Academic literature on the topic 'Diplomatic tool'
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Journal articles on the topic "Diplomatic tool"
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László, Zsuzsa. "Exhibition as Diplomatic Tool." Third Text 32, no. 4 (2018): 412–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09528822.2018.1524035.
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Yapparova, Venera Nagimovna, Juliya Viktorovna Ageeva, and Adamka Pavol. "Verbal Politeness as an Important Tool of Diplomacy." Journal of Politics and Law 12, no. 5 (2019): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v12n5p57.
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This article examines the notion of diplomatic courtesy and analyzes the ways of its language expression in Russian diplomatic discourse on the example of the speeches delivered by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation Sergey Lavrov.
 
 Diplomatic courtesy is considered by the authors as an integral part of the diplomatic language, which, being a component of the official business style, is characterized by standardization, normalization, lack of emotionality and neutrality. At the same time, the diplomatic language allows the use of language means that are not regulated by the diplomatic protocol, which act as euphemisms and allow expressing opinions on acute political problems without violating the existing rules of diplomatic communication.
 
 The success of diplomatic communication is achieved with the help of universal speech formulas that serve as a means of manifesting courtesy and correspond to the standards of diplomatic communication. Such speech formulas themselves do not have legal force, but they have great moral and political power, since they contribute to the regulation of the nature of relations between countries.
 
 The article shows that diplomatic courtesy can be both positive and negative. The degree of courtesy in a diplomat's speech may depend on a wide range of various factors conditioned by the dependence of diplomatic etiquette on the specifics of interaction between communicants.
 
 Based on the results of the conducted research, the authors came to the conclusion that during various meetings the Minister of Foreign Affairs uses the following verbal means - speech formulas of greeting, address, compliment, invitation, gratitude, condolence, farewell. The frequency of such speech formulas is explained by the need of abidance of an international protocol that prescribes to diplomatic staff a certain sequence of verbal and non-verbal actions.
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García Cardiel, Jorge. "The Toga as a Diplomatic Tool." Historia 71, no. 3 (2022): 260. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/historia-2022-0009.
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Rusnak, Oleksandr. "DIPLOMATIC IMMUNITY AS A TOOL RESEARCH BODIES FOREIGN COUNTRY SERVICES." Strategic Panorama, no. 1-2 (December 15, 2019): 52–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.53679/2616-9460.1-2.2019.05.
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The article describes the tools that allow diplomats to participate in the intelligence activity in the host country; main forms of such work are considered; key concepts are defined that collectively clarify and specify the main provisions used in diplomatic work.Specific examples show the specific nature of unacceptable illegitimate diplomatic activity, which enables certain foreigners who enjoy diplomatic immunity to conduct intelligence activities and take measures that may be incompatible with diplomatic activity in the host country. This situation becomes especially acute in the conditions of armed aggression against our country. It is noted that in the process of exercising these functions, the diplomats of the aggressor country get the opportunity to support the destructive opposition in the territory of Ukraine, to select agents of influence, to carry out other intelligence activities in our country.The notion of intelligence activity as a kind of foreign policy activity of the state, which is secretly carried out by a system of special services and affiliated organizations using specific means and forces, forms and methods in the interest of achieving certain interests, as well as diplomatic immunity, as release from criminal or administrative the civilian jurisdiction of diplomatic missions and person shaving a diplomatic status in the host countries solely for the effective performance of their duties on them tasks. Therefore, personal (ratione personae) and functional (ratione materiae) immunity should be distinguished, which should extend to government officials.It is determined that diplomatic immunity is regulated not only by a set of international conventions but also by a system of national legalacts; it is proved that modern in ternationall awprovides certain opportunities for conducting intelligence work under diplomatic cover in the host country.
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Yefremova, Kateryna, and Maryna Lobko. "The art of diplomatic protocol as tool of business communication." Law and innovative society, no. 2 (15) (January 4, 2020): 35–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.37772/2309-9275-2020-2(15)-6.
