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Journal articles on the topic 'Communist diplomacy'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 16 February 2022

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1

Amado, Abel Djassi. "The PAIGC ‘Congratulatory’ Diplomacy towards Communist States, 1960-1964." Lusotopie 19, no. 1 (2020): 54–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17683084-12341748.

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Abstract Through a critical analysis of primary and secondary sources, this paper reconstitutes the PAIGC’s main strategies and processes of diplomatic communication and engagement towards the states of the communist bloc, which were the main backers of the liberation enterprise. The paper argues that the PAIGC’s diplomacy in its first four years rested on two strategies. First, it consisted of “shoe-leather” diplomacy, as its leaders regularly attended public spaces frequented by foreign diplomats and embassy officials. Second, it involved a congratulatory diplomacy, the initiating of diploma

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2

Goscha, Christopher E. "Courting Diplomatic Disaster? The Difficult Integration of Vietnam into the Internationalist Communist Movement (1945––1950)." Journal of Vietnamese Studies 1, no. 1-2 (2006): 59–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2006.1.1-2.59.

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This article argues that the diplomacy of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam came closer to failure than we have thought. Between 1945 and 1950, Vietnamese communists had a remarkably hard time joining the internationalist communist movement. Stalin, above all, was wary of Hôô Chíí Minh, whom he considered untrustworthy for having "dissolved" the Indochinese Communist Party in 1945. This article concludes that, thanks to Chinese communist pressure, Stalin agreed to recognize the DRV. Had he not done so, Vietnamese communists would have found themselves almost completely isolated at a crucial p

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Rychlík, Jan. "Dyplomacja czechosłowacka wobec sytuacji w Polsce w 1989 roku." Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne 30 (2021): 259–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543733xssb.21.018.13811.

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Czechoslovak Diplomacy in the Face of the Situation in Poland in 1989 In 1989, the diplomacy of communist Czechoslovakia watched the political changes in communist Poland moving towards democratization with care and concern. However, due to the passive attitude of the Gorbachev ruler in Moscow, Prague did not intend to take any practical steps towards creating a political bloc proposed by Romania that could stop systemic changes in Poland. Despite the announcement of support for Polish communists, Prague chose to isolate Czechs and Slovaks from Poland and Poles and limit her own reforms to the

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4

Nowak, Krzysztof. "Dyplomacja Nicolae Ceauşescu wobec przemian politycznych w Polsce w 1989 roku." Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne 30 (2021): 239–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543733xssb.21.017.13810.

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Nicolae Ceauşescu’s Diplomacy in the Face of Political Changes in Poland in 1989 In 1989, Romania belonged to the communist countries, which particularly strongly attacked communist Poland for carrying out democratic reforms. For many months the diplomacy of communist leader Nicolae Ceaşescu tried to organize a conference of socialist countries on the subject of Poland, but as a result of Moscow’s opposition it did not come to fruition. During the Gorbachev era, the Soviet Union rejected the Brezhnev doctrine, while Romania actually urged its restoration. This was in contradiction with the cur

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Hong, Fan, and Xiong Xiaozheng. "Communist China: Sport, Politics and Diplomacy." International Journal of the History of Sport 19, no. 2-3 (2002): 319–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714001751.

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6

Kelley, John Robert. "US Public Diplomacy: A Cold War Success Story?" Hague Journal of Diplomacy 2, no. 1 (2007): 53–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119007x180476.

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AbstractThe post-'9/11' revival of interest in US public diplomacy encompasses a wide variety of opinions, all overwhelmingly critical. In view of falling global favourability towards and the foreign policy challenges of the United States during this period, the purveyors of these opinions ultimately agree that US public diplomacy efforts are flawed and ineffective. Of these critical observations, it is interesting to track a thread of logic that yearns for the restoration of public diplomacy's Cold War-era standing, which holds that the spread of liberal democracy behind the Berlin Wall owes

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Utomo, Satriono Priyo. "Indonesia, Tiongkok dan Komunisme, 1949-1965." Indonesian Perspective 2, no. 1 (2017): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ip.v2i1.15539.

