2018): 76–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.21499/2078-4023-2018-35-2-76-86.
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The article deals with the history of introducing fees for the negative impact on the environment in our country, including the introduction of natural resource payments in the Soviet Union and environmental payments in the Russian Federation. The functions of the institute for payment of nature use are revealed, its positive and negative aspects are shown. A conclusion is made about the significant role of payments for the use of natural resources and pollution of the environment in the modern mechanism of state environmental regulation, the need to modernize the mechanism for calculating and collecting environmental payments.
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Malik, Vipin. "Disinvestments in India: Needed Change in Mindset." Vikalpa: The Journal for Decision Makers 28, no. 3 (2003): 57–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0256090920030305.
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In the nineties, India's budgeting, fiscal deficits, and balance of payments problems kick started the government's urge to unlock the huge investments chained in the state-owned enterprises (SOEs). The blueprint was the successful global model of privatization/divestment which was initiated by Margaret Thatcher in the eighties in the UK and implemented by other countries including Unified Germany, former USSR, the erstwhile socialist countries, Western Europe, Canada, Japan, and even China. The developed nations attained a high level of success followed by the developing and the least developed countries. While developed and OECD countries opted for Initial Public Offerings (IPOs), Russia adopted a system of vouchers for buying shares of public sector companies at auctions, and smaller states in the former Soviet Union and East European countries opted for trade and negotiated sales. Developing countries like Brazil and Chile made principal divestments of significantly large government stakes with no reservations to pass on control to foreign investors. Greece and Korea opted for convertible bonds. Considering that the debate on the need for disinvestments is very old, the question is: is there anything new and is there a game plan? Also, why is the media hesitant in presenting analysis of the decision-makers' mindset? It leads to the inference that the implementers have perhaps little commitment to disinvestments which is in contrast to what Hungary and China have achieved by their professional approach. Fortunately, the efforts to pursue reforms have not openly been reversed or given up by any government of the day. The Four Ps of disinvestment – Policy, Promise, Prognosis, and Performance – look grim. In the recent past, we have been witnessing a lot of debate on the disinvestments scenario suggesting dynamic movement. In reality, the sale of equity of only 49 companies has so far been accomplished (a few only privatized). In comparison, Hungary identified 1,288 SOEs, transformed them into companies for privatization, and in 2002, only 79 companies were left for privatization. Against a target of Rs 100 billion, the financial year 2000–2001 closed with a collection of Rs 18.70 billion. Against a target of Rs 120 billion, the financial year 2001–2002 closed with a collection of Rs 56 billion inclusive of special dividend of VSNL at Rs 18.87 billion and Rs 11.54 billion of IBP bought by another public sector undertaking (PSU). Against a target of Rs 120 billion, the financial year 2002-2003 closed with a collection of Rs 33 billion. The target for financial year 2003-04 is Rs 132 billion (US$ 2.87 billion). To set things on the recovery path, introspection on what aberrations have entered the system is necessary. In the words of the President to the Joint Session of Parliament in February 2002, “... The prolonged fiscal haemorrhage from the majority of these enterprises cannot be sustained any longer...” How do we ensure that the disinvestment process is on track? The following five-point agenda would be useful for policy-makers: Trust the homegrown expert for implementation. Place administrative control in the hands of the Finance Minister. Hand over companies that are a burden on the government to the employees. Do not involve a PSU/SOE in the bidding process. Manage revivals professionally.
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Li, Ziqian. "Analysis of the Educational Legislation and its Influence of the Former Soviet Union." BCP Education & Psychology 3 (November 2, 2021): 90–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpep.v3i.17.
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This paper introduces the stages and specific problems of Soviet educational legislation. First, the Legislation of the Soviet Union established many vital institutions, such as the system of equality between men and women in education. Secondly, the Soviet legislature and the Soviet Union also institutionalized Marxist ideas about freedom of learning and the overall development of human beings. Thirdly, in the practice of the Soviet Union, how to balance the relationship between freedom, equality and efficiency has become a topic worthy of subsequent discussion. Moreover, Soviet legislation influenced subsequent international human rights legislation and laid the foundation. On this basis, the subsequent international human rights legislation has been further improved.
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Avey, Paul C. "Confronting Soviet Power: U.S. Policy during the Early Cold War." International Security 36, no. 4 (2012): 151–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00079.
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Many self-identified realist, liberal, and constructivist scholars contend that ideology played a critical role in generating and shaping the United States' decision to confront the Soviet Union in the early Cold War. A close look at the history reveals that these ideological arguments fail to explain key aspects of U.S. policy. Contrary to ideological explanations, the United States initially sought to cooperate with the Soviet Union, did not initially pressure communist groups outside the Soviet orbit, and later sought to engage communist groups that promised to undermine Soviet power. The U.S. decision to confront the Soviets stemmed instead from the distribution of power. U.S. policy shifted toward a confrontational approach as the balance of power in Eurasia tilted in favor of the Soviet Union. In addition, U.S. leaders tended to think and act in a manner consistent with balance of power logic. The primacy of power over ideology in U.S. policymaking—given the strong liberal tradition in the United States and the large differences between U.S. and Soviet ideology—suggests that relative power concerns are the most important factors in generating and shaping confrontational foreign policies.
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Berrios, Ruben, and Cole Blasier. "Peru and the Soviet Union (1969–1989): Distant Partners." Journal of Latin American Studies 23, no. 2 (1991): 365–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00014036.
