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Journal articles on the topic 'Communicative politics'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 30 May 2022

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Krzyżanowski, Michał. "Social media in/and the politics of the European Union." Journal of Language and Politics 17, no. 2 (2018): 281–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.18001.krz.

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Abstract This paper looks at how social/online media – using the example of Twitter – are used in the politico-organizational communication of the European Union at a time when it faces multiple crises and is in acute need of effectively communicating its politics to the European demos. Proposing a critical discourse framework for the analysis of the politico-organizational use of Twitter, the paper shows that while, to some extent, bringing change or ‘modernization’ to EU political communication patterns, social/online media help in sustaining some of the deep-seated dispositions in EU commun

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Möller, Johanna E., Jakub Nowak, Sigrid Kannengießer, and Judith E. Möller. "The Politics of Privacy—A Useful Tautology." Media and Communication 8, no. 2 (2020): 232–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v8i2.3373.

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While communication and media studies tend to define privacy with reference to data security, current processes of datafication and commodification substantially transform ways of how people act in increasingly dense communicative networks. This begs for advancing research on the flow of individual and organizational information considering its relational, contextual and, in consequence, political dimensions. Privacy, understood as the control over the flow of individual or group information in relation to communicative actions of others, frames the articles assembled in this thematic issue. T

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Compton, James. "Communicative Politics and Public Journalism." Journalism Studies 1, no. 3 (2000): 449–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616700050081777.

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Алексеев, А. Б. "COMMUNICATIVE TRENDS OF MODERN POLITICS." Актуальные вопросы современной филологии и журналистики, no. 2(49) (February 20, 2024): 104–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.36622/aqmpj.2023.37.85.016.

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Статья исследует с позиций лингвополитологии феномен политики, давая ему определение в качестве социального общения по поводу различных политических вопросов, так или иначе связанных с обширной темой «политика». Указывается на особую значимость коммуникации в сфере политики, выделяется несколько коммуникативных трендов. В их числе: маргинализация, тяготение к несерьезности политического дискурса, формирование политейнмента, включение в него намеков, шуток, анекдотов (нередко сексуально-интимного характера), радикализация политики, нетолерантность к «чужим», в особенности мигрантам, развертыван

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Revelles-Benavente, Beatriz, and Ana M. González Ramos. "Communication and Feminist New Materialism: Methodologies to understand the continuum between matter and discourse." Freiburger Zeitschrift für GeschlechterStudien 24, no. 1-2018 (2018): 55–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/fzg.v24i1.04.

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The relationship between literature and social networking sites (SNS) is a material context in which authors and readers merge into each other to create a literary communicative process that transforms contemporary politics. The aim of this paper is to analyse the communicative process by investigating the continuum between matter and discourse from a new materialist approach. From social sites, we can understand how elements, such as readers, authors, context, novels, culture and digital platforms, “intra-act” (Barad 2007) to create an affecting/ed communicative process. We propose feminist n

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Gurevitch, Zali, and John O'Neill. "The Communicative Body: Studies in Communicative Philosophy, Politics, and Sociology." Contemporary Sociology 20, no. 2 (1991): 317. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2073017.

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Paschalidis, Gregory. "Introduction: Politics as a communicative project." Punctum. International Journal of Semiotics 06, no. 02 (2021): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.18680/hss.2020.0018.

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In the past few years, there has been a noticeable surge in semiotic engagement with politics. One is tempted to associate it with Laurent Binet’s international best-seller The seventh function of language (2017) that offers a satirical yet critically reflexive view of the 1970s linguistic turn and its luminaries. The novel’s detective-cum-conspiracy story revolves around the different political sides’ bloody scramble to procure a presumably secret semiotic formula for making political language irresistibly persuasive. It would be more accurate, though, to suggest that, just as Umberto Eco’s N

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8

Eriksen, Erik Oddvar, and Jarle Weigård. "Conceptualizing Politics: Strategic or Communicative Action?" Scandinavian Political Studies 20, no. 3 (1997): 219–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.1997.tb00193.x.

