Relevant bibliographies by topics / Bengal Provincial Muslim League

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Academic literature on the topic 'Bengal Provincial Muslim League'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Bengal Provincial Muslim League"

1

Laskar, Dr Fakrul Islam. "Impact of Line System on Assam Politics during the Late Colonial Period." Think India 22, no. 3 (September 26, 2019): 102–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/think-india.v22i3.8082.

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The execution of the Line System in Assam in order to restrict the settlements of immigrant from Bengal was one of the important issues that influenced the Assam politics, most particularly the Muslim politics, during the late colonial period. It was first implemented in 1920 in Nowgong district and also in the Barpeta sub-division of Kamrup district. The Bengali speaking immigrants, mostly peasants, resisted against the Line System designed by the district administration and in that they got the support of the Assam Provincial Muslim League. The provincial league under the leadership of Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani condemned the Line System and protested against its implementation. The Muslim League organized meetings, demonstrations and hartals throughout the province to get it abolished. The indigenous inhabitants, however, strongly advocated the retention of the Line System and demonstrated their support for the Line System.
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AIYAR, SANA. "Fazlul Huq, Region and Religion in Bengal: The Forgotten Alternative of 1940–43." Modern Asian Studies 42, no. 6 (November 2008): 1213–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x07003022.

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AbstractIn the wake of the Government of India Act of 1935, provincial politics emerged as a challenge to the authority and legitimacy of all-India, centralised political parties. While the Congress and the Muslim League set up a binary opposition between secular and religious nationalism, provincial politicians refused to succumb to the singularity of either alternative. Partition historiography has been concerned with the interplay of national and communal ideologies in the 1940s, overshadowing this third trajectory of regional politics that was informed by provincial particularities. This article traces a short-lived alternative that emerged in Bengal between 1940 and 1943 under the premiership of Fazlul Huq. Huq produced a peculiar form of identity politics that appealed not only to religious sentiment but also to regional loyalty that cut across the religious divide. Significantly, he did so without resorting to secular claims. By challenging Jinnah's claim to being the sole spokesman of Muslims in India and highlighting the different concerns of a province with a Muslim majority, Huq reconciled the twin identities of religion and region within the same political paradigm, and foreshadowed the emergence of Bangladesh in 1971.
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3

Baxter, Craig, and Harun-or-Rashid. "The Foreshadowing of Bangladesh: Bengal Muslim League and Muslim Politics, 1936-1947." Pacific Affairs 63, no. 3 (1990): 408. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2759548.

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Malik, Muhammad Shoaib, Shahzad Qaisar, and Riffat Haque. "Role of the Central Committee of Action in Organization of the Provincial Muslim Leagues." Global Political Review VI, no. II (June 30, 2021): 17–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(vi-ii).03.

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All India Muslim League lost 1936 elections which propelled Jinnah to re-organize the party on modern grounds. But the re-organization was not that much efficacious due to the absence of effective checks and balances overworking of provincial branches. Initial endeavors to keep check overworking and organization of the provincial Leagues were short successes on the part of the Central League. The working of the Central Civil Defence Committee accentuated the need for a separate body for such tasks. Jinnah brought his idea to life in 1944 by establishing the Central Committee of Action. This was the most authoritative body after Jinnah having powers to affiliate and disaffiliate provincial branches. Moreover, this body not only re-organized the provincial branches but also settled their intra-party disputes effectively. The working of branches improves substantially due to the committee's initiatives for grassroots level activities. The 1946 elections testified logic behind the formation and its result-oriented working to improve Provincial Leagues.
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Talbot, Ian. "Planning for Pakistan: The Planning Committee of the All-India Muslism League 1943–46." Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 4 (October 1994): 875–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012567.

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Most studies have concentrated on the Muslim League's political activities and objectives. It is generally believed that it lacked a distinctive economic programme and unequivocally favoured private enterprise. The radical economic ideas produced by its Punjab and Bengal branches are attributed to a handful of activists who received short shrift from the High Command. The League's stance is thus contrasted with the Congress which addressed economic issues from a largely Socialist perpective.
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Copland, Ian. "The Master and the Maharajas: The Sikh Princes and the East Punjab Massacres of 1947." Modern Asian Studies 36, no. 3 (July 2002): 657–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x02003050.