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Problem setting. At the present stage of development of international relations, more and more diplomatic negotiations are taking place and a large number of international agreements are being concluded, so for the successful and effective functioning of the state foreign policy mechanism many tools are needed, each of which sets the mechanism in motion. However, the issues of gift literacy and their conceptualization of the role as a tool of diplomatic protocol in the implementation of international contacts of bilateral and multilateral nature remain unexplored. Analysis of resent researches and publications. The following scientists were engaged in research of the specified question: Ukrainian scientists – O. Sagaidak, G. Rudenko, Polish – L. Ikanovich, J. Picarsky, T. Orlovsky, English – John Wood, Jean Serre and others. The target of research is to study the essence of diplomatic protocol and etiquette on the example of gift literacy as a special tool for establishing relations in international cooperation, as well as outlining the realities of regulating this procedure and determining the practical side of the gift process in the context of diplomatic relations. Article’s main body. In the article investigated the essence and genesis of the practice of applying the diplomatic protocol in multilateral diplomacy for political purposes. It is argued that some protocol aspects of a multilateral meeting may be subject to political manipulation, and their behavioral influence on decision-makers is used. The importance of using gifts at the present stage of diplomacy development as one of the political tools that is subordinated to foreign policy goals is determined. The gifts received during the working trips of the presidents of the countries reflect the current state of development of the states, cover meetings and communication with the population, outline the professional and political interests and priorities of the states. The exchange of memorable gifts and souvenirs is carried out in the protocol order or by agreement of the parties in a solemn atmosphere as a separate protocol event within the framework of the state visit of the head of a foreign state. Examining the gifts, you can determine the geography of official visits of high-ranking officials, the current state of development of states, assess the outcome of meetings and communication with the population, learn about professional and political interests and priorities of states. In the protocol practice of most countries, strict cost limits have been introduced for gifts given or received by senior officials. Conclusions and prospects for the development. Gift literacy is one of the modern tools of diplomatic protocol, and the rules for choosing diplomatic gifts are a science, the basic principles of which have changed and improved over the centuries and to this day. Gifts from foreign heads of state, representatives of international organizations and business circles represent the donor country, reflecting customs, culture, government.
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Cho, lee-ok. "Diplomacy between Silla and Japan in the 9th century seen through the diplomatic document of Silla Jipsa-seong." Bukak History Academy 19 (January 31, 2024): 63–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.37288/bukak.2024.19.1.63.
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This paper is aimed at approaching the diplomatic relations between Silla and Japan in the 9th century and the realities based on the general understanding of the diplomatic document of ‘Silla Jipsa-seong.’ The diplomatic document of ‘Silla Jipsa-seong’ was sent to Dajokan. As this document not only reflects the circumstances of the time, but also reflects the diplomatic issues which were developing around Japan’s diplomatic mission to Tang Dynasty and diplomatic status intended by Silla, it is a valuable data for explaining diplomatic relations between Silla and Japan.
 In short, according to the document of ‘Silla Jipsa-seong,’ Japan tried to enforce a diplomatic tool called ‘Gaoyu’ based on Sinocentrism in the process of diplomatic negotiations developing around the dispatch of the diplomatic mission, while Silla was aimed at the restoration of relationship as equal neighbors following the precedent of ‘resumption of diplomatic relations’ during the King Aejang era. Most of all, the gap in diplomatic perceptions between the two countries at the time worked as a significant obstacle to friendly relations between the two countries.
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Cho, lee-ok. "Diplomacy between Silla and Japan in the 9th century seen through the diplomatic document of Silla Jipsa-seong." Bukak History Academy 19 (January 31, 2024): 63–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.37288/bukak.2024.19.2.63.
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This paper is aimed at approaching the diplomatic relations between Silla and Japan in the 9th century and the realities based on the general understanding of the diplomatic document of ‘Silla Jipsa-seong.’ The diplomatic document of ‘Silla Jipsa-seong’ was sent to Dajokan. As this document not only reflects the circumstances of the time, but also reflects the diplomatic issues which were developing around Japan’s diplomatic mission to Tang Dynasty and diplomatic status intended by Silla, it is a valuable data for explaining diplomatic relations between Silla and Japan.
 In short, according to the document of ‘Silla Jipsa-seong,’ Japan tried to enforce a diplomatic tool called ‘Gaoyu’ based on Sinocentrism in the process of diplomatic negotiations developing around the dispatch of the diplomatic mission, while Silla was aimed at the restoration of relationship as equal neighbors following the precedent of ‘resumption of diplomatic relations’ during the King Aejang era. Most of all, the gap in diplomatic perceptions between the two countries at the time worked as a significant obstacle to friendly relations between the two countries.
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Birnbaum, Enav, and Oren Barak. "Place Naming as a Foreign Policy Tool." Israel Studies Review 39, no. 3 (2024): 42–64. https://doi.org/10.3167/isr.2024.390304.