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For twenty years the Soviet Union has had closer relations with Peru than with any other Latin American country apart from Cuba or Nicaragua. In fact, Peru was the first post-Cuban revolution centre of Soviet operations in South America, and perhaps still plays that role today. Now that the Cold War is over the balance sheet of Soviet relations with Peru can be evaluated with more detachment than ever.
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Sy, Mouhamadou. "Overborrowing and Balance of Payments Imbalances in a Monetary Union." Review of International Economics 24, no. 1 (2015): 67–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/roie.12208.
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You, Lan. "Hanoi's Balancing Act: The Vietnamese Communists and the Sino-Soviet Split, 1960–1965." Journal of Cold War Studies 25, no. 2 (2023): 64–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01142.
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Abstract The split between the Soviet Union and China had a great impact on other Communist countries, including the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV, or North Vietnam), under the leadership of the Vietnamese Workers’ Party (VWP). As the rift between the PRC and the Soviet Union intensified, the VWP tried hard to balance between the two Communist powers so that it could focus on the war against the United States and the conquest of the South. Interactions between the DRV, China, and the Soviet Union highlighted the frequently complex nature of relations within the Communist world during the Cold War.
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Kelly, Adam, and Iryna Kovalchuk. "Ukrainian Education and Russian Literature: Curriculum Change in a Time of War." Slavonic and East European Review 102, no. 3 (2024): 526–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/see.00038.
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Abstract: Following Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, all literary works by Russian writers were removed from the Ukrainian school curriculum. This article provides context for these wartime changes by examining the history of literary education in Ukraine across six decades, before and after the fall of the Soviet Union. The article's focus is on delineating the balance between Ukrainian literature, Russian literature and 'foreign' literature in secondary schools, a balance that has been responsive to wider shifts in the relationship between Ukraine and the Soviet Union/Russia on the one hand, and between Ukraine and the EU/Europe on the other.
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Yakub, Natalia V. "I.V. Stalin and the USSR's Foreign Policy Priorities of the Second Half of the 1920s (Based on the Materials of the Collected Works of I. Stalin)." Herald of Omsk University. Series: Historical studies 10, no. 2 (38) (2023): 62–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2312-1300.2023.10(2).62-67.
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On the basis of the published materials in the collected works, the ideas of I.V. Stalin about the main priorities of the foreign policy of the Soviet Union in the 1920s are considered. Their connection with the main trends of the Soviet leader's domestic policy is determined, his desire to maintain a balance between the national interests of the Soviet Union, on the one hand, and the real resources and degree of his influence in international affairs, using both traditional methods of diplomacy, especially in the economic sphere, and the principles and tools of the new, Leninist public diplomacy.
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Katajisto, Kati. "Biographical Study of Johannes Virolainen and Transnational Politics of the Cold War." Lähihistoria 2, no. 2 (2023): 6–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.61559/lh.130253.
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This article explores how a systematic study of a person’s life can be revealing of larger political processes, for instance the dynamics between states and political actors during the Cold War period. The biographical method utilised in this article – the study of Finnish long-term politician Johannes Virolainen’s archive – enables the discerning of illogical and contradictory features in the behaviour of the Soviet Union. The article highlights multipolar-multilevel interactions of the Cold War: 1) how the Soviet Union could not ignore medium level political actors from small states, such as Virolainen, and 2) how the balance between Cold War blocs in Europe was truly a conundrum for the Soviet Union, which created interesting scopes of action for political actors.
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Gonchar, V. V., and P. E. Ratmanov. "'Non-Soviet' dentistry in the Soviet Union: causes and practice of direct payments of population for dental care." Rossiiskaya stomatologiya 11, no. 3 (2018): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17116/rosstomat20181103156.
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Zawiślińska, Izabela ,. Piotr Cirin, and Piotr Cirin. "Występowanie deficytów bliźniaczych w wybranych państwach Unii Europejskiej i w Polsce w latach 2009–2018." Przegląd Europejski, no. 1-2021 (April 14, 2021): 157–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.1.21.9.
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The aim of the article is to determine the degree, direction and strength of impact of the studied variables, i.e. the state budget balance and the current account balance as part of Poland's balance of payments in the years 2009-2018 against the background of selected European Union (EU) countries. The main research questions focus on determining the type of relationships connecting the studied deficits in the light of previous studies dedicated to the twin deficits hypothesis. The methodology used is based on integrated correlation analysis, linear regression and an analysis of the coefficient of variation. As a result of the study, a strong correlation was found between the cumulative values of the studied deficits, which confirms the existence of the twin deficits hypothesis in Poland in the examined period and means that the budget deficit affects the current account balance. A change in the cumulative balance of the budget by 1% leads to a change in the cumulative balance of the current account of the balance of payments by 0.89%. It can be presumed that the problem of budget deficits and the related debt crisis as well as balance of payments balances under the dichotomy of "surplus north" and "deficit south" in the next decade will be one of the most conflicting and disintegrative for the EU. Thus, the search for a path to budget (internal) balance and balance of payments (external) is one of the key challenges for maintaining cohesion and maintaining sustainable development both in Poland and the entire EU.
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Zuenko, Ivan Yu, and Anatoly E. Savchenko. "How to Keep Balance When Taking a Sharp Turn." Rossiya v globalnoi politike 22, no. 1 (2024): 38–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31278/1810-6439-2024-22-1-38-50.
