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1

Patterson, Robert J. "Between Protest and Politics." Meridians 19, no. 2 (2020): 427–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-8308476.

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Abstract This article examines the official Black Lives Matter Movement (the Black Lives Matter Global Network) as a point of departure to argue that Black Lives Matter (BLM) in general expands our epistemological framework for thinking about black freedom movements, black freedom dreams, and black freedom strategies. By analyzing the movement’s explicit refusal to be likened to civil rights movement organizations as a concurrent attack against intraracial sexism, heterosexism, and transphobia, the article insists that BLM deprivileges heteronormativity to show that black freedom dreams must i
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2

Hamlin, Françoise N. "Schooling for Freedom: Education and the Black Freedom Struggle in Mississippi." History of Education Quarterly 57, no. 2 (2017): 278–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/heq.2017.5.

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John Hale's book about the Freedom Schools during the 1964 Mississippi Freedom Summer Project and Crystal Sanders's work on the largest Head Start program run by the Child Development Group of Mississippi (CDGM) from 1965 to 1968 sit at the end of a long line of histories of the black freedom struggle's mass movement years in Mississippi. Mississippi civil rights histories form well-trodden ground, from trailblazers John Dittmer and Charles Payne and nearly twenty-five years of subsequent scholarship and research supported by the building of new archives, to oral histories collected around the
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3

Wallach, Jennifer Jensen. "Freedom Farmers: Agricultural Resistance and the Black Freedom Movement." Journal of American History 106, no. 4 (2020): 1137. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaz822.

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4

McCutcheon, Priscilla. "Freedom farmers: agricultural resistance and the Black Freedom Movement." Journal of Peasant Studies 47, no. 5 (2020): 1102–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03066150.2020.1744820.

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5

Reese, Ashanté M. "Freedom farmers: agricultural resistance and the Black freedom movement." Sixties 13, no. 1 (2020): 62–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17541328.2020.1749461.

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6

Marable, Manning. "The Black Radical Congress: Revitalizing the Black Freedom Movement." Black Scholar 28, no. 1 (1998): 54–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00064246.1998.11430902.

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7

Turner, Erin G. "Media, Criminal Injustice, and the Black Freedom Struggle." Swarthmore Undergraduate History Journal 2, no. 2 (2021): 86–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.24968/2693-244x.2.1.7.

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Since the mid-20th century, media outlets have driven publicity for newsworthy events and shaped content for their receptive audiences. Commonly, massive movements seek publicity to attract attention and participation for protests, demonstrations, slogans, and unfortunate events. For instance, the black freedom struggle of the 1950s through the 1970s took advantage of their traumatic narratives of oppression to attract national and international attention. Many African Americans who experienced dastardly components of a racist criminal justice system were, in turn, earning respect and power fr
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8

Jones, Brian P. "Black Lives Matter and the Struggle for Freedom." Monthly Review 68, no. 4 (2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-068-04-2016-08_1.

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In late April 2016, at a town hall-style event in London, President Obama complained about the rising movement against the state-sanctioned murder of black people often referred to as Black Lives Matter. Activists, he admonished, should "stop yelling" and instead push for incremental change through the official "process."… The spectacle of the first black president scolding black activists in the context of a rising rate of police murder (as of this writing, the police have killed 630 individuals, at least 155 of them black, nationwide in 2016) speaks volumes about the state of black politics
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9

Marshall Turman, Eboni. "Of Men and [Mountain]Tops." Journal of the Society of Christian Ethics 39, no. 1 (2019): 57–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jsce20194157.

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This essay asserts freedom as the essence of the prophetic Black Christian tradition that propelled the 1968 Memphis Sanitation Strikes, and largely guided the moral compass of the late-twentieth-century Civil Rights Movement. Sexism, however, is a moral paradox that emerges at the interstices of the prophetic Black Church’s institutional espousal of freedom and its consistently conflicting practices of gender discrimination that bind Black women to politics of silence and invisibility. An exploration of the iconic “I AM a Man” placards worn by strikers during Martin Luther King Jr.’s final ca
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10

Cha-Jua, Sundiata Keita. "The Black Radical Congress and the Reconstruction of the Black Freedom Movement." Black Scholar 28, no. 3-4 (1998): 8–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00064246.1998.11430923.