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During the leadership of President Sukarno, China had an important meaning not only for the people of Indonesia but also as a source of political concept from the perspective of Sukarno. In addition, China also had significance for the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) as a meeting room prior to communist ideology. The paper employs literary study method and discusses about diplomatic relations between Indonesia and China during the Guidance Democracy ( 1949-1965). The relationship between two countries at that time exhibited closeness between Sukarno and Mao Tse Tung. The political dynamics at

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8

Zhang, Qingmin. "Diplomacy with Chinese Characteristics." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 16, no. 2-3 (2021): 358–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-bja10070.

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Summary Scholarship on what constitutes the major characteristics of China’s diplomacy lacks consensus. This essay argues that many of what have been considered the distinct features of China’s diplomacy are the common features of all diplomacy, rather than specifically those of China’s diplomacy. These distinctive characteristics can be understood from historical and cross-national comparisons, and include strong self-consciousness of and emphasis on its distinction, the declining significance of diplomacy accompanied by the rise of power, the unified leadership of the the Chinese Communist P

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9

DUR, PHILIP F. "US Diplomacy and the Salvadorean Revolution of 1931." Journal of Latin American Studies 30, no. 1 (1998): 95–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x97004914.

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The United States reacted to the revolution which brought General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez to power in 1931 by refusing to recognise him under a 1923 treaty. Martínez broke precedent by entrenching himself in the presidency. The State Department first attempted to subvert him. The outbreak of a peasant rebellion, supposedly under communist leadership, then caused Washington to seek a face-saving accommodation. The bargain failed because of the general's duplicity. Eventually the United States was forced to abandon the 1923 treaty and recognise Martínez. This opened the way to habitual re

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10

Zhao, Kejin. "The China Model of Public Diplomacy and its Future." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 14, no. 1-2 (2019): 169–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-14101033.

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Summary Since 2012, China’s top leadership has argued that China’s public diplomacy should integrate with the ‘New Model of Major-Country Diplomacy with Chinese Characteristics’. Among this series of initiatives, China formulates a public diplomacy model that is different from those of other countries. China’s model of public diplomacy falls under the unified leadership of the Communist Party of China (CPC), but coordinates various public diplomacy players culturally rather than institutionally. The current trends of China’s public diplomacy include to evolve from listening to telling, and to

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Michael Rattanasengchanh, P. "U.S.-Thai Public Diplomacy." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 23, no. 1 (2016): 56–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02301003.

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During the Cold War, u.s. and Thai leaders invested in public relations programs to win the hearts and minds of the people of Thailand. Changes in Thailand between the years 1957 and 1963, which gave rise to Thai General Sarit Thanarat and King Bhumibol Adulyadej to positions of political authority, strengthened u.s.-Thai relations. To project their power, Washington and Bangkok relied on practicing public diplomacy through the United States Information Agency (usia) to demonstrate the benevolence of the United States, the army’s paternalism, and the god-like image of the king. The period from

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12

Winger, Gregory. "The Nixon Doctrine and U.S. Relations with the Republic of Afghanistan, 1973–1978: Stuck in the Middle with Daoud." Journal of Cold War Studies 19, no. 4 (2017): 4–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00763.

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The overthrow of the monarchy in Afghanistan in 1973 was a seminal moment in the country's history and in U.S. policy in Central Asia. The return of Mohamed Daoud Khan to power was aided by the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA, the Communist party) and military officers trained in the Soviet Union. Even as Communism was making its first substantive gains in Afghanistan, the United States was wrestling with how best to pursue its strategy of containment. Stung by the experience of Vietnam, President Richard Nixon concluded that the United States could not unilaterally respond to e

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Scionti, Andrea. "“I Am Afraid Americans Cannot Understand”: The Congress for Cultural Freedom in France and Italy, 1950–1957." Journal of Cold War Studies 22, no. 1 (2020): 89–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00927.