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In the 1980-1990s, the Soviet Union and the People’s Republic of China carried out deep and comprehensive reforms. However, the result turned out to be the exact opposite. Center–regions relations were a key factor responsible for the different outcome of the reforms.
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Eichengreen, Barry, Vittorio Grilli, and Stanley Fischer. "A Payments Mechanism for the Former Soviet Union: Is the EPU a Relevant Precedent?" Economic Policy 8, no. 17 (1993): 309. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1344531.
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Ensor, T. "Informal payments for health care in the former Soviet Union: some evidence from Kazakstan." Health Policy and Planning 13, no. 1 (1998): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/heapol/13.1.41.
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FOTAKI, MARIANNA. "Informal Payments: A Side Effect of Transition or a Mechanism for Sustaining the Illusion of ‘Free’ Health Care? The Experience of Four Regions in the Russian Federation." Journal of Social Policy 38, no. 4 (2009): 649–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279409003274.
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AbstractInformal payments for health services are widespread in many transition economies in post-communist Europe and the former Soviet Union. Their existence complements and in some cases significantly contributes to the financing of their health systems. It has been suggested that they are the legacy of planned socialist economies and a temporary side effect of the transition from a planned to a market economy. This article discusses the findings of the study investigating the extent and nature of the informal payments and evaluates the policy options on offer. It asserts that despite the level of declared support for moderate cost-sharing by different population groups, it is unlikely that any legalised form of co-payment will affect or replace informal payments, as the government uses them to sustain the illusion of ‘free’ health care. The study argues that the utilitarian gain maximisation principle, calling for the greatest collective welfare in communitarian egalitarianism, and the satisfaction of individual preferences in libertarian economics enable the acceptance of informal payments as a viable policy option.
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Sukhodolov, Alexander, Tatiana Ozernikova, and Natalia Kuznetzova. "International Migration in the Irkutsk Region: Direction, Causes and Trends." Bulletin of Baikal State University 29, no. 1 (2019): 48–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2500-2759.2019.29(1).48-63.
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The article discusses the trends of international migration from 2010 to 2017, including migration from countries across the former Soviet Union and beyond. The greatest intensity is typical for the migrational exchange with the countries across the former Soviet Union: steady immigration flows from the countries of Central Asia, the Caucasus and Transcaucasia, as well as from Ukraine were revealed. Until 2016, a high positive balance of migration with these countries provided partial compensation for outflow of population to other regions of Russia, however, the growth of return migration led to a sharp decrease in the balance of migration from neighboring countries. Migration flows with foreign countries are not substantial. The influx of migrants from China grew in 2017, but their numbers are not comparable with the influx of people from the countries from former Soviet Union. International migration has a negative impact on the qualitative characteristics of human resources in the region (the share of the working-age population and the share of people with vocational education). Analysis of the potential migration of the population of the region to foreign countries, according to the results of a sociological study, confirms the trends revealed by the analysis of statistical data.
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Vemić, Milan. "IMPACT OF COVID-19 CRISIS ON BALANCE OF PAYMENTS: RESEARCH HIGHLIGHTS FROM THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA." KNOWLEDGE - International Journal 47, no. 1 (2021): 79–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij4701079v.
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After reintegration with the world market and convergence towards the European Union which followed, the Serbian economy is no longer facing huge balance of payments deficits as earlier, which required improving the terms of trade, growth of exports and foreign direct investment. Furthermore, according to major international financial organizations, because of foreign trade and foreign exchange policies Serbian balance of payments nevertheless offers prospects for sustained economic growth and development in spite of the Covid-19 crisis. The general purpose in this paper is to review pre-pandemic and pandemic balance of payments experiences from Serbia with special emphasis on deficit mitigation performance as there is still a lingering balance of payments deficit. After classifying the internal and external factors of deficit, the specific purpose of this paper approaches research of the Covid-19 pandemic impact on the Serbian balance of payments at the end of the performance-rating period (2016-2020). Methodology of research of Serbian balance of payments is presented in the second section. It relied dominantly on IMF data sources, specifically IMF yearly data in million $ (2016-2020) and comparatively on Serbian statistical office (2019-2020). Eurostat GDP data (2020) was consulted for other countries, which are main trading partners of Serbia. Research included four main aspects: 1) Classification of Balance of Payments and International Investment Position according to the IMF Manual (BPM6); 2) Elaboration of Serbian balance of payments statistics and macroeconomic data for the period 2016–2019 (pre-pandemic); 3) Analysis and presentation of the evolution of the selected annual balance of payments statistics during the pandemic period (2020-2021); 4) Analysis and presentation of the rate of coverage of main balance of payments categories (2016-2020). The research results presented in third section reveal that deficits on major categories such as current and capital accounts still remain significant. In this regard, specific comparisons were made with 2019, the year before Covid-19 crisis, and a presentation of major Serbian trading partners is discussed briefly. At the end of July 2021, the future pattern of changes to the flows of the discussed categories based on the analysis of information from the pre-pandemic and pandemic period will significantly depend on pandemic developments in the second half of 2021 and in 2022. The pandemic is still underway and it is premature to draw any conclusions for any country. However, this research discovers and we conclude that the impact of the pandemic on Serbian balance of payments, at least through the end of 2020, was not as severe as in some other European and non-European countries. The main recommendation of the paper is therefore to maintain relative resilience of the observed Serbian balance of payments flows against potential new shocks from the ongoing pandemic. At the same time, economic policy should continue to attract foreign direct investment and gradually balance the current and capital accounts which are in fact still in deficit. Achievement of equilibrium between major Serbian balance of payments categories is possible by resolving specific internal and external factors of deficit explained in the introductory section of the paper. In a subsequent paper, we shall suggest new possible developments in the interpretation of these factors as additional data becomes available.