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9

Koopman, Colin. "Information before information theory: The politics of data beyond the perspective of communication." New Media & Society 21, no. 6 (2019): 1326–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444818820300.

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Scholarship on the politics of new media widely assumes that communication functions as a sufficient conceptual paradigm for critically assessing new media politics. This article argues that communication-centric analyses fail to engage the politics of information itself, limiting information only to its consequences for communication, and neglecting information as it reaches into our selves, lives, and actions beyond the confines of communication. Furthering recent new media historiography on the “information theory” of Shannon and Wiener, the article reveals both the primacy of communication

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Bystrytsky, Yevhen. "Communicative equality and the politics of disagreement." Filosofska dumka (Philosophical Thought) -, no. 3 (2020): 38–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/fd2020.03.038.

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Risse, Thomas. "“Let's Argue!”: Communicative Action in World Politics." International Organization 54, no. 1 (2000): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081800551109.

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This article introduces a mode of social action and interaction that has so far been largely overlooked in the U.S.-dominated international relations debate between rational choice and social constructivism that focuses mainly on the differences between instrumental rationality and norm-guided behavior. Drawing on insights from a theoretical debate within the Germanspeaking international relations community, I suggest that actors have a third mode of social action at their disposal: arguing and deliberating about the validity claims inherent in any communicative statement about identities, int

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Çelik, Burçe. "Turkey’s communicative authoritarianism." Global Media and Communication 16, no. 1 (2020): 102–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742766519899123.

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The majority of current political communication studies focus on discursive dimensions of communications and disregard how communications partake in the governing of populations through economic, material and institutional practices. By focusing on Turkey’s case, here I move beyond this approach and examine the role of communications in the development of neoliberal capital accumulation, authoritarian welfare politics, political repression and the production of popular support. The article provides an empirical analysis of policy developments and plans and the restructuring of ownership and co

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Kaura-aho, Katariina. "Politics of Silence: On Autonomous, Communicative and Aesthetic Silences." Pólemos 15, no. 1 (2021): 65–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pol-2021-2009.

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Abstract The article analyses the political meaning of silence by reflecting on the communicative, autonomous and aesthetic function of silence in context of prevailing political speech systems. In the article, silence is interpreted as an active communication form, as an activist protest tactic and as an aesthetic practice. The article argues that silence can have a politically subversive function toward prevailing aesthetically organised speech systems.Conventionally, silence is devalued in Western societies that primarily celebrate the expressive and communicative capacity of verbal speech.

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Ikeda, Keiko. "Audience participation in politics: Communicative competence for political communication in contemporary Japan." Language & Communication 33, no. 4 (2013): 351–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.langcom.2013.04.003.

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Fuchs, Christian. "Communicative Socialism/Digital Socialism." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 18, no. 1 (2020): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v18i1.1144.

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This introduction provides a preface to the contributions gathered in tripleC’s special issue “Communicative Socialism/Digital Socialism”. It outlines how Marx conceived of socialism (Sections 2, 3, 4, 5), introduces a model of a socialist society that consists of three dimensions (Section 6), and shows how, based on Marx, we can conceptualise communicative and digital socialism (Section 7). Section 8 introduces ten principles of communicative/digital socialist politics.

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Merkovity, Norbert. "A Possible Framework for Attention-Based Politics." International Journal of E-Politics 10, no. 2 (2019): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijep.2019070102.

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According to scholars, the use of mediatization could be understood as a communicative representation of politicians or spin doctoring, but either way, it ends in self-representation and in “self-initiated stage-management.” However, the social media environment could give a new perspective on the communication of the political actors in political communication. This communication could be seen as self-broadcasting that could be conceptualized as attention-based politics. This article aims to give a brief introduction to a theoretical framework of the phenomenon and to provide research directi

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Milovanova, M. V., and E. V. Terentyeva. "Russian Political Blogs as Relevant Practice of Protest Communication : Systemic-Communicative Dimensions." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 6 (June 29, 2020): 101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-6-101-116.