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Abstract This article maintains that states can utilize place naming in their capitals to advance two foreign policy goals: first, promoting closer relations with other international actors, including states and international organizations, thereby complementing more traditional diplomatic means; second, supporting national branding efforts as the state strives to enhance the image it seeks to project to other international actors and its global reputation. Drawing on the case of Israel's extensive place naming efforts in Jerusalem in the period 1948–1967, which were designed to achieve these two goals, the article establishes that the use of place naming as a diplomatic tool should be viewed as part of what is often referred to as cultural diplomacy, namely, international actors’ exchange of and collaboration regarding ideas, values, perceptions, and cultural gestures that serve to strengthen ties in the long term.
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Dieckhoff, Milena. "International Mediation: A Specific Diplomatic Tool For Emerging Countries?" ERIS – European Review of International Studies 1, no. 2 (2014): 107–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/eris.v1i2.16506.
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Pshtyka, V. V. "Diplomatic protocol as a tool of international economic relations." Baltic Region, no. 4 (2011): 86–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2011-4-11.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Diplomatic tool"
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McCaffrey, Olivia. "Silent Statecraft: The Revocation of Ambassadors as a Diplomatic Tool." Thesis, Boston College, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:107381.
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Thesis advisor: Hiroshi Nakazato<br>In addition to negotiation, nonverbal signaling plays a large part in diplomacy. One such nonverbal technique is diplomatic revocation, in which a sending state summons its ambassador from a receiving state. Such an act has strategic value and can be used to discourage politically reprehensible acts in the receiving state, or further delegitimize its leaders or government to the international community, especially when accompanied by other sanctions or a comprehensive political agenda. Other times, revocation is reactionary, as in the cases of recalling an ambassador for poor conduct or as a precautionary measure against dwindling security conditions in the host state. In consulting scholarly work on the nonverbal dynamics of diplomacy and using an original dataset of over 1,000 instances of diplomatic revocation, this thesis examines the efficacy of diplomatic sanctions and concludes that 53% of diplomatic revocations are not intended as politically persuasive tools<br>Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2017<br>Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: Arts and Sciences Honors Program<br>Discipline: International Studies
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Kahn, Michelle Lynn. "Manufactured Morality: German-British Humanitarianism as Realpolitik Tool a Decade after the Boer and Herero Wars." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/427.
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Situated within the fields of diplomatic history and comparative genocide studies, this thesis examines the German colonial period from the standpoint of German-British relations before, during and after the Second Boer War in British South Africa (1899-1902) and the Herero and Nama War in German South West Africa (present-day Namibia, 1904-1908). I contend that German and British diplomatic efforts at cordiality functioned as a means of tacitly condoning each power’s humanitarian abuses—or at least “letting them slide”—for the sake of stability both on the European Continent and within the colonies. Despite activism against reported maltreatment and violence—even among citizens of “the perpetrating power” and among those of “the observing power”—neither the German nor the British government was willing to chastise the other openly, for fear of alienating a key ally. Only with the advent of the First World War, when the former allies became enemies, did an explosion of criticism of each other’s maltreatment of their colonial subjects erupt.
In the wake of German defeat, the British victors reaped the spoils of war—including the ability to shape perceptions of what had happened nearly two decades before in the African colonies—and succeeded in expropriating the German overseas territories in the 1919 Treaty of Versailles. From this narrative the following conclusion emerges: German and British official responses to humanitarian concerns in the colonies were dictated not by morality or compassion but rather by realpolitik expediency. And, as often in history, the one-sided narrative that emerged from this rather hypocritical series of events continues to skew perceptions of both British and German colonialism today. Thus, as a whole, this thesis poses broad theoretical questions regarding the politicization of morality and the social construction of genocide classifications, as well as the extent to which changing perceptions of violent conflicts have played a role in how the international community has categorized these conflicts through legal means in the wake of the Holocaust.
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Tzirakis, Dimitrios. "Diaspora as a diplomatic tool in the era of New Diplomacy : A Comparative Case Study of Greece and Ireland - Lessons learned from Ireland." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-165634.