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Hatzivassiliou, Evanthis. "Images of the Adversary: NATO Assessments of the Soviet Union, 1953–1964." Journal of Cold War Studies 11, no. 2 (2009): 89–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2009.11.2.89.
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The article presents the analysis of the study groups set up by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) to assess the non-military aspects of Soviet power and potential during the era of Nikita Khrushchev. Following Stalin's death, the Western alliance tried to form a comprehensive view of the strengths and weaknesses of the USSR's economy and political system. This was part of NATO's effort to adjust to the realities of a long Cold War, the outcome of which would not be decided by military force alone. The NATO reports were largely successful in describing the long-term trends of the Soviet economy and the weaknesses of the Soviet system. However, they usually failed to anticipate specific, though significant and potentially dangerous, initiatives of the Soviet regime. On balance they were a crucial input for NATO ministers, and their importance in the shaping of Western policies needs to be evaluated carefully.
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Gray, William Glenn. "Paradoxes ofOstpolitik: Revisiting the Moscow and Warsaw Treaties, 1970." Central European History 49, no. 3-4 (2016): 409–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893891600087x.
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AbstractThis article reexamines the diplomacy of Willy Brandt’sOstpolitik, focusing on two landmark achievements in 1970: the Moscow Treaty in August, and the Warsaw Treaty in December. On the basis of declassified US and German documentation, it argues that envoy Egon Bahr’s unconventional approach resulted in a poorly negotiated treaty with the Soviet Union that failed to address vital problems such as the status of Berlin. The outcome deepened political polarization at home and proved disconcerting to many West German allies; it also forced the four World War II victors—Britain, France, the United States, and the Soviet Union—to save Brandt’sOstpolitikby grinding out an agreement on access to Berlin. By contrast, West German negotiations in Warsaw yielded a treaty more in line with West German expectations, though the results proved sorely disappointing to the Polish leadership. Disagreements over restitution payments (repacked as government credits) and the emigration of ethnic Germans would bedevil German-Polish relations for years to come. Bonn’sOstpolitikthus had a harder edge than the famous image of Brandt kneeling in Warsaw would suggest.
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Meier, Ruth. "The Travel balance of payments in the ligth of the European monetary union." Revista de Estudios Turísticos, no. 161-162 (September 12, 2023): 251–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.61520/et.161-1622004.1207.
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El turismo intraeuropeo es de suma importancia para todos los estados miembros de la Unión Europea, ya sea como país de destino o como país de origen de turistas y excursionistas. La introducción de la Unión Monetaria Europea crea gran cantidad de problemas para la compilación de la rúbrica de turismo en la balanza de pagos, sobre todo porque dentro de la Unión Europea las economías de los estados miembros han de considerarse mercado interior.
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Bakanov, S. A. "Social Infrastructure of Soviet Enterprises in the 1950s-1980s: Sources and Mechanisms of Financing (Example of Chelyabinsk Tractor Plant)." Nauchnyi dialog 12, no. 8 (2023): 413–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2023-12-8-413-437.
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The Sources and Mechanisms of Financing the Social Infrastructure of the Chelyabinsk Tractor Plant in the 1950s-1980s. This study examines the sources and mechanisms of financing the social infrastructure of the Chelyabinsk Tractor Plant, a large Soviet industrial enterprise, during the period of 1950s-1980s. The research is based on archival documents from the plant and its trade union organization, which are stored in the United State Archive of the Chelyabinsk Region. It was found that the plant had a significant amount of assets, including housing and a network of social, cultural, and sports facilities. Financing the social infra-structure of Soviet enterprises was a complex system that involved multiple independent sources. The plant made direct payments from its economic stimulation funds, covered the maintenance costs of various facilities transferred to the trade union organization, and covered losses from the housing and communal services system. In addition, funding for these facilities also came from the state budget, social insurance budget, trade union organization budget, targeted subsidies from the All-Russian Central Council of Trade Unions, revenues from self-supporting cultural and sports institutions, and others. The Chelyabinsk Tractor Plant was required to allocate up to 10 % of its profits towards maintaining its social infra-structure, while other sources of funding con-tributed comparable amounts.
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Urvashi, Shivale. "Impact of Liberlisation in Rescent Years in India." International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development 2, no. 5 (2018): 1555–58. https://doi.org/10.31142/ijtsrd17079.