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EventDuring the spring, summer and autumn of 1947 India's richest province, the Punjab, played host to a massive human catastrophe. The trigger for the catastrophe was Britain's parting gift to its Indian subjects of partition. Confronted by a seemingly intractable demand by the All-India Muslim League for a separate Muslim homeland—Pakistan—a campaign which since 1946 had turned increasingly violent, the British government early in 1947 accepted viceroy Lord Mountbatten's advice that partition was necessary to arrest the country's descent into civil war. ‘Mahatma’ Gandhi notably excepted, the leadership of the Congress party came gradually and reluctantly to the same conclusion. Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Jawaharlal Nehru's deputy, likened it to the cutting off of a diseased limb. But in accepting the ‘logic’ of the League's ‘two-nation’ theory, the British applied it remorselessly. They insisted that partition would have to follow the lines of religious affiliation, not the boundaries of provinces. In 1947 League president Muhammad Ali Jinnah was forced to accept what he had contemptuously dismissed in 1944 as a ‘moth-eaten’ Pakistan, a Pakistan bereft of something like half of Bengal and the Punjab and most of Assam.
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DUBEY, ISHA. "Between ‘Everyday’ and ‘Extraordinary’: Partition, violence and the communal riots of 1946 in Bihar." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 30, no. 2 (December 23, 2019): 283–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186319000488.

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AbstractThe year 1937 saw the establishment of Congress Ministries in eight of the eleven provinces in which the provincial elections had been held, Bihar being one of them. The resounding victory of the Congress which secured a clear majority in the province of Bihar and the dismal performance of the Muslim League seemed at the time to depict the mood of the people in general. It was taken as a clear rejection of the politics of communalism and separatism and as an expression of faith in the secular credentials of the Indian National Congress. However, less than a decade later, the province was gripped by severe communal tensions and had become one of the most prominent parts of India from where the movement for Pakistan drew support. This article thus explores the nature of the communal violence that occurred in Bihar in 1946 against the backdrop of the ‘escalating’ communal tensions during the late 1930s and early 1940s. It seeks to problematise the dichotomy that exists in literature on communal violence between moments of what have been called ‘extraordinary’ violence (such as riots) and the everyday structures of (what Gyanendra Pandey has called) ‘routine violence’. Through its analysis of contemporary material produced by the Muslim League, the Congress Ministry and the provincial British administration to explain the causes of the 1946 riots in Bihar, it argues that it is in the moments of rupture presented by riots that everyday structures of violence are trivialised or normalised through processes of ‘dichotomisation’, ‘dehumanisation’ and ‘denial’.
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Rey-Schirr, Catherine. "The ICRC's activities on the Indian subcontinent following partition (1947–1949)." International Review of the Red Cross 38, no. 323 (June 1998): 267–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400091026.

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In 1945, at the end of the Second World War, the British government clearly stated its intention of granting independence to India.The conflict between the British and the Indian nationalists receded into the background, while the increasing antagonism between Hindus and Muslims came to the fore. The Hindus, centred round the Congress Party led by Jawaharlal Nehru, wanted to maintain the unity of India by establishing a government made up of representatives of the two communities. The Muslims, under the banner of the Muslim League and its President, Mohammed Ali Jinnah, demanded the creation of a separate Muslim State, Pakistan. The problem was further complicated by the fact that the approximately 300 million Hindus, 6 million Sikhs and 100 million Muslims in British India were not living in geographically distinct regions, especially in Punjab and Bengal, where the population was mixed.
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9

SARKAR, ABHIJIT. "Fed by Famine: The Hindu Mahasabha's politics of religion, caste, and relief in response to the Great Bengal Famine, 1943–1944." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 6 (February 14, 2020): 2022–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x19000192.