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The article is devoted to the study of a collective-personal, subject-oriented measurement of Russian-speaking protest communication in the framework of a broad communicative approach. The material was the content of political blogs hosted on the livejournal platform, the platform of the Echo of Moscow information site, and individual domains. The heterogeneity of functions characteristic of political blogs is revealed in the article. The language tools representing these functions are characterized. Particular attention is paid to the discursive hybridity of political blogs, manifested in the

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Powell, Jason L. "Modernity, Communicative Action and Reconstruction of Rationality." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 27 (May 2014): 177–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.27.177.

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Associated with the Frankfurt School, Jurgen Habermas's work focuses on the modern foundations of social theory and epistemology, the analysis of advanced capitalistic societies and democracy, the rule of law in a critical social-evolutionary context, and contemporary politics, particularly German politics. Habermas's theoretical system is devoted to revealing the possibility of reason, emancipation, and rational-critical communication latent in modern institutions and in the human capacity to deliberate and pursue rational interests. Habermas is known for his work on the concept of modernity,

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Spencer, Graham. "Keeping the Peace? Politics, Television News and the Northern Ireland Peace Process." Irish Journal of Sociology 10, no. 2 (2001): 57–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/079160350101000204.

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This article looks at the communicative strategies adopted by the main political parties when dealing with British television news coverage of the Northern Ireland peace process. It examines the disadvantageous as well as advantageous impact of reporting on peace politics and highlights how political groups applied different communicative strategies when engaging with news. Drawing on original interview material gathered from politicians and journalists who were involved with the politics and reporting of the peace process from 1994–1998, this study invites a rethinking of the relationship bet

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Kreide, Regina. "Digital spaces, public places and communicative power." Philosophy & Social Criticism 42, no. 4-5 (2016): 476–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453715623831.

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The deliberative model of politics has recently been criticized for not being very well equipped to conceptualize current developments such as the misinterpretation of political difference, the digital turn, and public protests. A first critique is that this model assumes a conception of public spheres that is too idealistic. A second objection is that it misconceives the relationship between empirical reality and normativity. Third, it is assumed that deliberative democracy offers an antiquated notion of a shared ‘we’ of political actors and because of this, fourth, fails to take into conside

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Tsikul, Iryna. "Gender identity as a subject of communicative politics." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 33-34 (August 25, 2017): 386–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.386-392.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of "social" and "private" and the definition of constructive mechanisms that influence the structure of society and social relations. The ratio of private and public is the main structural feature of the feminist approach to the analysis of society. The problem of public and private is especially relevant in the context of political science, because it is at the intersection of public and private life that gender identity is formed, standardized patterns of courage and femininity arise. Gender studies develop and popularize stereotypes related to gender d

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Dean, Jodi. "Communicative Capitalism: Circulation and the Foreclosure of Politics." Cultural Politics: an International Journal 1, no. 1 (2005): 51–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2752/174321905778054845.

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Okeke, Remi Chukwudi, and Uche Oboko. "The language factor in identity politics: An exploratory research." African Social Science and Humanities Journal 2, no. 1 (2021): 27–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.57040/asshj.v2i1.33.

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This paper essentially interrogates the language factor in identity politics. It perceives identity politics as inevitable in societal affairs. Language is viewed from the paper's functionalist perspective, whereby the language concept is interwoven with human existence. The work further investigates what it sees as a dilemma in language deployment under identity politics. The problem of the study thus centers on how language achieves its communicative purposes in its deployment under identity politics. The paper accordingly hypothesizes that the language question is intertwined with identity

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Waisbord, Silvio. "Why Paulo Freire is a threat for right-wing populism: Lessons for communication of hope." International Communication Gazette 82, no. 5 (2020): 440–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048520943694.