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11

de Jong, Greta. "Freedom Farmers: Agricultural Resistance and the Black Freedom Movement by Monica M. White." Journal of Southern History 86, no. 1 (2020): 232–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/soh.2020.0081.

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12

Nassar, Maha. "Palestinian Engagement with the Black Freedom Movement prior to 1967." Journal of Palestine Studies 48, no. 4 (2019): 17–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2019.48.4.17.

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This article examines early Palestinian engagements with multiple facets of the Black American struggle for freedom through a content analysis of influential Palestinian press outlets in Arabic prior to 1967. It argues that, since the 1930s, Palestinian intellectuals with strong anti-colonial views linked anti-Black racism in the United States to larger imperial and Cold War dynamics, and that they connected Black American mobilizations against racism to decolonization movements around the world. This article also examines Mahmoud Darwish's early analytical writings on race as a social constru
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13

Clayton, Dewey M. "Black Lives Matter and the Civil Rights Movement: A Comparative Analysis of Two Social Movements in the United States." Journal of Black Studies 49, no. 5 (2018): 448–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934718764099.

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Black Lives Matter (BLM) has arisen as a social movement in response to the numerous killings of unarmed African Americans. It has been criticized by some as too confrontational and divisive. The purpose of this study is to undertake a comparative analysis of the BLM Movement and the civil rights movement (1954-1965). As social movements, both have evolved out of the need to continue the Black liberation struggle for freedom. I have conducted a content analysis of the New York Times newspaper during a 2-year period for both social movements to examine the issue framing of each. I argue that th
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14

KERNODLE, TAMMY L. "“I Wish I Knew How It Would Feel to Be Free”: Nina Simone and the Redefining of the Freedom Song of the 1960s." Journal of the Society for American Music 2, no. 3 (2008): 295–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752196308080097.

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AbstractThis article explores the work of pianist/vocalist Nina Simone as the catalyst for a new type of freedom song in the black freedom movement during the 1960s. It examines the lyrical content and structure of Simone's music, which reflects the rhetorical and geographical shift of the transition from King's nonviolent, southern-based civil rights movement of the late 1950s to the mid-1960s to the militant black power nationalist movement of the late 1960s. Curtis Mayfield's Chicago soul style is also referenced as marking an important shift in mid-1960s R&B, which had largely avoided
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15

Jeffries, Bayyinah S. "Black Religion and Black Power: The Nation of Islam’s Internationalism." Genealogy 3, no. 3 (2019): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy3030034.

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The Nation of Islam’s influence has extended beyond the United States. This Black American Muslim movement has used the intersection of race and religion to construct a blueprint of liberation that has bonded people of African descent throughout the Diaspora. Their transnational dimensions and ideas of freedom, justice and equality have worked to challenge global white imperialism and white supremacy throughout the 20th century and beyond.
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Fleming, Cynthia Griggs, and Barbara Ransby. "Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision." Journal of Southern History 70, no. 4 (2004): 966. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27648630.

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17

Robyn C. Spencer. "“Tell Dem Slavery Done!” Domestic Workers and the Black Freedom Movement." Journal of Civil and Human Rights 2, no. 2 (2016): 238. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jcivihumarigh.2.2.0238.

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18

Ongiri, Amy. "Climbin’ Jacob’s Ladder: The Black Freedom Movement Writings of Jack O’Dell." African American Review 44, no. 3 (2011): 527–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/afa.2010.0011.

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19

Gerzina, G. H. "Mobility in Chains: Freedom of Movement in the Early Black Atlantic." South Atlantic Quarterly 100, no. 1 (2001): 41–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-100-1-41.

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20

Harding, Vincent. "Gifts of the Black Movement: Toward “A New Birth of Freedom”." Journal of Education 172, no. 2 (1990): 28–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002205749017200204.

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21

Skrypchenko, Ihor. "BLACK LIVES MATTER AS A POLITICAL AND SOCIAL MOVEMENT: IMAGINATION AND REALITY." Politology bulletin, no. 84 (2020): 218–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2020.84.218-227.