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Diplomacy has been changing and evolving for some time now. Diplomacy has gone public and new types of diplomacy and diplomatic tools have emerged. The number of actors has pluralised. The emergence of new technologies, like social media, also offers a new addition on how diplomacy is being conducted. However, a far less discussed diplomatic tool is diaspora. The diaspora of a country can also be used to conduct diplomacy. “Both ‘diaspora’ and ‘diplomacy’ are concepts that have undergone considerable expansion in recent years, marking a shift away from understanding diaspora as a descriptive category and diplomacy as the practice of state officials respectively” (Ho & McConnell, 2017, p. 15). The study aims to gain a better understanding of how the diaspora of a country can be used as a diplomatic tool in the world of ‘New Diplomacy’. The theoretical framework builds upon the notions of New Diplomacy, Diaspora Studies and the existing pre-understanding of Diaspora Diplomacy. The study pursues a qualitative research approach by means of a Comparative Case Study conducted with the method of Most-Similar Case Comparison. The two cases analysed are those of Greece and Ireland, in which the former is identified as the case facing challenges in relation to modern-day diaspora diplomacy, while the latter is identified as a successful case. The research uses both primary and secondary data. The secondary data was collected by means of the empirical research method of Participant Observation. The researcher identified four independent variables in order to explain the dependent variable which is ‘Successful Diaspora Diplomacy’. Three independent variables, ‘Nature of their diaspora’, ‘Recent socio-economic developments’ and ‘Structure of ministry of foreign affairs & the position of the diaspora unit within it’ were concluded to be too similar among the two countries in order to explain the difference in successfulness of their diaspora diplomacy. The analysis conducted indicated that the fourth independent variable ‘New Diplomacy-Culture’, however, was significantly different among the two cases and leads to an explanation of the difference in the outcome. The findings of this research indicated that a ‘New Diplomacy-Culture’ should incorporate the following characteristics and initiatives: a concrete diaspora strategy; individual initiatives all need to be linked to the strategy, but at the same time be tailor-made for the different types of diaspora members; all actions need to be monitored and evaluated; and technology needs to be utilised. Furthermore, governments should adopt a facilitating role instead of an implementing role. Knowledge sharing and access to networks constitute two of the main benefits that a country can achieve through Diaspora Diplomacy. In general, new diplomacy initiatives are not sufficient for achieving successful diaspora diplomacy if foreign ministries do not adopt a new diplomacy mentality as a whole. Countries should focus on communication, cooperation and a culture of openness, flexibility and transparency. In New Diplomacy the notion that citizens play a more prominent role than they used to in the past, is central. This idea can be expanded to include diasporas as well. Furthermore, not only should New Diplomacy include diaspora, but also the other way around; in order for Diaspora Diplomacy to be successful, it should include New Diplomacy in its practices. This brings us to the conceptualisation of a new subfield of New Diplomacy and Diaspora Diplomacy, that of New Diaspora Diplomacy. New Diaspora Diplomacy is Diaspora Diplomacy that incorporates a high degree of elements of 21st century’s New Diplomacy, in order to successfully achieve diaspora engagement on contemporary issues of strategical importance.
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Samarin, Andrey Igorovich, and Андрій Ігорович Самарін. "The Japanese phenomenon in the use of soft power." Thesis, National Aviation University, 2021. https://er.nau.edu.ua/handle/NAU/51658.
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1.Soft power . [Electronic resource]. – Mode of access: https://pidru4niki. com/70827/politologiya/myaka_sila_instrument_formuvannya_pozitivnogo_ imidzhu_derzhavi
2.Soft power theory . [Electronic resource]. – Mode of access: http://www.hai-nyzhnyk.in.ua/doc/2014doc.kultura.php
3.Tools of diplomacy. [Electronic resource]. – Mode of access: https://zbruc.eu/node/69324<br>The problem of “soft power” in international relations and its role in Japanese foreign policy is an interesting problem for research, given its insufficient scientific study. Due to the prevailing general attitude to the problem of “soft power” in world politics, where the phenomenon under study is considered only an auxiliary method of foreign policy and not a full-fledged tool to achieve their goals in the international arena. The need to study the use of “soft power” is caused by the ongoing shifts in international relations and world politics, which appeared as a result of the development of globalization processes, information and technological spheres. With the emergence of new actors and the rapidly changing rules of the game in the international arena, it is important for countries to quickly adapt to these rules and make full use of new tools. Thus, the aim of the study is to study the features of the concept of “soft power”. Japan’s soft power policy is a very successful example of the full implementation of this diplomatic tool. In Japan, the use of soft power tools is in line with borrowing proven foreign experience, supplemented by national specifics and ultimately oriented towards the interests of national business. Innovation, culture, language and much more - all these are things that affect the political and diplomatic situation in relations between Japan and other countries. Japan is attractive not only because of its model economic development, but also thanks to its status as a leader in the field innovation e.g.. Innovation is one of the foundations of its economic model development. Both Japan and the countries of the region have repeatedly stressed that Japanese technology and natural resources of Central Asia complement each other.