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This article examines the nature and significance of the activities carried out in France and Italy by the Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF), an international organization that was secretly funded by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency to support anti-Communist intellectuals, including those on the left end of the political spectrum. These two West European countries, with their large and politically influential Communist parties, were central to the CCF's work in Europe. The organization's task was complicated by domestic concerns and traditions that forced local intellectuals to stress th

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d’Hooghe, Ingrid. "China’s Public Diplomacy Goes Political." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 16, no. 2-3 (2021): 299–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-bja10067.

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Summary China’s growing confidence on the world stage under the leadership of President Xi Jinping is reflected in the country’s more active, vocal and, lately, even ‘wolf warrior’ diplomacy. It is also clearly visible in China’s public diplomacy approach, where priorities have shifted from advertising Chinese culture as the country’s major source of soft power to promoting China’s models of domestic and global governance. The Chinese government proudly presents policies such as the Belt and Road Initiative and, more recently China’s approach to the COVID-19 pandemic, as improvements in global

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15

Leustean, Lucian N. "Religious Diplomacy and Socialism." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 22, no. 1 (2008): 7–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325407311786.

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This article analyzes the relationship between the Orthodox Church and the communist regime during one of the most intense periods of religious persecution in the Romanian People's Republic from 1956 to 1959. The church hierarchy demonstrated its support for the socialist construction of the country, while, at the same time, the regime began a campaign against religion by arresting clergy and reducing the number of religious people in monasteries; rumours even circulated that in 1958 Patriarch Justinian was under house arrest. Seeking closer contact with Western Europe, the regime allowed the

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Tran, Tien Nam. "Diplomacy of the Republic of Vietnam under Ngo Dinh Diem’s regime (1955-1963)." Science and Technology Development Journal 18, no. 4 (2015): 19–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdj.v18i4.957.

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The Republic of Vietnam was officially founded in 1955 under the absolute leadership of Ngo Dinh Diem. In the period from 1955 to 1963, the foreign policy of the Republic of Vietnam focused mainly on anti-Communist mission as a pioneering country in anti- Communist coalition of the U.S support behind. During its deployment, the Ngo Dinh Diem government initially attained certain achievements in diplomatic activities, building relationships with many countries in the Capitalist Bloc, establishing an anti-Communist network under U.S leadership. In general, the Diem government’s diplomacy was onl

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Berard, Ewa. "The ‘First Exhibition of Russian Art’ in Berlin: The Transnational Origins of Bolshevik Cultural Diplomacy, 1921–1922." Contemporary European History 30, no. 2 (2021): 164–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000661.

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The emergence of a Soviet cultural diplomacy in the 1920s was hardly predictable. Bolsheviks’ propaganda for ‘world revolution’ reduced the image of Soviet Russia to one of Leninist-proletarian victory, while the rejection of diplomatic tradition and a distrust of artists and intellectuals precluded any commitment to cultural action abroad. This article explores how, when and why a Soviet cultural diplomacy developed. It focuses on two episodes related to the famine of 1921, including, based on new archival evidence, the First Exhibition of Russian Art in Berlin in October 1922. The exhibition

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18

CHAMEDES, GIULIANA. "THE VATICAN AND THE RESHAPING OF THE EUROPEAN INTERNATIONAL ORDER AFTER THE FIRST WORLD WAR." Historical Journal 56, no. 4 (2013): 955–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x13000320.

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ABSTRACTThe Vatican is often cast as a marginal player in the reshaping of the European international order after the First World War. Drawing on new archival material, this article argues for a reassessment of the content and consequences of papal diplomacy. It focuses on the years between 1917 and 1929, during which time the Vatican used the tools of international law and state-to-state diplomacy to expand its power in both eastern and western Europe. The Vatican's interwar activism sought to disseminate a new Catholic vision of international affairs, which militated against the separation o

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Xiaohu, Shi. "Political party diplomacy with Chinese characteristics in seven decades since founding of PRC: Innovations in practice and theory." Napredak 2, no. 2 (2021): 31–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak2-32684.

