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Journal articles on the topic 'Civilisation africaine'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Mubiala, Mutoy. "Les Etats africains et la promotion des principes humanitaires." Revue Internationale de la Croix-Rouge 71, no. 776 (April 1989): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0035336100013009.

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Comme on le sait, la société africaine a une organisation reflétant ses us et coutumes. Le système de pensée africain, étant essentiellement imprégné d'humanisme, a genéré des conceptions et des pratiques qui placent les peuples africains au rang des civilisations humanitaires. L'avenement de la colonisation a plutôt été ressenti comme une mise en veilleuse desdites manifestations, alors que s'installaient des institutions inspirés par les valeurs importées. L'indépendance, tout en donnant aux Etats africains l'occasion de participer aux côtés des nations étrangères, à la construction de la civilisation de l'universel, les a paradoxalement placés en face de nombreux dilemmes aussi bien sur les plans économique, politique et socio-culturel qu'à propos du choix à opérer entre l'adhésion sans faille aux modèles importés, européens en particulier, et le recours radical aux traditions ancestrales. Cependant le domaine humanitaire nous paraît un des rares qui puisse — et devrait — échapper à cette logique des conflits manichéens.

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2

Chouala, Yves Alexandre. "Éthique et politique internationale africaine du XXIe siècle." Articles hors thème 25, no. 2-3 (June 13, 2007): 183–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/015933ar.

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Résumé La politique internationale africaine en ce début de siècle connaît une profonde mutation en matière des principes, des normes et des valeurs de son fonctionnement. La caractéristique fondamentale de cette mutation est la civilisation des habitus et des moeurs politiques. L’État de droit, la démocratie, les droits de la personne, la gouvernance, la sécurité humaine sont désormais des références cardinales des relations internationales africaines et s’affirment en même temps comme des contraintes éthiques dont dépend la modernité des États. La nouvelle moralité politique qui émerge à la faveur de la civilisation politique continentale est aussi un terrain du jeu réaliste de construction d’un nouvel ordre continental et d’affirmation de la puissance symbolique entre les États. Toutefois, comme tout processus en cours, l’écart reste encore considérable entre la construction normative et les pratiques politiques.

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3

Kesteloot, Lilyan. "TRADITION ORALE ET LITTÉRATURE CLEFS DE LA CIVILISATION AFRICAINE." Contemporary French Civilization 14, no. 2 (October 1990): 181–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/cfc.1990.14.2.003.

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4

Coquery-Vidrovitch, Catherine. "Villes Africaines Anciennes : Une Civilisation Mercantile Pré-Négrière Dans L'Ouest Africain, XVIe et XVIIe Siècles." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 46, no. 6 (December 1991): 1389–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ahess.1991.279016.

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Les écrits récents sur l'histoire urbaine africaine, celle-ci d'ailleurs souvent abordée en chapitre liminaire par de solides études géographiques, ont eu tendance à mettre l'accent sur les phénomènes d'hypertrophie urbaine contemporains issus de la colonisation. Or non seulement l'urbanisation africaine subsaharienne est ancienne (des découvertes archéologiques récentes ont notamment démontré qu'elle préexistait à l'influence musulmane), mais elle a pu dans certains cas présenter des formes mercantiles relativement complexes bien antérieures au fait colonial.

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5

Anselin, Alain. "« L'Égypte antique, une civilisation africaine », compte rendu du Colloque de Barcelone, 18 mars-23 mars 1996." Présence Africaine 154, no. 2 (1996): 331. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/presa.154.0331.

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6

Mbodj, Mohamed, and Jean Girard. "L'Or du Bambouk--Une Dynamique de Civilisation Ouest-africaine--Du Royaume de Gabou a la Casamance." International Journal of African Historical Studies 27, no. 2 (1994): 413. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221050.

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7

Anganga, Marcel. "Vie et mort en Afrique noire." Thème 19, no. 1 (February 15, 2013): 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1014182ar.