<br>Проблема "м'якої сили" у міжнародних відносинах та її роль у зовнішній політиці Японії є цікавою проблемою для досліджень, враховуючи її недостатнє наукове вивчення. У зв’язку з переважним загальним ставленням до проблеми „м’якої сили” у світовій політиці, де досліджуване явище вважається лише допоміжним методом зовнішньої політики, а не повноцінним інструментом досягнення своїх цілей на міжнародній арені. Потреба у вивченні використання "м'якої сили" зумовлена постійними зрушеннями у міжнародних відносинах та світовій політиці, що з'явилися в результаті розвитку процесів глобалізації, інформаційної та технологічної сфер. З появою нових дійових осіб та швидко мінливими правилами гри на міжнародній арені країнам важливо швидко адаптуватися до цих правил та повною мірою використовувати нові інструменти. Таким чином, метою дослідження є вивчення особливостей поняття «м'яка сила». Політика м'якої сили Японії є дуже успішним прикладом повної реалізації цього дипломатичного інструменту. В Японії використання м'яких електроінструментів відповідає запозиченню перевіреного зарубіжного досвіду, доповненого національною специфікою і в кінцевому рахунку орієнтованого на інтереси національного бізнесу. Інновації, культура, мова та багато іншого - усе це впливає на політичну та дипломатичну ситуацію у відносинах між Японією та іншими країнами. Японія є привабливою не лише завдяки своїй моделі економічного розвитку, а й завдяки своєму статусу лідера в галузі інновацій, наприклад. Інновації є однією з основ розвитку її економічної моделі. Як Японія, так і країни регіону неодноразово наголошували, що японські технології та природні ресурси Центральної Азії доповнюють одна одну.
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Åström, Angie. "Svensk offentlig diplomati i förändring : En fallstudie om Svenska institutet." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-17315.
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The Swedish Institute is a public agency promoting Swedish interest, national image and confidence around the world. This work attempts to investigate how communication and a process over time influences and effects public diplomacy. The analytic discussion is based on a single case study research of this Institute representing ideas in the international science field of public diplomacy. The theoretical ideas of public diplomacy are placed in a theoretical perspective of social constructivism. The method is qualitative, with excerpts taken from interviews, literature, newspapers, articles, state public reports and social media. The work adopts a discourse analytic approach, aiming to uncover the structure of public diplomacy by using three analytic tools: soft power, nation branding and cultural diplomacy. The presented analysis and examples suggest a close collaboration between researchers and practitioners can lead to a coherent theory of public diplomacy. The result identifies promising directions as well as weakness and gaps in existing knowledge. The work promotes an analytic tool “korstryck” for theorize and conceptualize the discussion of public diplomacy. A strategy of today requires three fundamental components: power, diplomacy and communication. The challenge in public diplomacy is the balance between public opinion, public foreign policy and global networks of communication. The paper aims to open doors for further scientific works are needed in the searching for a theory of public diplomacy.
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Kendrick, Shelby. "“A Crime Too Terrible for Contemplation:” Samuel Ralph Harlow and Missionary Influence on the History of the Responsibility to Protect." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2014. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/honors_theses/57.
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As a prominent and influential missionary in Turkey in the early 20th century, Samuel Ralph Harlow offers a new perspective that should be included in historical literature on foreign missionaries and human rights. Through his correspondence and academic works, Harlow’s story unveils internal conflict among United States officials and missionaries in regard to Turkish treatment of Greeks and Armenians in the interwar period. Samuel Ralph Harlow represents the position in support of American intervention to rescue Greeks and Armenians from massacre and deportation, but as his superiors’ views on the matter changed, Harlow was silenced. The U.S. may have decided not to intervene after all, but missionaries certainly played a role in the decision. Harlow was an early advocate for foreign intervention for the sake of protecting human rights, and his story shows how American missionaries helped mold U.S. support for protecting vulnerable populations abroad. The Samuel Ralph Harlow Papers at Amistad Research Center are virtually untouched by academics; thus, Harlow deserves a study in his own right. This study involved extensive research on Harlow’s original papers, the United States Government Official Foreign Relations Documents, and the historiography of human rights and missionaries in the Middle East, particularly Turkey.
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Tiba, Johannes Kgotso. "Partnership and outsourcing as tools for increased access to consular services : a case of South African High Commission in the United Kingdom / Johannes Kgotso Tiba." Thesis, North-West University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/9455.