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Since the founding of the People's Republic of China, the Communist Party of China has found itself in a complicated international situation and arduous development tasks. The CPC has steadily promoted its foreign exchanges in the process of inheritance and development. It has achieved leaps in practice of the theoretical innovations in party to party diplomacy with Chinese characteristics, which contributed significantly to the central missions of the Party and the nation, as well as the overall strategy of the state diplomacy. Starting at a new historical phase, it is crucial to summarize th

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SHAMBAUGH, David. "China's "Quiet Diplomacy": The International Department of the Chinese Communist Party." China: An International Journal 05, no. 01 (2007): 26–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0219747207000039.

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21

Pant, Bhuwaneswor. "Socio economic impact of undeclared blockade of India on Nepal." Research Nepal Journal of Development Studies 1, no. 1 (2018): 18–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/rnjds.v1i1.21270.

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Indian unofficial or undeclared blocked was a terrible move. It was a move on the part of Indian diplomacy. India imposed it, it was very transparent but not acceptable. Diplomacy is getting thing done without speaking or telling nastiest words in nicest manner. What had happened in southern border of Nepal? What was Indian's role? The study attempts to find out the reason of undeclared blocked of 2015 and identify the socio economic impact of this blocked imposed during the dark days of great earthquake in Nepal. Can a neighbor do so? India did it but did not speak a single word. The study ha

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Pham, Vinh Phuc. "Process of normalizing the relation with China under the reform of foreign policy of The Communist Party of Vietnam (1986-1991)." Science and Technology Development Journal 19, no. 1 (2016): 28–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdj.v19i1.553.

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At the 6th National Congress (from Dec. 5, 1986 to Dec. 18, 1986), the Communist Party of Vietnam pointed out a new policy of fundamental renovation for the whole country, among which foreign diplomacy was one issue. Particularly for China, the Communist Party of Vietnam aimed to accelerate the normalization process of Vietnam-China relationships. To successfully carry out the policy, Vietnamese Communist Party had been taking actions proposing negotiations to normalize relationships and to ease tensions between the two countries since 1986; however, China then did not want to. Until 1989, the

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Wang, Jingbin. "No Lost Chance in China: The False Realism of American Foreign Service Officers, 1943-1945." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 17, no. 2 (2010): 118–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656110x532014.

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AbstractThis article reexamines the question of whether a chance was lost for the U.S. government to develop relations with Mao's China in the 1940s. I focus on John S. Service and John Paton Davies, seeking along the way to illuminate the ideological roots of the Truman administration's nonrecognition policy toward China. I argue that proponents of the “lost chance” thesis have misapplied the concept of realism in diplomacy, since realism is primarily concerned with power and security, not ideology such as democracy. These proponents overlook the assumptions on which American diplomats and le

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Adhikari, Narayan, and Manoj Thapa. "Enter to Neo-Realist Era? Major Trends of Nepali Diplomacy in Federal Republic Era." Journal of APF Command and Staff College 3, no. 1 (2020): 137–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/japfcsc.v3i1.27534.

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Nepal entered to federal republic era after promulgation of new constitution in 2015. An alliance of communist parties – now unified into a single party, Nepal Communist Party (NCP) – obtained nearby two-third majority in 2017 legislative election. Four major diplomatic activities of in this new era are remarkable: frequent visit of high level delegates to Nepal, diversification of foreign relations, military exchange in bilateral and multilateral sector, and active participation in strategic projects of global superpowers. Where Nepal is emphasizing in its foreign relations? What is the Nepal

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Stoeva, Preslava. "Negotiating Diplomacy in the New Europe: Foreign Policy in Post-Communist Bulgaria." Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies 16, no. 4 (2014): 502–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2014.932619.