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The study of the emergence of the Black Lives Matter political and social movement in the U.S. allows us to identify the real goals that drove the organizers of the movement during its creation and understand the reason for the protests in the U.S. in 2020. The real reasons behind the emergence of the political and social movement «Black Lives Matter» have been found to be far from defending the democratic principles of freedom and responsibility, instead being a covert form of manipulation of the issues of racism by the African American movement’s organisers for the purpose of achieving polit
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22

Bradley, Stefan M. "Black Power and the Big Green: Dartmouth College and the Black Freedom Movement, 1945-75." Journal of Civil and Human Rights 01, no. 01 (2015): 25–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jcivihumarigh.01.01.0025.

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23

Bradley. "Black Power and the Big Green: Dartmouth College and the Black Freedom Movement, 1945-75." Journal of Civil and Human Rights 1, no. 1 (2015): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jcivihumarigh.1.1.0025.

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24

Bae, Aaron Byungjoo. "“The Struggle for Freedom, Justice, and Equality Transcends Racial and National Boundaries”." Pacific Historical Review 86, no. 4 (2017): 691–722. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2017.86.4.691.

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This article examines the 1967–1971 political prisoner solidarity movement for Black Panther Party co-founder Huey P. Newton as a case study of multiracial radical alliances in the San Francisco Bay Area. In contrast to the predominant trope of “unlikely allies,” I argue that the activists examined in this article who formed alliances with Newton and the Panthers were predisposed to collaborative activism through their common anti-imperialist orientation, expressed as anti-racism, anti-capitalism, and anti–U.S. military interventionism. In addition, I show that earlier alliances laid the found
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25

Mack, Adrian J. "The Black Arts Movement, the Congress for Cultural Freedom, and Cultural Discourse." Comparative American Studies An International Journal 15, no. 3-4 (2017): 162–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14775700.2017.1551603.

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26

Young, D. J. "River of Hope: Black Politics and the Memphis Freedom Movement, 1865-1954." Journal of American History 102, no. 1 (2015): 301–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jav306.

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27

Guglielmo, Thomas A. "A Martial Freedom Movement: Black G.I.s' Political Struggles during World War II." Journal of American History 104, no. 4 (2018): 879–903. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jax428.

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28

Payne, Charles M. "Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision (review)." Southern Cultures 10, no. 3 (2004): 106–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/scu.2004.0038.

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29

Gaines, K. "A World to Win: The International Dimension of the Black Freedom Movement." OAH Magazine of History 20, no. 5 (2006): 14–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/20.5.14.

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30

Cahyawati, Erna. "THE SPIRIT OF FREEDOM AGAINST DEHUMANIZATION IN FREDERICK DOUGLASS’ THE NARRATIVE LIFE OF FREDERICK DOUGLASS, AN AMERICAN SLAVE." SEMIOTIKA: Jurnal Ilmu Sastra dan Linguistik 21, no. 1 (2020): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/semiotika.v21i1.15658.

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American romanticism is a literary movement in the 19th century that upholds individualism, and freedom from all forms of confinement of convention, oppression or tyranny. This study focuses on abolitionism or the anti-slavery movement found in Frederick Douglass's autobiographical novel entitled The Narrative Life of Frederick Douglass, An American Slave. This study explores American romantic literature's characteristics in the book by capturing the dehumanization experienced by black American slaves and their spirit of resistance to the white oppression. The method used is the inductive meth
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31

DUAN, RUODI. "Solidarity in Three Acts: Narrating US black freedom movements in China, 1961–66." Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 05 (2019): 1351–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x1700052x.

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AbstractThe political campaigns and events that comprised the US civil rights movement, as well as the urban race riots that coloured the 1960s, garnered widespread public attention and press coverage within the People's Republic of China (PRC). In the years between the Sino-Soviet Split in 1961 and the beginning of the Cultural Revolution in 1966, China strove to substantiate its commitment to US black liberation in three key respects: consistent news reporting, sentimental receptions of visiting black activists, and local gatherings that publicized up-to-date information on US anti-racist st
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32

Austin, David. "Dread Dialectics." Small Axe: A Caribbean Journal of Criticism 24, no. 3 (2020): 228–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07990537-8749914.