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En Afrique, continent-Mère de l’homme et source de notre civilisation, vie et mort, depuis plus de 200 000 ans avant notre ère, sont liées. Inséparables. Elles constituent, ensemble, les deux faces de l’existence humaine et, par ce fait, la mort se veut la conséquence de la vie. Dès lors, dans la cosmogonie négro-africaine dont les traces sont visibles dans le judaïsme et le christianisme, l’idéologie de la vie prime sur celle de la thanatologie, car la vie ne finit pas avec la mort. A contrario, elle la dépasse, la transcende et continue dans l’Au-delà. Ainsi, la mort n’est pas le dernier mot de la vie pour l’Africain. Celle-ci est, reste et demeurera une phrase en pointillés qui s’achèvera au village des ancêtres lors du retour final.

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8

Attikpoé, Kodjo. "La représentation du passé dans la littérature africaine pour la jeunesse." Nouveaux cahiers de la recherche en éducation 11, no. 2 (July 31, 2013): 151–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1017499ar.

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Le regard littéraire sur l’histoire africaine devrait prendre en compte la quête de la vérité qui caractérise l’historiographie africaine contemporaine. Aussi, la représentation de l’histoire dans la littérature africaine pour la jeunesse s’inscrit-elle dans le processus de réécriture du passé africain, lequel remonte jusqu’aux premières civilisations de l’Égypte antique. À travers divers genres, cette littérature déploie un contre-discours visant à la reconstruction de la mémoire historique et à l’émergence d’une conscience historique dans le contexte africain postcolonial.

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9

Heusch, Luc de. "Histoire structurale d'une religion africaine." Civilisations, no. 41 (September 1, 1993): 19–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/civilisations.1609.

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10

Clark, Andrew F. "Cantor and Gabu - L'or du Bambouk: une dynamique de civilisation ouest-africaine: du royaume de Gabou à la Casamance. Par Jean Girard. Geneva: Georg Editeur, 1992. Pp. xviii + 347. $38; FF 189 (ISBN 2-8257-0451-2)." Journal of African History 35, no. 2 (July 1994): 309–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700026451.

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11

Laburthe-Tolra, Philippe. "Intentions missionnaires et perception africaine : quelques données camerounaises." Civilisations, no. 41 (September 1, 1993): 239–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/civilisations.1708.

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12

GUEDJ, Pauline. "Africain, Akan, Panafricain et Afro-Américain." Civilisations, no. 58-1 (August 31, 2009): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/civilisations.1925.

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13

Oladejo, Dr Olusayo Bosun, and Dr Adeniyi Temitope Adetunji. "Impact of Ogbomoso Journal of Theology on Developmental Works in Africa and Beyond." International Journal For Research In Business, Management And Accounting (ISSN: 2455-6114) 1, no. 2 (July 6, 2021): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.53555/bma.v1i2.1674.

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This paper was designed to discuss the contribution of Ogbomoso Journal of Theology (OJOT) to educational developmental work and civilisation of Africans. The paper is a desk research and a review of the OJOT activities in the African continent with concentration onhow missionary education contributed to human development on the continent. The study reveals that OJOT has made significant impact to developmental works through theological education and scholarly contribution in Africa and beyond, especially in the areas of poverty alleviation, holistic healing and health awareness, and prevention or reduction of societal ills through ministrations.

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Witte, Marleen de, and Birgit Meyer. "African Heritage Design." Civilisations, no. 61-1 (December 22, 2012): 43–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/civilisations.3132.

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15

Duval, Mélanie. "Enjeux patrimoniaux et identitaires autour des sites d’art rupestre sud-africains." Civilisations, no. 61-1 (December 22, 2012): 83–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/civilisations.3165.

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16

Semin, Jeanne. "L’argent, la famille, les amies : ethnographie contemporaine des tontines africaines en contexte migratoire." Civilisations, no. 56 (December 1, 2007): 183–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/civilisations.636.

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17

Bissengué, Victor. "Pour une réconciliation des civilisations africaines avec l’histoire universelle." L'Homme, no. 181 (February 1, 2007): 189–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/lhomme.21873.