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Sorbello, Paolo. "Negotiating Diplomacy in the New Europe. Foreign Policy in Post-Communist Bulgaria." Europe-Asia Studies 66, no. 2 (2014): 347–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2014.882642.

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Tubilewicz, Czeslaw. "Taiwan's “Macedonian Project,” 1999–2001." China Quarterly 179 (September 2004): 782–803. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100400058x.

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Since 1989, Taipei has attempted to capitalize on the systemic changes in East Central Europe. It achieved its goal of winning diplomatic allies among the post-communist states only in 1999, when Macedonia recognized the Republic of China (ROC) hoping that Taipei's generosity would resolve its economic problems. In order to showcase the effectiveness of its assistance, Taipei resorted to economic diplomacy and offered Skopje loans, humanitarian and technical assistance. Yet, the Macedonian–Taiwanese partnership ended in 2001. This report will argue that Taipei failed to become a viable alterna

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Zagkos, Christos, Argyris Kyridis, Paraskevi Golia, and Ifigenia Vamvakidou. "Greek University Students Describe the Role of Greece in the Balkans: From Equality to Superiority." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 2 (2007): 341–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701254383.

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The role of Greece in the Balkans has been a rather ambiguous but extremely interesting issue for both Greek and European diplomacy for more than 15 years, since the fall of the Communist regimes in Eastern Europe. As with every phenomenon associated with that “dangerous” and “explosive” part of the European Continent, the Greek position in the specific region should be discussed and analysed thoroughly and comprehensively rather than partially.

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Ingleson, Elizabeth O’Brien. "The Invisible Hand of Diplomacy." Pacific Historical Review 90, no. 3 (2021): 345–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2021.90.3.345.

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In December 1977, a tiny group of U.S. glove makers—most of whom were African American and Latina women—launched a petition before the U.S. International Trade Commission calling for protection from rising imports. Their target was China. Represented by the Work Glove Manufacturers Association, their petition called for quotas on a particular kind of glove entering the United States from China: cotton work gloves. This was a watershed moment. For the first time since the Communist Party came to power in 1949, U.S. workers singled out Chinese goods in pursuit of import relief. Because they were

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Shambaugh, David L. "China's "Quiet Diplomacy": The International Department of the Chinese Communist Party." China: An International Journal 5, no. 1 (2007): 26–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/chn.2007.0004.

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Resis, Albert. "Stalin, the Politburo, and the Onset of the Cold War, 1945-1946." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 701 (January 1, 1988): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.1988.32.

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The precise function that Marxist-Leninist ideology serves in the formation and conduct of Soviet foreign policy remains a highly contentious question among Western scholars. In the first postwar year, however, few senior officials or Soviet specialists in the West doubted that Communist ideology served as the constitutive element of Soviet foreign policy. Indeed, the militant revival of Marxism-Leninism after the Kremlin had downplayed it during 'The Great Patriotic War" proved to be an important factor in the complex of causes that led to the breakup of the Grand Alliance. Moscow's revival o

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Li, Wang, and Yaotian Fan. "The Legacy of Zhou Enlai’s Diplomacy: Beyond a Memory." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 16, no. 2-3 (2021): 203–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-bja10010.

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Summary Zhou Enlai held the first Premiership of China from 1949, and was the chief executive of Chinese diplomacy until 1976. He set out the communist ideology and the doctrine of realpolitik in light of a calculation between core interests and a flexible approach to the issues. He opined that diplomacy remained a constructive means, even though no immediate fruits were present. Zhou’s negotiating calibre was noted at the Geneva Conference (1954), his persuasive tactics were proven at the Bandung Conference (1955) and his pragmatic approach was recognised during his safari in Africa (1963-196

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WHITE, STEPHEN, and STEPHEN REVELL. "Revolution and integration in Soviet international diplomacy, 1917–1991." Review of International Studies 25, no. 4 (1999): 641–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210599006415.