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Rounding out a discussion of Moving Against the System: The 1968 Congress of Black Writers and the Making of Global Consciousness, the author engages in a dialogue with his respondents about the significance of the congress. This essay assesses the legacy of the 1968 congress as a manifestation of the black radical tradition and a critical involvement with socialism. Drawing on C. L. R. James and Sylvia Wynter, it argues that black freedom struggles in the Americas and Europe, including slave revolts, have been an essential part of the history of labor and freedom struggles. It also contends t
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33

Shockley, Megan Taylor, and Christina Greene. "Our Separate Ways: Women and the Black Freedom Movement in Durham, North Carolina." Journal of Southern History 72, no. 3 (2006): 710. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27649210.

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34

Hanson, J. A. "Our Separate Ways: Women and the Black Freedom Movement in Durham, North Carolina." Journal of American History 93, no. 1 (2006): 287–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4486204.

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35

Tate, Gayle T. "Barbara Ransby, Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision." Journal of African American History 89, no. 1 (2004): 80–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4134048.

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36

Schultz, Debra L. "James and Esther Cooper Jackson: Love and Courage in the Black Freedom Movement." Journal of American History 103, no. 4 (2017): 1101–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaw604.

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37

Surbrug, Robert. "African Americans Against the Bomb: Nuclear Weapons, Colonialism and the Black Freedom Movement." Social History 40, no. 4 (2015): 578–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2015.1080034.

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38

Brewer, Rose. "Black Movement Formation: Race, Class, Gender, Capitalist Globalization, and White Nationalism Today." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 18, no. 1-2 (2019): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341501.

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Abstract The arc of the Black Freedom struggle in the US signals the early twenty-first century as a period of high contention, resistance, and possibility. It is also rife with contradictions. The radicalism which informs Black liberation struggle today is complex, disparate, and signals the need to rearticulate social transformation given Black resistance in the era of new nationalism. The struggle is theorized in this analysis in the context of racial capitalism, changing organizational forms, state violence, and nonlinear, disparate contentions around the police. Understanding white suprem
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39

Farmer, Ashley D. "“All the Progress to Be Made Will Be Made by Maladjusted Negroes”: Mae Mallory, Black Women’s Activism, and the Making of the Black Radical Tradition." Journal of Social History 53, no. 2 (2018): 508–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shy085.

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Abstract Mae Mallory (1927–2007) was a radical political activist and a self-proclaimed “maladjusted Negro.” She played a foundational role in developing and sustaining the black freedom movement through her school desegregation protests in the 1950s, Black Power advocacy in the 1960s, and Pan-African and prisoner’s rights organizing in the 1970s and 1980s. She also espoused a politics defined by her commitment to a black, community-centered, working-class, gender-conscious, and anti-imperialist worldview. Mallory’s multifaceted organizing, intellectual production, and women-centered approach
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40

Smith, Abraham. "Black/Africana Studies and Black/Africana Biblical Studies." Brill Research Perspectives in Biblical Interpretation 4, no. 2 (2020): 1–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24057657-12340016.

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Abstract In this study, Abraham Smith introduces the nature, history, and interventions of two theoretical-political cultural productions: Black/Africana studies (the systematic and rigorous study of Africa and African descendants) and Black/Africana biblical studies (a biblical studies’ subfield that analyzes and appraises the strategies of reception and the historical and contemporary impact of the Christian bible for people of African descent). Both cultural productions were formally introduced in U.S. educational institutions in the late 1960s as a part of the Black Freedom movement. Both
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41

Harvey, Celeste. "Eudaimonism, Human Nature, and the Burdened Virtues." Hypatia 33, no. 1 (2018): 40–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hypa.12389.