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18

Maina, Newton Kahumbi. "The Shirazi Civilisation and its Impact on the East African Coast." Utafiti 14, no. 2 (March 4, 2020): 242–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26836408-14010014.

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Abstract The relations between Iran and East Africa are captured well by depicting the impact of the Shirazi (Persian) civilisation on the East African coast. But some influential scholars claim that historians tend to dismiss or trivialise the role played by the Shirazis in East Africa. The demonstrable impact of Shirazi civilisation in East Africa is evident in the expansion of trade between the East African coast and the Persian Gulf region with the expansion of Islam. The Persian language has bequeathed to the Kiswahili language many lexicons that are presently still accessible in the region. Persian poets influenced Kiswahili literature through their classic works. The influence of Persian architecture is seen in Shirazi building styles throughout cities including Zanzibar, Kilwa and Manda. Thus Shirazis brought Persian traditions and customs to East Africa, and some Shirazis intermarried with the Arabs and local communities. As compiled here from other sources, there is enough enduring historical evidence to demonstrate incontrovertibly the impact of the Shirazis in social, economic and political aspects of East African life. This legacy arguably justifies greater contemporary cooperation between East African nation states and the Islamic Republic of Iran.

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19

Fetter, Bruce. "Changing determinants of african mineworker mortality: Witwatersrand and the Copperbelt, 1911-1940." Civilisations, no. 41 (September 1, 1993): 347–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/civilisations.1721.

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20

Frankl, P. J. L., and John Middleton. "The World of the Swahili: An African Mercantile Civilisation." Journal of Religion in Africa 26, no. 4 (November 1996): 443. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1581845.

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21

Gohar, Saddik M. "The dialectics of homeland and identity: Reconstructing Africa in the poetry of Langston Hughes and Mohamed Al-Fayturi." Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 45, no. 1 (February 15, 2018): 42–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-9070/tvl.v.45i1.4460.

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The article investigates the dialectics between homeland and identity in the poetry of the Sudanese poet, Mohamed Al-Fayturi and his literary master, Langston Hughes in order to underline their attitudes toward crucial issues integral to the African and African-American experience such as identity, racism, enslavement and colonisation. The article argues that – in Hughes’s early poetry –Africa is depicted as the land of ancient civilisations in order to strengthen African-American feelings of ethnic pride during the Harlem Renaissance. This idealistic image of a pre-slavery, a pre-colonial Africa, argues the paper, disappears from the poetry of Hughes, after the Harlem Renaissance, to be replaced with a more realistic image of Africa under colonisation. The article also demonstrates that unlike Hughes, who attempts to romanticize Africa, Al-Fayturi rejects a romantic confrontation with the roots. Interrogating western colonial narratives about Africa, Al-Fayturi reconstructs pre-colonial African history in order to reveal the tragic consequences of colonisation and slavery upon the psyche of the African people. The article also points out that in their attempts to confront the oppressive powers which aim to erase the identity of their peoples, Hughes and Al-Fayturi explore areas of overlap drama between the turbulent experience of African-Americans and the catastrophic history of black Africans dismantling colonial narratives and erecting their own cultural mythology.

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22

Sy, Aida, and Tony Tinker. "The struggle to establish the African origins of Western civilisation." African J. of Accounting, Auditing and Finance 1, no. 3 (2012): 223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ajaaf.2012.048408.

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23

Peretti, Burton W. "Caliban reheard: new voices on jazz and American consciousness." Popular Music 13, no. 2 (May 1994): 151–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143000007017.

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Wilfrid Mellers was one of the first scholars of American music to recognise that jazz was situated within many of the major contexts and controversies of American civilisation. InMusic in a New Found Land(1965) andCaliban Reborn(1967), he argued eloquently that jazz was the music which both expressed and challenged urban alienation from a distinctly African-American point of view.

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24

Heap, Simon. "The Quality of Liquor in Nigeria During the Colonial Era." Itinerario 23, no. 2 (July 1999): 29–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s016511530002475x.