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In spite of its initial rejection of the international system, the USSR became increasingly involved in diplomatic relations with the other—largely capitalist—powers. The intensity of diplomatic activity increased from the Khrushchev years, not only in relation to other states but also to international bodies and conventions. There was a comparable change, in the later wartime years and under Khrushchev, in the proportion of foreign states with which the USSR sustained relations; by the end of the Soviet period, in 1991, there were diplomatic relations with 85 per cent of the members of the in

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Barrett, Gordon. "China's “People's Diplomacy” and the Pugwash Conferences, 1957–1964." Journal of Cold War Studies 20, no. 1 (2018): 140–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00803.

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Newly available archival sources in China illuminate how the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) used transnational initiatives to advance its aims. This article explores Chinese interaction with the Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs from 1957 to 1964 and discusses how the People's Republic of China (PRC) made deliberate use of transnational initiatives to further its own Cold War strategy and foreign policy. High-ranking CCP officials were directly involved in selecting China's scientific participants, shaping their message, and determining their objectives at the conferences, includ

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Gough, Maria. "Drawing Between Reportage and Memory: Diego Rivera's Moscow Sketchbook." October 145 (July 2013): 67–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/octo_a_00148.

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The extraordinary proliferation of political demonstrations around the world over the past several years has reminded us once again of the phenomenal power of the real-time convergence of people in public space, a power to which Diego Rivera's Moscow Sketchbook—a corpus of forty-five small watercolor drawings—bears graphic witness. The sketchbook dates from Rivera's seven- or eight-month sojourn in Moscow, which began in early November 1927 with his direct participation in the celebration of the tenth anniversary of the revolution as a delegate to the inaugural internat ional Congress of Frien

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Gorshkova, Elena. "Diplomacy of A.А. Gromyko in the Context of the Soviet-Italian Relations in 60–80s". Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS, № 18 (1 грудня 2020): 103–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran62020103111.

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Thе article considers some key episodes of Andrej A. Gromyko’s diplomacy, as the Minister of foreign affairs of the USSR, in the sphere of the Soviet-Italian relations in the 60–80s. The main attention is focused on such aspect of his work as cooperation of the USSR and Italy in establishment of the European collective security system. Under examination are the visits of A. A. Gromyko to Rome in 1966 and 1970 which were important links in the preparatory process for the Conference for Security and Cooperation in Europe (СSCE) and in the development of bilateral Soviet-Italian relations. The so

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Czernecki, Igor. "America and Human Capital Formation in Communist Europe Aspirations, Reactions and Results." International Review of Social Research 4, no. 2 (2014): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/irsr-2014-0011.

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Abstract: This paper analyses the Ford Foundation’s 1957 to 1961 intellectual exchange program in Poland. Emerging in the novel context of Washington’s emphasis on cultural diplomacy and Warsaw’s exceptional position in the East Bloc following October 1956, the Foundation’s program was the earliest complex scholarly initiative by a US organization aimed at Europeans under Communist rule. Consequently, for a brief window of time, the Foundation was able to operate an unprecedentedly open exchange under uniquely liberal terms. The program’s genesis and operations will be explained, as well as th

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Szőke, Zoltán. "Delusion or Reality? Secret Hungarian Diplomacy during the Vietnam War." Journal of Cold War Studies 12, no. 4 (2010): 119–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00050.

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This article builds on work published in the Journal of Cold War Studies in 2003 by James G. Hershberg, who presented newly released archival evidence from Budapest and Warsaw concerning the role that Hungary and Poland played as intermediaries between Washington and Hanoi during the 37-day pause in the U.S. bombing campaign against North Vietnam in December 1965 and January 1966. The evidence presented here, drawing on unpublished Hungarian (and partly unpublished U.S.) archival sources, refines some of Hershberg's conclusions and sheds new light on Budapest's mediatory attempt as well as Hun

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Fałkowski, ANDRZEJ. "ANIMUS IN CONSULENDO LIBER A MIND UNFETTERED IN DELIBERATION." CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, Volume 2019 Issue 21/3 (September 3, 2019): 175–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.21.3.10.