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The provision of consular services is an obligation of every government to its citizens who are living abroad. In providing such services, efforts must be made to ensure that they are accessible to all citizens, wherever they may be. Under the current economic climate, maintaining an extensive network of embassies and consulates around the world is an expensive venture. It is against this background that governments must be innovative in providing services by ensuring that private and third sector organizations are involved, in order to complement their work of ensuring that consular services reach their citizens at affordable costs - wherever they are.
Besides rendering consular services to South African (SA) citizens, consular offices can be a vital investment vehicle of the government abroad, by ensuring that much-needed investment is obtained. Furthermore, the consular services can serve as the first line of defence of a country, by ensuring that people who can cause harm to the country do not enter it. Despite the daunting challenges facing the post-apartheid government in SA, a number of changes have been undertaken to ensure that consular services are modernized. However, those changes have been inadequate and have fallen short of meeting the expectations of most South African citizens who are living abroad.
This study makes a vital contribution on the concept of using partnership and outsourcing as tools for increased access to consular services in one of the critical missions of SA abroad - the United Kingdom, by showing that the traditional way of rendering consular services from a diplomatic mission is inadequate to reach potential customers scattered in parts of the host country. The study concludes with significant recommendations that, inter alia, include even using post offices and the internet to ensure that consular services reach all parts of the United Kingdom, where South Africans live. Given that consular services have inherent security implications, the study also notes that among factors that must be taken into account before outsourcing consular services, or even setting up a partnership, the chosen service providers must, amongst other things, be able to maintain and protect the confidentiality of their customers.<br>Thesis (M. Development and Management)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013
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Nilsson, Mikael. "Tools of Hegemony : Military Technology and Swedish-American Security Relations, 1945-1962." Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : Santérus Academic Press, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-4565.
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Jugulytė, Kristina. "LR ambasadų komunikacinės veiklos formuojant šalies įvaizdį Europoje." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2011. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2011~D_20110217_161712-08753.
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Magistro darbe analizuojamas LR ambasadose formuojamas Lietuvos valstybės įvaizdis Europoje. Darbo objektas – komunikacinės ir viešųjų ryšių priemones, kuriomis diplomatai reprezentuoja valstybę, viešina ambasadoje vykstančius renginius ir bendrauja su užsienio tikslinėmis auditorijomis.
Tyrimas buvo atliekamas keliais etapais. Pirmiausia, apibrėžtas Lietuvos diplomatinių atstovybių vaidmuo formuojant valstybės įvaizdį, identifikuotos naudojamos viešųjų ryšių priemonės ir bendravimo su auditorijomis būdai. Kaip ambasados įgyvendina komunikacines veiklas, analizuota pasitelkiant anketinę apklausą bei interviu su skirtingose Europos valstybėse dirbančiais diplomatais. Galiausiai atlikti interviu su ekspertais padėjo įvertinti diplomatinių ir komunikacinių veiklų tikslingumą bei valstybės įvaizdžio formavimo galimybes viešosios diplomatijos kontekste.
Tyrimas atskleidė, jog skirtingose LR ambasadose yra naudojamos vienodos komunikacinės priemonės, kurių dažnumas priklauso nuo ambasadoje vykstančių renginių, dirbančių diplomatų skaičiaus bei turimo biudžeto. Tuo tarpu santykiai su žiniasklaida, kuri yra svarbus informacijos platinimo kanalas, atskirose valstybėse ne visada yra efektyvūs, nes ambasadų pateikiama informacija neretai laikoma propaganda bei lieka neaišku, ar žinutė pasiekė adresatą. Todėl daugiau dėmesio viešosios diplomatijos kontekste skiriama kultūriniams renginiams, kurie pristato ne tik šalį, bet ir atskirus jos kūrėjus, menininkus. Kultūrinė diplomatija... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]<br>In this master paper the image of Lithuania in Europe, formed by the embassies of the Republic of Lithuania, is being analyzed. The object of the paper- communication and public relations measures, which are used by diplomats to represent the state, to publicize the events occurring in the embassy and to communicate with foreign target audiences.
The research was done in several stages. At first the role of the Lithuanian diplomatic missions of forming the image of the state was determined, measures public relations and methods of communication with audiences were identified. The ways how the embassies establish communication activities were analyzed using questioning survey and interviews with the diplomats working in different European states. Finally the interviews with experts helped to evaluate the expediency of the diplomatic and communication activities and the state image formation possibilities in the context of public diplomacy.