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The Nigerian liquor trade provoked fierce debate: was it advancing development or fashioning an economy based on the unproductive consumption of alcohol? The liquor trade was caught between two prevailing colonial perspectives on African economic development: the Darwinian-based principle that Western civilisation had a duty to protect Africans from all bad external influences, and the civilise-through-trade concept seeking to modernise Africans by exploiting colonies to their fullest potential. Humanitarian concerns and economic interests were entangled. Positive views of the liquor trade claimed its necessity in developing the Nigerian economy. Some admitted that the trade formed a necessary evil, but did not fail to emphasise its role as a transitional currency, promoter of cash-crops-forexport, and a desirable commodity among those with money to spend. Merchants saw commerce as a great civilising agent, with the liquor trade as its most important constituent. On the other hand, liquor trade critics used the temperance equation to further their cause: drinking alcohol was bad, abstinence was good. Arguing that the imposition of ‘a Rum and Gin Civilization’ would be ‘a hydra that devours the natives’, halting useful commerce and hindering economic development, they agitated for Prohibition and a complete restructuring of the colonial economy along alcoholfree lines.

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25

Alomenu, H. S. "Current trends in African Migratory Locust plague prevention." Outlook on Agriculture 14, no. 4 (December 1985): 165–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003072708501400402.

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From the dawn of civilisation, locusts have been one of the great agricultural plagues, stripping vast areas bare of vegetation as they relentlessly advance. Experience shows that the most effective control measure is to attack the pest at its breeding grounds in the Niger Delta area as soon as it shows signs of swarming. Unfortunately, the prolonged sahelian drought – which for some years has put a natural brake on breeding – has encouraged complacency about the risks of another resurgence when this comes to an end.

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26

Kabasele Lumbala, François. "Liturgies africaines et vie." Thème 19, no. 1 (February 15, 2013): 147–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1014185ar.

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En Afrique noire, la vie est le sacré par excellence ; aussi, demeure-t-elle la préoccupation principale de toutes les cérémonies religieuses, déjà dans les traditions, et jusqu’aujourd’hui dans les religions africaines nouvelles : les rituels regorgent d’évocations et de supplications pour la vie ; les lieux de culte sont décorés aux couleurs de la vie (la trilogie « blanc-noir-rouge ») ; les symboles déployés dans le culte au sein de ces civilisations de l’oralité sont ceux de la fécondité, du triomphe sur la mort, de communion et cohésion sociale : les bananiers, la chaux, les arbres de vie ou arbres aux ancêtres, le feu, etc. Enfin, la manière même de célébrer est des plus vivantes : les assemblées grouillent de monde, la prédication est jalonnée de cris d’acclamation et élaborée avec l’apport de toute l’assemblée, le tambour rythme la prière en réveillant efficacement tous les dormeurs et en mettant debout toute l’assemblée pour la danse qui remet le corps à l’unisson avec l’Esprit et tout le groupe ! Oui, la vie « explose » dans les célébrations africaines.

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27

Pretelli, Matteo. "Education in the Italian colonies during the interwar period." Modern Italy 16, no. 3 (August 2011): 275–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2011.586502.

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Fascism saw education as a key way to ‘make Italians’ both at home and in its colonies. Schools for Italians and for the indigenous population in Africa were a key part of this project. These educational institutions were set up, partly, to convince young Italians of their role as colonisers and bearers of an idea of ‘Italian civilisation’. A small minority of Africans, who were permitted to attend schools created for a section of the local population, were given an education that was designed to reinforce their role as inferior and as targets for an idea of a superior ‘Italian civilisation’. This article will analyse the role of the schools set up in the colonies both for Italians and for the local population, as well as their use of politics, propaganda and their educational techniques. The article looks at continuities and breaks with the pre-Fascist period, as well as the radicalisation of racist educational policies after the proclamation of the empire.

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28

Salamone, Frank A. "The African Origin of Civilisation and the Destiny of Africa (review)." Africa Today 51, no. 2 (2004): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/at.2005.0012.

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Saint-André Utudjian, Éliane. "Processus d’acculturation et problèmes de traduction : le théâtre de Wole Soyinka." TTR : traduction, terminologie, rédaction 6, no. 2 (March 16, 2007): 79–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/037152ar.