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Abstract It has been 15 years since Slovenia, alongside several other countries, joined NATO. Both political elites and ordinary citizens see the North Atlantic Treaty Organization as a protector. However, what does NATO have to protect us from? Why did Slovenia and the other countries from the former communist hemisphere join the Alliance? What are the realities of the organization? This contribution proposes a look at NATO from the perspective of 12 years of experience serving in three different positions at NATO HQ. Key words NATO, consensus, member, diplomacy.

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Zhou, Min, and Hanning Wang. "PARTICIPATION IN ANTI-JAPANESE DEMONSTRATIONS IN CHINA: EVIDENCE FROM A SURVEY ON THREE ELITE UNIVERSITIES IN BEIJING." Journal of East Asian Studies 16, no. 3 (2016): 391–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2016.21.

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AbstractNationwide anti-Japanese demonstrations have erupted in China periodically in recent years. This study investigates what factors make university students more motivated to participate in anti-Japanese demonstrations. We collected original data on 1,458 university students in Beijing in June 2014, inquiring about both actual and possible future participation. We find that students are more willing to participate in future demonstrations (1) when they believe that anti-Japanese demonstrations benefit China's diplomacy (instrumentality), and (2) when they have prior demonstrators in their

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Freeman, Chas W. "Diplomatic Doctrine and Style with Chinese Characteristics." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 16, no. 2-3 (2020): 370–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-bja10053.

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Summary Chinese diplomatic style is the product of many influences. It is rooted in 2,000 years of history but also reflects changes resulting from the Chinese Revolution and the dramatic expansion of its wealth, power, status and interests ongoing today. Much is made of the hierarchical tradition in China’s diplomatic thinking and its resistance to Western diplomatic norms. However, these provide unreliable guides for contemporary Chinese diplomacy. While ‘face’, in terms of the respect of others remains an important consideration, Chinese diplomacy is influenced by upholding its understandin

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Shutarov, Vasko. "CULTURAL DIPLOMACY CHARACTERISTICS OF THE FORMER SFRY." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 6 (2018): 2027–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28062027v.

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Cultural diplomacy is a recent diplomatic practice. Although elements of cultural-diplomatic actions have been evident ever since the early beginnings of diplomacy, it is safe to assume that cultural diplomacy saw its full development during the Cold War. Through cultural contents and forms, diplomacy promotes the system of values, ideas, representations and perceptions of a particular country. Cultural diplomacy is in direct and dynamic relation with both the internal and foreign political processes and contexts. When political, diplomatic, economic and military instruments and tools fail to

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Zorin, Artyom V. "Problem of Compensation for American Property in Czechoslovakia in 1945–1948." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 22, no. 4 (202) (2020): 208–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2020.22.4.072.

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This article explores one aspect of the US policy in Europe between 1945 and 1948. Following World War II, Washington’s increased influence required new mechanisms and ways of behaviour. US diplomacy needed to combine its traditional course meant to protect American interests with the intention of expanding its influence and support democratic governments in the liberated states. However, the policy was accompanied by several serious problems and contradictions, e.g. the US relations with Czechoslovakia concerning the compensation for the nationalised and requisitioned property of American cit

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Korotkova, Darya A. "The Soviet Plenipotentiary Mission and the Belarusian diaspora in Lithuania in the 1920s." Slavic Almanac, no. 1-2 (2021): 254–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2021.1-2.2.02.