The research revealed that in different embassies of the Republic of Lithuania the same communication measures were being used and the frequency depends on the events in the embassy, number of diplomats working and budget. Meanwhile the relations wit mass media - which is important channel of information distribution – is not always effective in different states, because the information presented by embassies is often seen as propaganda and it is unclear if the message reaches the target. Therefore in the context of public diplomacy more... [to full text]
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Portešová, Veronika. "Ekonomická paradiplomacie - činnosti českých krajů v oblasti zahraničních investic." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-358927.
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The aim of this diploma thesis is to provide a comprehensive overview of the economic part diplomacy of the Czech Republic and by comparing the approaches of the individual regions to identify possible examples of good practice that could be transferred to other regions and thus help to boost their further development in terms of economic paradiplomacy. The paper provides answers to the questions: why did the Czech regions involve in international relations? What regional instruments do they use to promote their interests? What goals and motives do the regions follow from their involvement in foreign affairs? What are the relationships between each region and the central level? Are the objectives of economic paradiplomacy consistent or inconsistent with the objectives of central government? The work is divided into four parts. The first part shows the key moments in the field of studies in paradiplomacy and presents the research framework of the diploma thesis. The second part is the analysis of strategic documents in terms of the objectives of economic paradiplomacy. The third part contains an analysis of the activities carried out by the regions in the framework of the economic paradiplomacy, by characterizing the cooperation with the central level and the regional actors and by analyzing the tools used by the regions between 2012-2016. The fourth, the final part, then, presents an assessment of economic paradiplomacy and provide answers to research questions.
Books on the topic "Diplomatic tool"
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interviewer, Yu Si-min 1959, ed. Yu Si-min kwa Tool t'ongil ch'ŏngch'un ŭl mal hada. T'ongnamu, 2019.
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Vogeler, Georg, and Sébastien Barret. Digital diplomatics: The computer as a tool for the diplomatist? Böhlau, 2014.
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United, States Congress House Committee on Government Reform Subcommittee on Civil Service Census and Agency Organization. Strengthening America: Should the issuing of visas be viewed as a diplomatic tool or security measure? : hearing before the Subcommittee on the Civil Service, Census, and Agency Organization of the Committee on Government Reform, House of Representatives, One Hundred Seventh Congress, second session, July 15, 2002. U.S. G.P.O., 2003.
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Wijers, Jean Paul, Isabel Amaral, William Hanson, Bengt-Arne Hulleman, and Diana Mather. Protocol to Manage Relationships Today. Amsterdam University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463724159.
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Protocol to Manage Relationships Today explains the contemporary value of protocol, not only for monarchies or diplomatic institutes, but for any non-profit or for-profit organisation. This book presents modern protocol as a tool to build strong, authentic networks of reciprocal relationships. When used effectively protocol can: - Increase the effect of the networking activities of an organisation. Protocol gives a professional structure to relationship management, to achieve access to the 'right' networks and a reciprocal relationship with the most valued stakeholders. - Deepen relationships. In our world there is so much focus on pragmatism in building relationships - protocol focuses on the common ground to gain value. - Be used as a valuable tool in a post COVID-19 era, where the need for space and time to build real and authentic relationships is well understood. The book defines how tested values perfectly fit in today's society, where modern organisations want to build effective relationships and communities. This book is focused on developing an increasingly vital expertise for professionals who deal with complex relationship management issues on a strategic and tactical operational level. They come from different fields, such as government institutions, non-profit organisations and commercial environments. This book also gives protocol officers a contemporary approach towards the application of protocol. It is not designed as a complete guide to all the rules of protocol, but it describes how to translate the context into a tailor-made protocol for each meeting or event. The book explains protocol as a flexible method to handle unique situations. Protocol is presented on four levels: the 'why' of protocol; the strategic and tactical level; the practical implementation; and the execution of protocol. Protocol to Manage Relationships Today is written by Europe's foremost protocol experts with collective years of experience with the management of networking meetings and events at the highest level.
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Thompson, Robert Smith. The eagle triumphant: How America took over the British Empire. John Wiley & Sons, 2004.
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Gates, Jeffrey R. Guilt by association: How deception and self-deceit took America to war. State Street Publications, 2008.
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Minohara, Tosh. Handbook of Japan’s Foreign and Domestic Policies During The Decade of Abe. Amsterdam University Press, 2025. https://doi.org/10.5117/9789048570317.