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Résumé Processus d'acculturation et problèmes de traduction : le théâtre de WoIe Soyinka — Cette étude traite des déterminations linguistiques et culturelles que fait peser une culture-source peu familière sur la traduction en français du théâtre de langue anglaise de l'auteur nigérian WoIe Soyinka, prix Nobel de littérature (1986). L'ethnie yoruba fournit à ces pièces une langue polytonale, une civilisation enracinée dans le sacré et un théâtre ambulant opératique. Les influences occidentales se reconnaissent à l'utilisation de l'anglais standard par les personnages membres de l'élite cultivée, de mots-clés révélateurs d'idéologies par les personnages représentatifs et de modèles littéraires occidentaux. La composante anglo-nigériane, synthèse plus ou moins cohérente, mais toujours très riche, de toutes les influences, se distingue par l'emploi de l'anglais pidgin, d'un anglais nigérianisé et d'un style heurté, parfois hermétique, exprimant la souffrance et la rébellion. Les trois composantes de ce théâtre (indissociables dans la réalité) exigent du traducteur des techniques variées, une culture étendue et une grande sensibilité poétique. Il revient au traducteur francophone de trouver des équivalents français susceptibles de rendre des faits de civilisation africains, issus de processus d'acculturation complexes.

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Jones, Arun W. "Indian Christians and the Appropriation of Western Civilisation in the Nineteenth Century." Studies in World Christianity 23, no. 1 (April 2017): 4–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2017.0166.

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While the western Christian missionary desire to ‘civilise’ Christians from other cultures has been well documented and researched, the desire of local Christians to appropriate western civilisation in the face of missionary resistance to such appropriation has not been critically studied. This article examines debates in nineteenth-century North India missionary conferences between Indian Christians who wanted to adopt many accoutrements of western civilisation, and missionaries who wanted Indian Christians to retain as much of their Indian culture as possible. The article also looks at parallel cases in sub-Saharan Africa. It argues that local Christians were extracting and employing materials from European civilisation and culture to create new religious and social identities for themselves in their own particular contexts. This argument provides a counterpoint to Homi Bhabha's view of hybridity and mimicry as processes imposed by foreign western imperial regimes on subject peoples. In the process of creating new communal identities, local Christians clashed with missionaries who were at least partly motivated by the ideal of a native and indigenous church, but who also were worried about losing their authority to westernised Asian and African Christians in the emerging church. Local Christians also clashed with other members of their own society who wanted the former to keep their low social status. Indian Christians’ understandings of what counted as indigenous – which could include foreign influences – differed in significant ways from missionary and some Indian views of indigeneity.

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NEWITT, M. "Dictionary of Portuguese-African Civilisation, Volume 2: From Ancient Kings to Presidents." African Affairs 96, no. 382 (January 1, 1997): 125–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a007802.

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32

Dehoux, Vincent. "Entrevista a José Eduardo Martins." Revista Música 2, no. 2 (November 1, 1991): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/rm.v2i2.55032.

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Etnomusicólogo francês, encarregado de pesquisas junto ao CNRS desde 1983, na equipe do Laboratoire de Civilisations à Tradiction Orale (LACITO), Departamento de Etnomusicologia dirigido por Simha Arom (diretor de Pesquisa no CNRS). Desde 1977, Dehoux já realizou cerca de 20 pesquisas de campo na República Centro-Africana, no Senegal e uma no Brasil (Parque Nacional do Xingu). É autor do livro Chants à penser Gbaya (Centrafrique). Paris: Selaf, 1986.

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Irving-Stonebraker, Sarah. "Nature, Knowledge, and Civilisation. Connecting the Atlantic and Pacific Worlds in the Enlightenment." Itinerario 41, no. 1 (April 2017): 93–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115317000092.