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Right-wing populism advances a brand of communicative politics that are antithetical to Paulo Freire’s vision of liberating, critical, and participatory communication. This essential opposition helps to understand why the Bolsonaro government has turned Freire into a target of criticisms, as part of its ambitious, furious attempt to remove progressive politics and human rights advances from Brazilian society. Considering the current situation, the purpose of this paper is to examine the relevance of Freire’s ideas for the analysis of the politics of hope against populism. His principles of pub

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Gordillo, Saül. "Comunicació i política: el pas de l'1.0 al 2.0. El cas de la Catalunya participativa." Tripodos, no. 27 (March 1, 2011): 175–88. https://doi.org/10.51698/tripodos.2011.27.175-188.

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Politics and communication go hand in hand. They need each other. In a democracy, any political project hopeful of success has to be able to take its actions, proposals and point of view to public opinion. And journalists, whose primary social function is to inform citizens and keep tabs on public powers, have politics as their main focus for analysis. But this complementary relationship has been altered by the impact of the 2.0 tools, which are modifying the communicative paradigms that have guided the way in which mass society has communicated in the 20th century.

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Putranto, Hendar. "Daya Komunikasi Paham Multikulturalisme Kritis di Ranah Politik Daring dalam Konteks Indonesia." Jurnal ULTIMA Comm 3, no. 2 (2011): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31937/ultimacomm.v3i2.196.

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Indonesia is a fertile ground for flourishing respect towards differences as well as nurturing diversity, considering its unique history and genealogy of its formation. Despite the progress of information and communication technology for the last two decades, added with the emergence of informational politics or online politics after the reformation era 1998, there arose several radical groups and extreme social organization threatening the very foundation of multiculturalism in Indonesia, namely the freedom of religion/belief. Through analyzing and synthesizing the framework of critical multi

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Putranto, Hendar. "Daya Komunikasi Paham Multikulturalisme Kritis di Ranah Politik Daring dalam Konteks Indonesia." Jurnal ULTIMA Comm 4, no. 2 (2012): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.31937/ultimacomm.v4i2.205.

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Indonesia is a fertile ground for flourishing respect towards differences as well as nurturing diversity, considering its unique history and genealogy of its formation. Despite the progress of information and communication technology for the last two decades, added with the emergence of informational politics or online politics after the reformation era 1998, there arose several radical groups and extreme social organization threatening the very foundation of multiculturalism in Indonesia, namely the freedom of religion/belief. Through analyzing and synthesizing the framework of critical multi

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Tretyak, O. A. "THE PUBLIC SPHERE OF POLITICS: THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL DIMENSION IN CONTEMPORARY COMMUNICATIVE THEORY." Anthropological Measurements of Philosophical Research, no. 12 (December 21, 2017): 62–71. https://doi.org/10.15802/ampr.v0i12.119125.

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<strong>Introduction. </strong>According to Jürgen Habermas, a<strong> </strong>contradiction between the system and the life-world signifies a need for a concept that would describe the projective space of a relaxed and undistorted human communicative activity. Communicative action as a societal basis of the public sphere links this concept to the pragmatic principles of human existence in modern society. The public sphere is important in the age of the cyber revolution and the rule of networking technologies and it gets an anthropological dimension in its definition of the mod

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Dyakiv, Kh Yu. "TYPOLOGY OF COMMUNICATIVE FAILURES IN THE VIDEO INTERVIEWS IN UKRAINIAN AND GERMAN." Linguistic and Conceptual Views of the World, no. 65 (1) (2019): 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-6397.2019.1.06.

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The article is devoted to the study of communicative failures in the speech genre of video interviews in the Ukrainian and German linguocultures. The topics of video interviews (sports, politics and culture) and types of communication failures are determined based on the reasons for their occurrence (of the interviewer, the respondent, communication noise) and perceived as a violation (from the perspective of the interviewer, respondent or viewer). Established are common and excellent communication failures in interviews in both linguocultures.