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The development of Indian economy was being strategically planned till 1980s, wherein import substitution was the basis, titling capital goods industries to have initial investments followed by chemical and durable consumer goods. The Industrial Development Regulation Act 1951 controlled comprehensively the dynamics of investments through licenses especially foreign exchange controls. In 1985, an effort was made by the Rajiv Gandhi administration, to rejuvenate industrial sector, through reforms altogether called as New Economic Plan, thereby removing requirement of license by incumbent firms and eased their entry. What is more, many classes of firms, for instance, those located in "underprivileged" areas, have a barest minimum assets or which were "modernising". The monopoly houses were given relaxation, if their expansion listed as "priority industries". These initiatives lacked efficacy to encourage entry of incumbent firms, whose freedom to expand soared up. The probability of small sized incumbent firms gaining benefits, being unrestrained, was more than the other larger firms. The second phase was more profound including reforms like New Industrial policy 1991, wherein rules of investment licensing were lifted. Monopoly houses could easily expand and they were open to compete with reserved public sector. Trade tariffs plummeted and foreign direct investment were provided with simplified procedures. 340 percent, the maximum tariff on import dwindled to two fifths. The worthwhile drive of 1991 reforms was to let incumbent firms to experience both domestic and international competition, definitely paving way to increase in rivalry afterwards. The resourceful larger firms, having wide range of investments, were Competitively advantageous in these fiercer competition, Arguably, reforms in the mid 1980s were limited in scope and lacks clear roadmap, whilst those in 1990s were more systemic and systematic. In Pre liberalization phase, from independence till the mid Eighties, the economic planning was mainly based on a centrally operated market and under government control wholly. There were not any foreign investments coming and country lacked well established consumer market. This platitude the Indian economic condition, for instance living standard did not rise. In government tenure of Rajiv Gandhi, efforts were made to increase exports that is liberalisation policies were implemented but did not identified with much support. The imports, hence, exceeded exports and resulted into problems in Balance of Payment. What exacerbated the situation was the fall of the Soviet Union, which was used to be major business market of India. At this stage, the immediate economic reform was inevitable. There was in fact, China had previously adopted 'Open Door Policy' through which it liberalized its economy, pursuing export led growth and engaging more with global economy. Hence, in 1990s, Dr Manmohan Singh, the Finance Minister of India, took the first initiation towards globalisation and economic liberalization Urvashi Shivale "Impact of Liberlisation in Rescent Years in India" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-2 | Issue-5 , August 2018, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd17079.pdf
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Brada, Josef C. "Interpreting the Soviet subsididzation of Eastern Europe." International Organization 42, no. 4 (1988): 639–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300034007.
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In trade among the members of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA), prices of raw materials are lower and those of manufactured goods higher than comparable world prices. Because the Soviet Union is a net exporter of raw materials to, and net importer of manufactures from, the other CMEA countries, it benefits less from CMEA trade than it would from trading with the rest of the world, and the other CMEA members benefit more. This redistribution of the gains from trade is generally seen as a form of subsidization. One explanation of these subsidies is that they represent Soviet payments for political and military benefits provided by East European regimes; another is that the subsidies compensate Eastern Europe for the economic burden imposed by central planning and extensive economic ties to the Soviet Union. I argue that neither of these explanations is consistent with the type of economic and political relations that one would expect of the Soviet and East European regimes. In their place I offer an alternative explanation based on the Heckscher-Ohlin model of comparative advantage. The distribution of CMEA subsidies is shown to reflect the distribution of gains from trade that would arise among any group of economies forming a preferential trading scheme. I also argue that the willingness of members to belong to CMEA, even at the expense of paying subsidies, is that CMEA can be viewed as a club that provides benefits to members while imposing costs that may to some extent be unequal and unpredictable.
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Gospodarik, Catherine, and Lizaveta Khombak. "APPLICATION OF THE DEA METHOD TO ASSESS THE INTEGRATION EFFECT ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE EURASIAN ECONOMIC UNION." Deutsche internationale Zeitschrift für zeitgenössische Wissenschaft 66 (October 19, 2023): 8–13. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10021634.
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The article uses the Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) to assess the participation of countries in the integration association of the EAEU was carried out and the effect of participation was calculated. The analysis of the indicators necessary for calculating the model, such as the share of member states in total foreign trade turnover, mutual investments in total investment, GDP by PPP per capita, current account balance of the balance of payments, GDP growth rate, inflation and public debt were made.
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Jašić, Marin. "Finland’s Cold War Neutrality." Polemos 27, no. 53 (2024): 383–400. https://doi.org/10.5613/pol.27.1.4.
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This paper explores the Soviet perception of Finnish neutrality during the Cold War, focusing on Finland’s foreign policy and its relationship with the USSR. Positioned between the Soviet Union and Western Europe, Finland adopted neutrality to protect its independence amid East-West tensions. Key figures like Juho Kusti Paasikivi and Urho Kekkonen shaped Finland’s foreign policy through the 1948 Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation, and Mutual Assistance. The paper examines Soviet security concerns, Finland’s geopolitical significance, and its balance between Western integration and Soviet demands. Finnish neutrality was an active strategy, maintaining peaceful relations with the USSR while engaging with the West. It also looks at how Finnish neutrality evolved during crises like the 1961 Soviet request for consultations and the Soviet invasions of Hungary and Czechoslovakia. Finnish neutrality was a pragmatic response to Cold War pressures, preserving sovereignty under Soviet influence.
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Hadili, Abduraawf, Roman Raab, and Jan Wenzelburger. "Trade liberalisation, governance, and the balance of payments: evidence from the Arab Maghreb Union." Middle East Development Journal 12, no. 1 (2020): 101–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17938120.2020.1731200.
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Lyu, Chao, and Chao Sun. "Language Policy in Post-Soviet Latvia." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University. Series: Political, Sociological and Economic sciences 9, no. 4 (2024): 504–13. https://doi.org/10.21603/2500-3372-2024-9-4-504-513.