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A central feature of Scottish Enlightenment thought was the emergence of stadial or “conjectural” theories of history, in which the development of all human societies, from those in Europe, to the Seminole Indians in Florida and the Tongans of the South Pacific, could be understood and compared according to the same universal historical criteria. This paper argues that central to this tradition was an account of the relationship between “useful knowledge” and social development. This article argues that we can map the circulation of a discourse about useful knowledge, nature, and civilisation through a network of Scottish-trained physicians and naturalists that spread to the Atlantic and to the Pacific. In the Atlantic world, physicians and naturalists used the vocabulary and categories of stadial theory to classify indigenous societies: they made comparisons between the illnesses that they thought “naturally” afflicted savage cultures, as opposed to those of civilized Europeans. In the Pacific, the Edinburgh-trained surgeons and naturalists compared Tahitians, Maoris, and Australian Aborigines to black Africans and Europeans, and they commented on the presence or absence of useful knowledge as a marker of the degree of development of each civilisation.

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34

Costa, A. A. "Chieftaincy and Civilisation: African Structures of Government and Colonial Administration in South Africa." African Studies 59, no. 1 (July 2000): 13–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713650972.

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35

Persson, Mathias. "Southern Darkness, Northern Light: ‘Civilisation’ and ‘Savagery’ in Anders Sparrman’s Southern African Travelogue." South African Historical Journal 71, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2019.1600000.

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36

Baumgardt, Ursula. "La littérature africaine au Département Afrique de l’Institut National des Langues et Civilisations Orientales, Paris." Études littéraires africaines, no. 17 (2004): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1041504ar.

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37

Comaroff, Jean. "Les vieux habits de l'Empire. Façonner le sujet colonial." Anthropologie et Sociétés 18, no. 3 (September 10, 2003): 15–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/015326ar.

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Résumé Les vieux habits de l'Empire Façonner le sujet colonial Cet essai explore le rôle du vêtement dans la fabrication des sujets coloniaux et des communautés « ethniques ». Il s'intéresse aux raisons pour lesquelles les missions britanniques installées au XIXe siècle dans le sud de l'Afrique, qui s'efforçaient de re-former les cœurs et les âmes des Africains, consacrèrent tant de temps à vêtir les corps noirs. L'habillement, pour les chrétiens, était le « tissu de la civilisation »; sa consommation adéquate était considérée comme un moyen essentiel permettant de modeler de nouvelles formes de soi, de désir et de travail. Le costume européen (neuf ou d'occasion) provoqua effectivement des transformations; mais il déclencha aussi un jeu politique complexe autour de l'habillement, intervenant dans la fabrication de nouvelles identités ethniques et de classe, mais encourageant aussi de nouveaux croisements avec les styles vestimentaires indigènes. Si les Africains remodelèrent leurs traditions à partir des tissus coloniaux, ils imposèrent souvent des modes locaux d'appropriation, jouant de manière imprévue sur les possibilités de la culture marchande.

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38

Wengrow, David, Michael Dee, Sarah Foster, Alice Stevenson, and Christopher Bronk Ramsey. "Cultural convergence in the Neolithic of the Nile Valley: a prehistoric perspective on Egypt's place in Africa." Antiquity 88, no. 339 (March 2014): 95–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00050249.

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The African origins of Egyptian civilisation lie in an important cultural horizon, the ‘primary pastoral community’, which emerged in both the Egyptian and Sudanese parts of the Nile Valley in the fifth millennium BC. A re-examination of the chronology, assisted by new AMS determinations from Neolithic sites in Middle Egypt, has charted the detailed development of these new kinds of society. The resulting picture challenges recent studies that emphasise climate change and environmental stress as drivers of cultural adaptation in north-east Africa. It also emphasises the crucial role of funerary practices and body decoration.

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CASFORD, J. S. L., R. ABU-ZIED, E. J. ROHLING, S. COOKE, K. P. BOESSENKOOL, H. BRINKHUIS, C. DE VRIES, et al. "Mediterranean climate variability during the Holocene." Mediterranean Marine Science 2, no. 1 (June 1, 2001): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/mms.275.