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Horsbøl, Anders. "Experts in political communication." Journal of Language and Politics 9, no. 1 (2010): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.9.1.02hor.

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A central journalistic counterstrategy to the communicative ‘professionalization’ of politics consists in a use of political communication experts who comment on political moves and analyse the strategies behind them. This study investigates how the media uses political communication experts in prime time news programmes from the 2005 parliamentary election campaign in Denmark. To this aim, the knowledge positions ascribed to the experts as well as the articulation of the expert voice with the news genre is analysed. Furthermore, the qualitative analysis is combined with quantitative data on t

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Philipsen, Gerry, and Donal Carbaugh. "A bibliography of fieldwork in the ethnography of communication." Language in Society 15, no. 3 (1986): 387–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404500011829.

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In 1962, Dell Hymes proposed the project he subsequently named the ethnography of communication (Hymes1961, 1962, 1964b). Its central motive was to create a theory of linguistic communication which is grounded in the comparative analysis of many communities and their distinctive ways of speaking. Just as there is a comparative politics, law, religion, and so forth, he said, so should there be a comparative analysis of “studies ethnographic in basis and communicative in scope” (Hymes1964b:9). Such studies would be “whole ethnographies focused on communicative behavior” (1964b:9) and would be gu

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Loader, B.D., and D. Mercea. "Networking Democracy? Social media innovations and participatory politics." Information, Communication and Society 14, no. 6 (2011): 757–69. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.571345.

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Early conceptions of digital democracy as a virtual public sphere or civic commons have been replaced by a new technological optimism for democratic renewal based upon the open and collaborative networking characteristics of social media. This article provides an introduction to a special issue of the international journal Information, Communication & Society, which attempts to present a grounded analysis of these claims drawing upon evidence-based research and analysis. A more cautious approach is suggested for the potential of social media to facilitate more participative democracy while

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Waisbord, Silvio. "Alternative Media/Journalism and the Communicative Politics of Contestation." Digital Journalism 10, no. 8 (2022): 1431–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21670811.2022.2130385.

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Korniyaka, Olga. "Features of University Teachers’ Communicative-Speaking Competence." PSYCHOLINGUISTICS 24, no. 1 (2018): 183–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.31470/2309-1797-2018-24-1-183-206.

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The article clarifies the specifics and peculiarities of communicative-speaking competence as the key tool of university teachers’ professional communication. The empirical research revealing development of speech communicative means and their influence on professional self-fulfilment is summarised. Peculiarities of the modern linguistic politics are also analyzed. The article reveals the essence of three present-day specific conflicts in the field of speech communication, which are related to losses by young generations of linguistic landmarks, violations of ethical aspects of speech co

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Puppel, Stanisław. "The politics of performativity in transcommunication and its communicative/expressive fitness: towards a general outline." Scripta Neophilologica Posnanienia, no. 16 (July 12, 2018): 99–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/snp.2016.16.06.

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Mujagić, Mersina. "Politics metaphor in British and Bosnian-Herzegovinian migration discourse." Russian Journal of Linguistics 28, no. 1 (2024): 144–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2687-0088-34534.

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As the geopolitical situation changes, it is necessary to discuss how politics is structured by metaphor in the context of recent social phenomena, such as the European migrant crisis. This paper analyses the conceptual metaphors politics as war, politics as a game, politics as a trade, and politics as a theater in British and Bosnian-Herzegovinian newspapers. The goal of this study is to establish to what extent and in which situations journalists resort to figurative language to persuade the recipients to view politics in a desired way. The paper aims to reflect on the use of deliberate meta

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Khoiron, Khoiron, Purwo Santoso, and Budi Irawanto. "Political Articulation: The Intellectuality of Ahmad Mustofa Bisri in Struggling for the Contest of Truth." Journal of Politics and Law 16, no. 2 (2023): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v16n2p11.