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Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Republic of Latvia has been altering its language policy towards the Russian language as a language of national minority. The article describes the evolution of language-related laws, as well as the social and role of the Russian language in Latvia. The authors combined various methods of linguistics, history, and politics to establish the importance of the Russian language in Latvian education and socio-cultural life. The current language policy focuses on consolidation, self-identity, and historical memory of the Latvian population. The resulting social tension requires more diversity and inclusivity to maintain the balance between the languages and preserve the cultural heritage. Stronger language rights for ethnic minorities could improve the social development and unity of Latvia. Latvia’s experience is important for China as a multinational country as it strives to find a balance between promoting the state language and protecting the languages of national minorities. The study of Latvia’s modern language policy and its historical roots contributes to the mutual cooperation between Latvia and China in economics, education, and culture. A good understanding of the national language is a key factor for business communications and cultural exchange.
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Kapteyn, P. J. G. "EMU and Central Bank: Chances Missed." European Constitutional Law Review 1, no. 1 (2004): 123–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019605001239.
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Both the EU- and the EC-Treaties refer in prominent places to the establishment of economic and monetary union (Articles 2 EU and EC). This union is mentioned as one of the principal means of achieving the Union's and the Community's economic and social objectives. Such a prominent place is not allotted it in the Constitution. In its effort to separate the basic provisions from the other provisions in the treaties, the Convention decided to retain only the European Union's objectives in the actual constitutional part. The concrete activities pertaining to the economic and monetary union, as well as its ‘guiding principles’ of stable prices, sound public finances and monetary conditions and a sustainable balance of payments were relegated to Part III that deals with the Union's policies.
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Sokolova, Tatiana, and Mohammad Rasouli. "Tudeh Party and North Oil Score." International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 4, no. 3 (2021): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v4i3.93.
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The Soviet Union and before that, Russia as one of the most powerful neighbors of Iran in history, despite its abundance of oil resources always looked at Iran's oil resources for specific purposes. In examining the impact of oil on the relations between the two countries of Iran and Russia, it turns out that they were trying to reach the Iranian oil resources in some cases, one in 1299/1921and the other in 1920/1941. At the time of Iran's occupation of the Second World War, the Russians, though at every turn did not succeed in their goals, during the occupation of Iran in September 1941 by the Allies they used all the necessary tools. For example, they used the Tudeh Party, the first and most organized Leftist party in Iran, to achieve its oil targets. At this stage, the Russian Foreign Ministry Deputy Foreign Minister, Sergey Kavtaradze came to Iran and formally requested for a license to exploit North Oil. The Tudeh Party, while previously opposed to any transfer of privilege to foreigners, when the Soviet Union- their spiritual and co-professional supporters came out, by providing the Balance Scheme they granted the southern oil share to the British and the North Sea's privilege to the Soviet Union. Because the American companies were set to exploit the oil scorecard in northern Iran, immediately the Soviet Union entered the scene and the Tudeh party also met with them. This oil demand was rejected by the Iranian parliament and the Iranian government opposed any new privilege because of the prevalence of war conditions in the world. In this context, the efforts of the Tudeh Party to satisfy the Iranian government and parliament in order to agree with the Soviet demand for oil in their own way can be considered.
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Oren, Eitan, and Matthew Brummer. "Reexamining Threat Perception in Early Cold War Japan." Journal of Cold War Studies 22, no. 4 (2020): 71–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00948.
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This article discusses whether Japanese military and political elites perceived the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China (PRC) as threats during the Cold War. Realist scholars have argued that Japan's security alliance with the United States and the global balance of power were such that most Japanese officials did not perceive either of the Communist giants as a serious military threat. Reaching a similar conclusion but for starkly different reasons, constructivist scholars have argued that cultural, normative, and identity factors explain why Japanese elites did not perceive the Soviet Union or China as militarily threatening. Neither of these arguments holds up. Archival data and oral history collections from Japan's Self-Defense Force and National Diet Library reveal that Japan's defense establishment and political leaders perceived both the Soviet Union and the PRC as extremely threatening and that these perceptions fluctuated in intensity over time, across sectors, and among actors. Psychological factors, including affect, behavioral tendencies, and cognitive beliefs (the ABC model), may better explain why Japanese judged the intensity and source of perceived threats in the manner that they did. These findings underscore why threat perception in the international system is best evaluated by aggregating individual judgments and their distribution among larger groups.
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Černeckaitė, Irina. "Soviet Documentary Films in Lithuania: Historical and Ideological Contexts (1963–1988)." Genocidas ir rezistencija 1, no. 17 (2025): 35–50. https://doi.org/10.61903/gr.2005.102.
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The entire cinematography and documentary film production of the Soviet Union often created an analogue a country leading an autonomous life on the screen. It sought to integrate society by spreading Communist ideology and maintaining the vision of social order and progress. Based on interviews from the respondents who had worked in various cinematographic institutions in Soviet Lithuania, this article presents a structural analysis of the documentaries, with emphasis on the film-making processes. The high noon of the Lithuanian documentaries of the sixties was determined by interesting processes and falls within the general dynamics of the production of documentary films in the Soviet Union, the socialist East European block and in the Western world. As the research has revealed, the strenuous implementation of agitation-propaganda, the educational and cultural tasks of the regime were due to both political changes in the Soviet Union, the country's ideological doctrine and social-cultural processes, as well as internal factors which then existed in cinematography – protecting one self, a wish to represent the "positive" sides of life in the republic, and the personal likings and points of view of the censors. All this determined the methodology of "approving" and "correcting-cutting" the films. While analysing the structural documentary film-making process systematically, it is possible to assume that the system of the regime's directives and the approval of films operated on the principle of keeping a balance with the Party line.