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We present a study on four high sedimentation-rate marine cores with suppressed bioturbation effects, recovered along the northern margin of the eastern Mediterranean. We demonstrate that this region, central to the development of modern civilisation, was substantially affected throughout the Holocene by a distinct cycle of cooling events on the order of 2o C. In the best-preserved cases the onset of these events appears particularly abrupt, within less than a century. The cooling events typically lasted several centuries, and there are compelling indications that they were associated with increased aridity in the Levantine/NE African sector (Rossignol-Strick, 1995; 1998; Alley et al., 1997; Hassan, 1986; 1996; 1997a,b; McKim Malville et al., 1998). Several of these episodes appear coincident with cultural reorganisations, with indigenous developments (eg. cattle domestication, new technologies) and population migrations and fusion of peoples and ideas (Hassan, 1986; 1996; 1997a,b; McKim Malville, 1998). We infer that climatic events of a likely high-latitude origin (O’Brien et al., 1995; Bond et al., 1997; Mayewski et al., 1997; Alley et al., 1997) caused cooling and aridity in and around the eastern Mediterranean via a direct atmospheric link, and therefore played an important role in the development of modern civilisation.

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Willan, Brian. "‘Implanting the better instincts of civilisation’? Black South Africans and Shakespeare in Victorian Grahamstown." Journal of African Cultural Studies 26, no. 1 (March 26, 2013): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13696815.2013.774267.

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Sulas, F. "Foundations of an African Civilisation: Aksum and the northern Horn, 1000 BC-1300 AD." African Affairs 113, no. 453 (August 28, 2014): 622–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adu055.

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Curtis, Matthew C. "Foundations of an African civilisation: Aksum and the northern Horn 1000 BC – AD 1300." Azania: Archaeological Research in Africa 49, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 119–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0067270x.2013.874666.

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SHILLIAM, ROBBIE. "Intervention and colonial-modernity: decolonising the Italy/Ethiopia conflict through Psalms 68:31." Review of International Studies 39, no. 5 (September 30, 2013): 1131–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026021051300020x.

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AbstractIn this article I utilise the editors' conceptual frame of sovereignty/intervention/transnational social forces to argue that the relationship that ensues between these phenomena has to be understood in colonial-modern – rather than modern – terms. I thereby argue that intervention is a distinctive technology of colonial-modern rule, specifically, one that erects and polices the difference between sovereign and quasi-sovereign entities via a standard of civilisation. Additionally, I argue that transnational social forces struggle – cognitively, socially, and politically – over the upholding or refuting of this standard; and in this struggle, some might even defend particular sovereign entities against colonial interventions. I demonstrate my argument by explicating the global colonial context of the Italy/Ethiopia conflict in 1935–6, the nadir of the interwar crisis. I ‘decolonise’ received interpretations of the conflict through the heuristic of two differing catechisms of Psalms 68:31 proffered at the time: one, invoking a civilising mission of Africans; the other, invoking a project of self-liberation by Africans.

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MACARTHUR, JULIE. "THE MAKING AND UNMAKING OF AFRICAN LANGUAGES: ORAL COMMUNITIES AND COMPETITIVE LINGUISTIC WORK IN WESTERN KENYA." Journal of African History 53, no. 2 (July 2012): 151–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853712000229.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines the history of efforts to create a standard written language in western Kenya. In the 1940s, the Luyia Language Committee worked to standardise one Luyia language out of a set of diverse, distinct, and yet mutually intelligible linguistic cultures. While missionaries worked to imbue translations with ideals of Christian discipline, domestic virtue, and civilisation, local cultural entrepreneurs took up linguistic work to debate morality, to further their political agendas, and to unite their constituents. Rather than subsume linguistic difference, these efforts at standardisation reveal the dynamism of oral communities, and how they encouraged a culture of competitive linguistic work. Examination of these efforts challenges previous historians' insistence on the role of linguistic consolidation in the making and unmaking of political communities in colonial Africa.

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Mgadla, P. T., and Sybille Kuster. "Neither Cultural Imperialism nor Precious Gift of Civilisation: African Education in Colonial Zimbabwe 1890-1962." International Journal of African Historical Studies 29, no. 2 (1996): 447. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220568.