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This study examined intellectual politics, which seek to reveal the significance of the political acts of an intellectual. These actions are often surprising, but in the end, they provide references for the general public. The significant political actions here meant to provide a point of reference, when people are trapped in controversies and instrumentalist reasoning. There are hard to understand politics, but the results are clear: the general public gets references to judge and determine judgment. Politics takes place at the level of meaning, more than just a struggle of interests. It is a

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Minuto, Emanuela. "Pietro Gori’s Anarchism: Politics and Spectacle (1895–1900)." International Review of Social History 62, no. 3 (2017): 425–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859017000359.

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AbstractThis paper discusses Pietro Gori’s charismatic leadership of the Italian anarchist movement at the turn of the nineteenth century and, in particular, the characteristics of his political communication. After a discussion of the literature on the topic, the first section examines Gramsci’s derogatory observations on the characteristics and success of the communicative style adopted by anarchist activists such as Gori. The second investigates the political project underpinning the kind of “organized anarchism” that Gori championed together with Malatesta. The third section unveils Gori’s

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Wasilewski, Krzysztof. "Hate speech and identity politics. An intercultural communication perspective." Przegląd europejski 3 (November 19, 2019): 175–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.5848.

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Hate speech has become a key element of contemporary political discourse. It has also changed the very structure of communication. With the access to public sphere provided by social media, hate speech engages people in connective action, which allows it to construct and deconstruct collective identity. By doing this, hate speech undermines the idea of multicultural society. In order to succeed, such a society needs to engage its members in inclusive intercultural dialogue while hate speech strongly excludes all dissident voices, deepening political polarisation. This article presents an exten

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Kristensen, Nete Nørgaard. "Spin in the Media - the Media in a (self-)Spin?" MedieKultur: Journal of media and communication research 22, no. 40 (2006): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/mediekultur.v22i40.1317.

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The article focuses on the discussion of spin in the Danish media, especially during the 2005 election campaign, in which spin was a prominent issue amongst journalists. The main argument is that this is not primarily an expression of a professional, self-reflective con- sciousness regarding the shifts in the relationship between the media, society and politics. Rather, it is an expression of a self-legitimizing meta-discourse that might, however, fail to see the more structurally rooted tendencies that spin is part of - a mediatization of politics - presenting new perspectives and challenges

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Rebrina, L. N., and N. L. Shamne. "Systemic-Communicative Dimensions of Modern Protest (based on German-Language Online Petitions)." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 3 (March 30, 2020): 151–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-3-151-167.

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The results of a study of the characteristics of German-speaking online petitions on the openPetition platform, constituting a spatio-temporal, substantive, collective-personal systemic-communicative dimension of protest; studying the current manifestations of the mediation of politics and Net-thinking as an attribute of modern mediation in the studied communicative practices of protest are presented in the article. The integrative nature of electronic petitions is revealed, which is determined by their multifunctionality, discursive hybridity and stylistic syncretism. The design features in o

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Augustinaitis, Arūnas. "Managing the team communication of political leaders." Politologija 13, no. 1 (1999): 26–42. https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.1999.1.2.

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Today, the problem of political leadership is, in fact, an actualized aspect which sets ground for identifying the changing political tendencies and realities in the contemporary world. In this given post-industrial context, to answer what the political leader and his team are, means to corroborate several vital issues in the field of political science at once: starting from the prerequisites for organizing and managing the policy, then passing to the characteristics of both the political interests and the means of political activity, communicative mechanisms for elite segmentation, and ending

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Battista, Daniele, and Alessandra Petrone. "Artificial Intelligence and Media-politics: A Revolution in Communicative Dynamics?" Journal of Sociological Research 15, no. 2 (2024): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jsr.v15i2.22207.

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This study aims to delve into communicative interactions within the realm of online politics, with a specific emphasis on the increasingly significant role of artificial intelligence (AI). In an era where digital technologies are radically transforming communication flows, the introduction of AI into political processes opens new prospects, but also presents numerous challenges. The research seeks to understand how these technologies are influencing political language and user engagement strategies, with profound repercussions on social and political dynamics. The methodology employed combines

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Picciotto, Robert. "Evaluation: Discursive practice or communicative action?" Evaluation 23, no. 3 (2017): 312–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1356389017714384.