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Filatov, Georgy. "Integration of Spain into Euro-Atlantic Structures and the USSR." ISTORIYA 15, no. 10 (144) (2024): 0. https://doi.org/10.18254/s207987840032886-3.
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The process of Spain's accession to Euro-Atlantic structures intensified in the second half of the 1970s and culminated in Madrid joining the EEC and NATO. In the context of the Cold War, the emergence of a new member in one of the warring blocs was bound to cause a serious change in the balance of power. Despite the fact that the Soviet Union was dissatisfied with this situation, Moscow did not take active steps to counteract it, as archival documents and the memoirs of Spanish and Soviet diplomats show. The USSR limited itself to protests and attempts to convince the Spanish political elite that accession to Euro-Atlantic structures was disadvantageous for both Spain and Europe as a whole, since it would upset the balance of power in the Old World that had been established by the early 1980s.
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Kalembang, Elpius, and Joseph Victor Kalembang. "PAKTA WARSAWA : LATAR BELAKANG, SEJARAH, DAN HEGEMONI UNI SOVIET." Jurnal Poros Politik 4, no. 2 (2022): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.32938/jpp.v4i2.3463.
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National security is an ability to protect the country's essential values against threats from outside and from within the country. The concept of a country's national security is influenced by the country's historical background. For realists, security is about the survival of the state. For the majority of countries that are unable to guarantee the security of their own country with their military power, the balance of powerfor maintaining security stability in international relations. Protection of domestic security conditions requires the country to ensure the integrity of its territory. After the formation of NATO in 1949, The Soviet Union initiated a defense organization together with its neighbors. That meeting giveresult in the Pact of Mutual Assistance and Unified Command (PMAUC) or better known as the Warsaw Pact and consisted of Eastern Bloc countries or East European communists. This defense pact was formed to counter the power of NATO and protect the security of the Soviet Union and its member states from outside attacks. In particular, the formation of this defense alliance was triggered by the inclusion of West Germany in NATO membership
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Almas Haider Naqvi and Dr Syed Qandil Abbas Assistant Professor. "Russian South Asia Policy: From Estrangement to Pragmatism." Strategic Studies 42, no. 1 (2022): 97–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.042.01.0011.
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This paper is an attempt to analyse the Soviet and Post-Soviet Russian policy responses towards the South Asia particularly India and Pakistan contextualising how the systemic pressures stimulated from balance of power and intervened by domestic factors specifically ideology and leaders’ images played important role in policy formulation and execution. Majority explanations of Soviet-Russian South Asian policy do not offer analysis of inside-out interactions. Incorporation of domestic factors in analysis would provide better explanation of Soviet-Russian policy and the key developments in South Asia. Soft-positivist methodology with qualitative and quantitative methods are employed to analyse data from primary and secondary sources. The paper categorises four distinct phases of Russian South Asia policy responses; Estrangement (1947-1953), Engagement (1954-1971), Indo-Centrality (1971-1991), Pragmatism (1991-2022) stimulated by systemic and intervened by domestic factors. Balancing and competition with the United States (US) and China primarily motivates Soviet Union to shape policy but ideology, leaders’ perceptions and images also influenced.
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Layard, Antonia. "The European Energy Charter Treaty: Tipping the Balance between Energy and the Environment." European Energy and Environmental Law Review 4, Issue 5 (1995): 150–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eelr1995033.
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This article examines the environmental implications of the European Energy Charter Treaty together with the Energy Efficiency and Nuclear Protocols. It considers their provisions in light of existing developments in international environmental law and policy. It concludes that as the primary aim of the Treaty was to stimulate trade in the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe it is unsurprising that the Treaty has relied more on hortatory statements and guidance than on implementing concrete environmental protection measures.
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Jeong, Jaewon. "The Legacy of Soviet Union: The Balance between Islam and Nationalism, and Tardy Democratization." Asia Review 10, no. 1 (2020): 229–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.24987/snuacar.2020.08.10.1.229.
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Houdyshellm, Michael. "Academic integrity in an emerging democracy: How university students in a former Soviet Republic balance achievement and success in education." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 4, no. 1 (2017): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/64.
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After the fall of the Soviet Union, former Soviet Republics found themselves needing to revise and sometimes create systems affecting their emerging democracies. In education for example, the former Soviet system of teaching and learning was now open for new and different methods of instruction and evaluation. In countries like the Republic of Moldova, the revision and creation of an educational system was made even more problematic as a multi-lingual and multi-ethnic population saw opportunities in more open and accessible pathways through education and into business. These opportunities gave rise to the pressures of success, and at times, by any means necessary. This has created an environment where academic dishonesty has become prevalent at all levels of education especially in higher education. This paper examines the attitudes, beliefs and practices of university students surrounding academic integrity in the Republic of Moldova.
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Chowaniec, Jakub. "The trialistic nature of charging bank balance sheet itemswith public levies – de lege ferenda postulates." Doradztwo Podatkowe - Biuletyn Instytutu Studiów Podatkowych 8, no. 336 (2024): 62–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0054.7188.