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Oladipo Ojo, Emmanuel. "CHANGE AND CONTINUITY AMONG THE BATOMBU SINCE 1900." Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 57, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/jssh.v57i1.75.

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Like elsewhere in Nigeria and Africa, the imposition of colonial rule on Batombuland and the incursion of western ideas produced profound socio-cultural, economic and political changes in the Batombu society. However, unlike several Nigerian and African peoples whose histories have received extensive scholarly attention, the history of the Batombu has attracted very little scholarly attention. Thus virtually neglected, the Batombu occupies a mere footnote position in the extant historiography of Nigeria. This is the gap this article seeks to fill. It examines the impact of colonialism and western civilisation on Batombu’s political, social, economic and cultural institutions and concludes that as profound and far-reaching as these changes were some important aspects of the indigenous institutions and traditional practices of the people survived.

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Frankl, P. J. L. "Mombasa Cathedral and the CMS Compound: the Years of the East Africa Protectorate." History in Africa 35 (January 2008): 209–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.0.0017.

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Exactly when Islam arrived on the Swahili coast is difficult to say, but Mombasa was a Muslim town long before the arrival of Vasco da Gama in 1498. During the two centuries or so that the Portuguese-Christians occupied this part of the sea route from Europe to India there were churches in Mombasa and elsewhere in Swahililand, but none has endured. Modern Christianity dates from 1844, when Ludwig Krapf arrived in Mombasa. Before then Mombasa was a “wholly Mohammedan” town. Krapf, a German Lutheran, was employed by the Church Missionary Society (CMS) based in London. Failing to make any converts on the island, Krapf moved into the coastal hinterland, among the Nyika, where Islam was less in evidence and where, therefore, Krapf was more hopeful of success. With remarkable perspicacity he wrote: “Christianity and civilisation ever go hand in hand…. A black bishop and black clergy of the Protestant Church may, ere long, become a necessity in the civilisation of Africa.”In England, when attention was drawn to the east African slave trade, a settlement of liberated slaves was established on the mainland north of Mombasa island in 1875, and a church built (Emmanuel Church, Frere Town)—the first parcel of land in central Swahililand to be owned by European-Christians. There was still no church on the island. However, this was the zenith of the British imperial power and in the capital of almost every major British overseas possession, it was de rigueur—alongside the Secretariat and the Club—to have a Church of England cathedral.

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Batiuk, Stephen D. "Foundations of an African civilisation: Aksum & the Northern Horn 1000 BC – AD 1300 (Eastern Africa Series)." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 47, no. 2 (August 2013): 337–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2013.829950.

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Sernicola, Luisa. "David W. Phillipson, Foundations of an African Civilisation: Aksum & the Northern Horn 1000 BC–AD 1300." Aethiopica 17 (December 19, 2014): 258–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.17.1.874.

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Mayowa, Ilori Oladapo. "Impact of Broken Homes on Education of Children: A Sociological Perspective." International Journal of Criminology and Sociology 10 (August 23, 2021): 1342–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.6000/1929-4409.2021.10.154.

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Broken Homes, until very recently is very alien to the African family structure/setting. But it is discovered that the trend of Broken Homes is growing in the world all over and Africa is not left behind in this trend. One can deduce the growing trend of Broken Homes in Africa to the incursion of modernization and industrialization into the African family setup. The traditional African family is much knitted together with a lot of love bound. But with modernization and civilisation are fast becoming the order of the day in all sectors of daily life, family is not left behinIn Nigeria for instance, the existence of Broken Homes is unknown, and when they existed, they are ignored as exceptional cases. In Africa, no one is happy to be identified as being raised in a Broken Home. In order words, the pride of an average African Child is to be brought up in a family where the man and his dear wife are living together, loving each other and each one of them performing his/her social responsibility and obligation towards the raising of the children and the survival of the family at large. This research looked at how broken home has affected education of children in society today and proffered solutions on how the scourge could be contained in our society. The research is mainly literature and conceptual. Literature in this study was sourced mainly from secondary data like journals, books, and the views of other scholars in this field.

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