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The article is dedicated to little-known pages of the history of Soviet diplomacy. Contacts with emigrant circles were an important part of the work of the Soviet representative office in Lithuania in the 1920s. The search for effective ways to infiltrate communist propaganda in broad circles of the population of neighboring countries, as well as attempts to persuade political figures of these countries to cooperate, were the main motives of these relations. Starting in 1921, the emigrants themselves, including members of the Council of the Belarusian People’s Republic, the unrecognized Belaru

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Stanciu, Cezar. "A Rebirth of Diplomacy: The Foreign Policy of Communist Romania between Subordination and Autonomy, 1948–1962." Diplomacy & Statecraft 24, no. 2 (2013): 253–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2013.789770.

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Hackenesch, Christine, and Julia Bader. "The Struggle for Minds and Influence: The Chinese Communist Party's Global Outreach." International Studies Quarterly 64, no. 3 (2020): 723–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa028.

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Abstract This paper addresses a largely overlooked actor in China's foreign relations, the International Department of the Communist Party of China (ID-CPC). Using publicly available documentation, we systematically analyze the patterns of the CPC's external relations since the early 2000s. Building on an intense travel diplomacy, the ID-CPC maintains a widely stretched network to political elites across the globe. The ID-CPC's engagement is not new; but since Xi Jinping took office, the CPC has bolstered its efforts to reach out to other parties. We find that party relations not only serve as

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GRAZIANI, SOFIA. "The Case of Youth Exchanges and Interactions Between the PRC and Italy in the 1950s." Modern Asian Studies 51, no. 1 (2016): 194–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000305.

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AbstractSoon after the founding of the People's Republic of China (PRC), youth exchanges came to be a major part of the Chinese campaign to reach out and influence the people of other nations. Despite the growing scholarly discussion regarding the role of people-to-people diplomacy and external propaganda in China's foreign policy, so far no direct attention has been paid to the Chinese Communist Party's efforts to institutionalize youth exchanges and use them as a tool to promote the new Chinese government's foreign relations. This article locates the position of young people within the PRC's

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YANG, CHAN. "Ruthless Manipulation or Benevolent Amnesia? The role of the history of the Fifteen-year War in China's diplomacy towards Japan before the 1982 Textbook Incident." Modern Asian Studies 50, no. 5 (2016): 1705–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x15000311.

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AbstractExploring how the history of the Fifteen-year War was dealt with in pre-1982 mainland China is an essential step towards understanding the currently explosive Sino-Japanese History Problem; furthermore, this might shed light on various issues in the post-war history of China and Sino-Japanese relations. However, available research on the pre-1982 period is scarce and problematic. Earlier political scientists argue that the history of the war was ruthlessly manipulated by the Chinese Communist Party regime, while some recent studies believe that the war was conveniently ‘forgotten’ as S

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Zhao, Kejin, and Xin Gao. "Pursuing the Chinese Dream: Institutional Changes of Chinese Diplomacy under President Xi Jinping." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 01, no. 01 (2015): 35–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740015500037.

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The past few years have witnessed a growing appeal, both from home and from abroad, that China should reform its diplomatic system and proactively embrace the historic transformation of its relationship with the world. Especially since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) in 2012, China's diplomatic system has undergone multiple changes within its basic framework. From the perspective of institutional dynamics, the system is shifting from emphasizing the role of serving the country's development to the role of serving the Chinese Dream, that is, the great renewal of

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Ma, Haiyun. "Patriotic and Pious Muslim Intellectuals in Twentieth-Century China: The Case of Ma Jian." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 23, no. 3 (2018): 54–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v23i3.443.

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The fall of the Qing dynasty (1644-1911) and the founding of the modern Chinese nation-state brought both opportunities and challenges to Chinese Muslims. No longer having to deal with emperorship and its foundational ideology, Confucianism, they were soon confronted with new state ideological impositions, namely, Han nationalism and socialism, imposed by the Republican and Communist regimes. These new challenges were both threatening and promising, for although the new ideologies were fundamentally antithetic to Islam, the new regimes promised an equal status to Chinese Muslims and saw how th

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