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This article concerns the issue of imposing three different public levies on banks, fulfilling different purposes,based on the balance sheet items of banks – a tax on certain financial institutions, a contribution to the compulsorybank restructuring fund and payments for banking supervision. It is pointed out that both the economicburden of banks and administrative obligations are multiplied in the situation of the identity of the subject of thelevy burden. The author characterizes the aforementioned public levies to the necessary extent and puts forwardde lege ferenda postulates aimed at changing the current legal status until Po land joins the banking union.
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Bryczek-Wróbel, Patrycja. "Sytuacja geopolityczna Estonii w polityce zagranicznej Federacji Rosyjskiej." Polityka i Społeczeństwo 19, no. 3 (2021): 23–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2021.3.2.
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When the Soviet Union collapsed in December 1991, the geopolitical situation in Central and Eastern Europe changed dramatically. Although independent states had been newly constituted, the Russian Federation, heir to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, pursued its dominance and intervention in the affairs of neighbouring regions, including Estonia. At present, however, in view of the reconstruction of the global socio-economic order, there is an assumption that the Baltic States will become an object of increased interest and influence of the Russian Federation, which in turn constitutes the subject of exploration of this academic paper. The objective of this paper is to show the prerequisites and challenges for the Baltic States, with a special focus on Estonia, exposed to the neo-imperial policy of the Russian Federation. This topic is extremely relevant and timely, particularly in the run-up to the reconstruction of the global balance of power in the international arena – especially in Central and Eastern Europe.
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Miloiu, Silviu-Marian. "From “allies without alliance” to concerted action: Romania and Finland in the aftermath of the Operation Barbarossa (1941)." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 2, no. 2 (2010): 249–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v2i2_7.
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This study describes the relationship between two small and lesser states joining the German attack against Soviet Union in an attempt to recapture the territories lost to Soviet Union in 1940. It is conceived as an in-depth analysis of the Romanian-Finnish relations based on the criticism of archival sources discovered in the Romanian, Finnish and British archives. Becoming “allies without alliance” almost overnight, the relations between the two countries acknowledged a quick shift from low profile bonds to an agreement based on a combination of balance of power and joint action. The aim was to remove the threat Russia was posing to the two countries and to increase their influence at a peace conference to be open following the expected defeat of their big neighbour. Romania was the advocate of closer ties between the two countries keeping in line with its search for influence rather than autonomy in its foreign relations, while Finland was more prudent consistent with its choice for autonomy rather than influence.
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Hai-Nyzhnyk, Pavlo. "Foreign Policy Aspects of the National Liberation Struggle and the Geostrategic Place of the Ukrainian State in the Concept of the OUN-B." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXII (2021): 51–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2021-2.
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The article deals with the foreign policy aspects in the ideological concept of Stepan Bandera’s Organisation of Ukrainian Nationatists (OUN-B) during the period from the change of position and balance of forces in the Eastern Front of World War II in 1943 and its transformation during the following postwar decades until the eve of the restoration of Ukraine’s independence. The author examines the OUN’s geopolitical calculations for an armed confrontation between the USSR, on the one hand, and the allied United States and Great Britain, on the other; the beginning of the search for ways of the organisation’s cooperation with Western democracies; its attitude to the threat of a nuclear war, etc. Also analysed is the OUN-B leadership’s vision of the geostrategic place of the future Ukrainian state in the international arena and, in particular, in the post-Soviet space and on the map of Central and Eastern Europe. The article sheds light on the vision of the role and place of independent Ukraine in international politics, particularly with respect to possible military and political blocs, Ukraine’s role in the United Nations, its attitude to the prospect of united Europe, the war in Afghanistan, national liberation movements and the Cold War, the collapse of the Soviet Union, the restoration of Ukraine’s state independence, and its place in the post-Soviet and European space. By way of conclusion, the author argues that the Cold War turned out to be helpful in the dissolution of the Soviet Union and allowed Ukraine to restore its national independence in 1991. Nonetheless, the modern national security agenda of Ukraine and the need for the world’s peace and balance necessitate curbing the imperialist, bellicose, and culpably terrorist actions and intents of Russia, the successor of the USSR. Keywords: OUN-B, Cold War, geopolitics, national liberation movements.
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BOLDYREV, IVAN, and TILL DÜPPE. "Programming the USSR: Leonid V. Kantorovich in context." British Journal for the History of Science 53, no. 2 (2020): 255–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087420000059.
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AbstractIn the wake of Stalin's death, many Soviet scientists saw the opportunity to promote their methods as tools for the engineering of economic prosperity in the socialist state. The mathematician Leonid Kantorovich (1912–1986) was a key activist in academic politics that led to the increasing acceptance of what emerged as a new scientific persona in the Soviet Union. Rather than thinking of his work in terms of success or failure, we propose to see his career as exemplifying a distinct form of scholarship, as a partisan technocrat, characteristic of the Soviet system of knowledge production. Confronting the class of orthodox economists, many factors were at work, including Kantorovich's cautious character and his allies in the Academy of Sciences. Drawing on archival and oral sources, we demonstrate how Kantorovich, throughout his career, negotiated the relations between mathematics and economics, reinterpreted political and ideological frames, and reshaped the balance of power in the Soviet academic landscape.