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This article explores the prospects for a eudaimonist moral theory that is both feminist and Aristotelian. Making the moral philosophy developed by Aristotle compatible with a feminist moral perspective presents a number of philosophical challenges. Lisa Tessman offers one of the most sustained feminist engagements with Aristotelian eudaimonism (Tessman 2005). However, in arguing for the account of flourishing that her eudaimonist theory invokes, Tessman avoids taking a stand either for or against the role Aristotle assigned to human nature. She draws her account of flourishing instead from th
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42

Bickford, John H., Jeremiah Clabough, and Tim Taylor. "Fourth graders’ (Re-)Reading, (historical) thinking, and (revised) writing about the black freedom movement." Journal of Social Studies Research 44, no. 2 (2020): 249–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jssr.2020.01.001.

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Cha-Jua, Sundiata Keita, and Clarence Lang. "The "Long Movement" as Vampire: Temporal and Spatial Fallacies in Recent Black Freedom Studies." Journal of African American History 92, no. 2 (2007): 265–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jaahv92n2p265.

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44

Lee, Chana Kai. "Stars for Freedom: Hollywood, Black Celebrities, and the Civil Rights Movement by Emilie Raymond." Register of the Kentucky Historical Society 114, no. 2 (2016): 281–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/khs.2016.0033.

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45

Harris, Glen Anthony. "Stars for Freedom: Hollywood, Black Celebrities, and the Civil Rights Movement by Emilie Raymond." Journal of Southern History 82, no. 2 (2016): 481–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/soh.2016.0123.

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46

Lau, Peter F. "Elizabeth Gritter. River of Hope: Black Politics and the Memphis Freedom Movement, 1865–1954." American Historical Review 120, no. 2 (2015): 633–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/120.2.633.

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47

Gumbs, Alexis Pauline. "Silence and Sound in Black Girl Utopia." Departures in Critical Qualitative Research 6, no. 3 (2017): 90–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/dcqr.2017.6.3.90.

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Ladeedah is an audio novella that takes place in a Black utopic space after “the improvised revolution.” Ladeedah is a tone-deaf, rhythm-lacking Black girl in a world where everyone dances and sings at all times. What is Ladeedah's destiny as a quiet, clumsy genius in a society where movement and sound are the basis of the social structure and the definition of freedom? This excerpt from Ladeedah focuses on Ladeedah's attempts to understand the meaning of revolution from her own perspectives—at home, at school, and in her own mind and body.
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48

Miletsky, Zebulon Vance. "Before Busing." Journal of Urban History 43, no. 2 (2017): 204–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144216688280.

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Boston’s long Civil Rights Movement in the twentieth century, before the infamous busing crisis, has not received nearly as much attention as the school desegregation period that was ushered in by Federal court order in 1974. While the story of Boston’s busing crisis is well known, my goal is to place that moment within the context of a longer freedom struggle in Boston and highlight the city’s history of racial inequality and segregation. By looking at both the nineteenth-century origins of legal discrimination in Boston and the activism during the four decades before the 1970s, I reconstruct
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COLLEY, ZOE. "“All America Is a Prison”: The Nation of Islam and the Politicization of African American Prisoners, 1955–1965." Journal of American Studies 48, no. 2 (2013): 393–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875813001308.

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This article examines the rise of the Nation of Islam (NOI) within America's penal system during the late 1950s and the 1960s. In doing so, it explores the reasons for the NOI's appeal among African American prisoners, its contribution to the politicization of those prisoners, the responses of penal, state and federal authorities to the proliferation of prison mosques, and the way in which imprisoned Black Muslims' campaign for freedom of religious expression established the legal groundwork for the prisoners' rights movement of the late 1960s and the 1970s. This research presents the prison a
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50

Evans, Curtis J. "White Evangelical Protestant Responses to the Civil Rights Movement." Harvard Theological Review 102, no. 2 (2009): 245–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816009000765.

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In his first book, Stride Toward Freedom (1958), Martin Luther King, Jr. reflected on the future struggle of African Americans after their successful Montgomery bus boycott. Among the “forces of good,” King saw the indispensable assistance of the federal government, cautioning critics and sympathizers that though government action was “not the whole answer,” it was an “important partial answer.”1 King was addressing one of the most common criticisms of black activism for civil rights. White conservative Protestants, in the South and North, insisted that race relations would worsen because agit
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