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AbstractThis article demonstrates how the Great Bengal Famine of 1943–1944 and relief activism during it fed the politics of the Hindu right, a development that has not previously received much scholarly attention. Using hitherto unused primary sources, the article introduces a novel site to the study of communal politics, namely, the propagation of Hindu communalism through food distribution during a humanitarian crisis. It examines the caste and class bias in private relief and provides the first in-depth study of the multifaceted process whereby the Hindu Mahasabha used the famine for political purposes. The party portrayed Muslim food officials as ‘saboteurs’ in the food administration, alleged that the Muslim League government was ‘creating’ a new group of Muslim grain traders undermining the established Hindu traders, and publicized the government's failure to avert the famine to prove the economic ‘unviability’ of creating Pakistan. This article also explores counter-narratives, for example, that Hindu political leaders were deliberately impeding the food supply in the hope that starvation would compel Bengali Muslims to surrender their demand for Pakistan. The politics of religious conversion played out blatantly in famine-relief when the Mahasabha accused Muslim volunteers of converting starving Hindus to Islam in exchange for food, and demanded that Hindu and Muslim famine orphans should remain in Hindu and Muslim orphanages respectively. Finally, by dwelling on beef consumption by the army at the time of an acute shortage of dairy milk during the famine, the Mahasabha fanned communal tensions surrounding the orthodox Hindu taboo on cow slaughter.
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Chander, Sunil. "Congress—Raj Conflict and the Rise of the Muslim League in the Ministry Period, 1937–39." Modern Asian Studies 21, no. 2 (April 1987): 303–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00013822.

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The Government of India Act of 1935 was a constitutional device meant to extend the Raj's political alliances in Indian society. The Congress Party, on the other hand, construed the Act as a new challenge to the demand for independence. The authorities discovered that the Congress ministers’ primary loyalties lay with the imperatives of the party and not with the constitutional arrangement. Concern on this account was heightened by the resurgence of ground-level Congress activism. The Congress strengthened and expanded its volunteer organization while it governed the provinces. If the formal party institutions were weakened by corruption and factionalism during the ministry period, its grass-roots cadres were revitalized and mobilized opinion against compromises with the Raj, strengthening the ministers’ hands in any major clashes with the authorities. The latter were disturbed by links between the Congress ministers and party activity hostile to the Raj, even though a certain convergence of Congress and British interests kept the experiment of provincial autonomy going. The official response to this situation consisted, at one level, of making expedient concessions.But the authorities explored an alternative possibility as well. The Muslim League, which emerged as a mass party after 1937, was not exactly an ally, but it offered the most powerful resistance to the possibility of total mobilization under the Congress.
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Books on the topic "Bengal Provincial Muslim League"

1

The foreshadowing of Bangladesh: Bengal Muslim League and Muslim politics, 1906-1947. Dhaka: The University Press, 2003.

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2

Harun-or-Rashid. The foreshadowing of Bangladesh: Bengal Muslim League and Muslim politics, 1906-1947. Dhaka: Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, 1987.

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Harun-or-Rashid. The foreshadowing of Bangladesh: Bengal Muslim League and Muslim politics, 1936-1947. Dhaka: Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, 1987.

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Muslims, nation and the world: Life and thought of Abul Hashim, leader of the Bengal Muslim League. New Delhi: LG Publishers, Distributors, 2015.

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5

Kamal, A. State against the nation: The decline of the Muslim League in pre-independence Bangladesh, 1947-54. Dhaka: University Press, 2009.

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State against the nation: The decline of the Muslim League in pre-independence Bangladesh, 1947-54. Dhaka: University Press, 2009.

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Kamal, A. State against the nation: The decline of the Muslim League in pre-independence Bangladesh, 1947-54. Dhaka: University Press, 2009.

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8

League, Bengal Provincial Muslim, ed. Bāṃlāra Musalamānadera svādhīnatā saṃgrāmera aitihāsika dalīla, 1936-47: Baṅgīẏa Prādeśika Musalima Līgera Kāunsila Adhibeśana o Oẏārkiṃ Kamiṭira bibaraṇa o gurutvapūrṇa prastābasamūha. Ḍhākā: Isalāmika Phāuṇḍeśana Bāṃlādeśa, 1988.

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9

Talbot, Ian. Provincial politics and the Pakistan movement: The growth of Muslim League in North-West and North-East India, 1937-1947. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1988.

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Provincial politics and the Pakistan movement: The growth of the Muslim League in North-West and North-East India 1937-47. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1988.

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Book chapters on the topic "Bengal Provincial Muslim League"

1

Chatterjee, Chhanda. "Larke Lenge Pakistan: Muslim League Direct Action in Calcutta and Noakhali." In Syama Prasad Mookerjee, the Hindu Dissent and the Partition of Bengal, 1932–1947, 286–336. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003081739-8.

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