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Public trust in expert analysis is at all-time low. Vivid claims unconstrained by fact checking dominate public policy. In this operating environment is evaluation obsolete? To help rebut this proposition, this article examines the relationship between information, knowledge, and politics through two contrasting philosophical lenses. First, Michel Foucault’s discursive practice model: rather than pursuing truth, power is intent to capture evaluation, shape knowledge and engage in linguistic opportunism to enhance its authority to monitor, sanction and punish. Jurgen Habermas’ communicative act

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Efanova, Elena. "Social Media in American Public Policy (On the Example of the Social Network Twitter)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 3 (July 2020): 172–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2020.3.15.

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Introduction. In the age of digitalization of the public space of communication, social media acts as a new channel of interaction between power and society. On the one hand, electronic forms of public communication formulate a political course and influence the political behavior of the electorate, and on the other hand, replace mass communication by a network. Twitter’s technological capabilities, being an electronic form of public communication, are addressed by representatives of the political elite in the USA. Methods and materials. The work uses network and communicative approaches, meth

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Poda, Tetiana. "COMMUNICATIVE POTENTIAL OF SOFT POWER: SOCIO-PHILOSOPHICAL ANALYSIS." Proceedings of the National Aviation University Series Philosophy Cultural 39, no. 1 (2024): 61–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.18372/2412-2157.39.18458.

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The article is dedicated to the analysis of soft power discourses in the context of international relations of the modern world. These discourses retain their leading significance in the symbolic space of politics, exerting a targeted influence on public consciousness. The basis of discursive influences is the modeling of attractive images of state institutions and political subjects as a prompt response to foreign policy and domestic political challenges and threats.

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Kerimov, Alexander A. "On the Peculiarities of Political Media Communications in the Digital Age." Koinon 3, no. 1 (2022): 37–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/koinon.2022.03.1.003.

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Political processes in the modern world cannot be considered in isolation from the mass media, the role and importance of which are indisputable. In this regard, the topic of mediatization of the political sphere has taken an important place in scientific research, which analyzes the problems of interaction of politics with information and communication channels. The expansion of the networks and the improvement of information and communication technologies open up prospects for a higher level of integration of politics and mass media. The arsenal of this integration is being replenished with

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BRIDGE, GARY. "Reason in the City? Communicative Action, Media and Urban Politics." International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 33, no. 1 (2009): 237–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2427.2009.00843.x.

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Сумець, Олександр. "COMMUNICATIVE MANAGEMENT: BARRIERS TO COMMUNICATION OF ORGANIZATIONAL PERSONNEL." "Scientific notes of the University"KROK", no. 4(76) (December 31, 2024): 134–45. https://doi.org/10.31732/2663-2209-2024-76-134-145.

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The article is devoted to a topical topic - the study of barriers to communication of organizational personnel. The beginning of this century is characterized by powerful changes in politics, economics, technologies, as well as intensive changes in both national and international markets. All this leaves an imprint on people in both the moral and psychological aspects and in the socio-cultural. As a result, this affects their behavior in the performance of their labor duties. Experts note that in recent years the number of conflicts at work has tended to increase. This is explained by the pand

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Ngu, Ik-Ying. "Motivations for Activism: Exploring Bersih Activists’ Communicative Ecologies." Kajian Malaysia 42, no. 1 (2024): 97–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.21315/km2024.42.1.5.

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Social media provides people with new ways of approaching and engaging in politics. This article explores how Bersih activists develop new communicative practices and motivations for their activism. The study investigates the communicative strategies that they employed in using social media to mobilise their supporters and explores their personal communicative experiences, which are likely to enhance their public commitment. This study draws on data collected from a longitudinal study conducted before and after the 14th General Election (GE14) in 2018, which saw the fall of the dominant Barisa

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