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No Japanese leader has dominated Japan’s recent political landscape more than the late Abe Shinzo. With the this as the basic premise, the main objective of this compiled volume is to examine and assess Japan’s foreign and domestic polices during the 2010s, a decade which largely overlaps with Abe’s tenure as prime minister. This book is much more than a mere study of Abe’s leadership, however, as it ventures far beyond the traditional scope of diplomatic and political history by incorporating a multidisciplinary approach. As such, the contributors comprise not only historians and political scientists, but also sociologists, economists, legal experts, journalists, and practitioners of diplomacy. This diversity in backgrounds makes it possible to examine a much wider range of topics and themes that clearly illuminate the multitude of challenges that Japan faced in the decade as well as how it responded to those challenges, leading to a more thorough understanding of the path that Japan took in the 2010s.
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Moore, Michael (director). The official Fahrenheit 9/11 reader. Simon & Schuster Paperbacks, 2004.
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1954-, Moore Michael, ed. Fahrenheit 9/11: Das Buch ; alle Fakten, alle Beweise, alle Szenen. Piper, 2004.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Diplomatic tool"
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Dipper, Stefanie, and Martin Schnurrenberger. "OTTO: A Tool for Diplomatic Transcription of Historical Texts." In Human Language Technology. Challenges for Computer Science and Linguistics. Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-20095-3_42.
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Zhou, Jiali. "As a Tool of Power Games: The Implicit Function of Protocol and Etiquette." In A Study of Diplomatic Protocol and Etiquette. Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-0687-9_5.
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Goodman, Sara Wallace. "EU Citizenship: A Tool for Integration?" In IMISCOE Research Series. Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-25726-1_11.
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AbstractEuropean Union citizenship conveys important rights and opportunities to the almost 450 million citizens of EU Member States. European citizens are first and foremost citizens of their respective member states, but EU citizenship is designed to complement national citizenship, enabling individuals to move and live across the EU, participate in the political life of the EU, and exercise meaningful rights (e.g., diplomatic and consular protection in third countries). For instance, EU citizenship enables participation in local elections of an individual’s their country of residence (independent of national citizenship), as well as vote for members of the European Parliament. Voting in these types of elections promises to increase the political legitimacy of the EU and, in principle, diminish the democratic deficit of this supranational institution. And through political participation that builds political legitimacy, EU citizens push this institution toward an “ever closer Union.”
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Jin, Wang. "China’s COVID-19 Vaccine Diplomacy in the Gulf and Beyond: Efforts and Challenges." In Gulf Studies. Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-7796-1_39.
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AbstractThis chapter argues that the COVID-19 vaccine has become an important diplomatic tool to expand China’s influence and set up a positive Chinese image in the Middle East. The study reports three important trends in China’s COVID-19 vaccine diplomacy. It states that China’s vaccine diplomacy toward the Middle East still faces challenges. On the one hand, the effectiveness of China’s vaccine is not widely recognized. Some European and American experts still doubt the effect of China’s vaccine made by Sinovac and Sinopharm. On the other hand, China’s mechanism to constrain COVID-19 by national lockdown and universal vaccination might not be copied in the Middle East.
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Ingram, Paul. "20. The Stepping Stones Approach to Nuclear Disarmament Diplomacy." In An Anthology of Global Risk. Open Book Publishers, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.11647/obp.0360.20.
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This chapter sets out the Stepping Stones Approach, developed by the author in 2019, a guideline to be enacted during contested global diplomatic efforts to respond to extreme global risk. More specifically, it is an approach to break the deadlock in nuclear disarmament diplomacy. The approach calls for greater collaboration, and through dialogue and the iterative development of proposals, diplomacy can head towards more adaptable and exploratory engagements. By involving taking early practical steps, incremental action is achieved, resulting eventually in significant change. This approach has the versatility to be adapted for other fields of catastrophic risk, making it an important tool when managing global risk.
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Sowerby, Tracey A. "The Dangerous Gift as Diplomatic Tool: Relics and Cross-Confessional Gift-Giving at the Turn of the Seventeenth Century." In The Dangers of Gifts from Antiquity to the Digital Age. Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003302407-7.
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Schaufelbuehl, Janick Marina. "Gold as a Diplomatic Tool: How the Threat of Gold Purchases Worked as Leverage in International Monetary Relations, 1960–68." In The Global Gold Market and the International Monetary System from the late 19th Century to the Present. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137306715_8.
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Jarrett, Jonathan. "Poor tools to think with The human space in digital diplomatics." In Digital diplomatics. Böhlau Verlag, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.7788/boehlau.9783412217020.291.
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Gottemoeller, Rose. "The Nuclear Conundrum in the Ukraine Crisis." In Springer Proceedings in Physics. Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-29708-3_3.
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AbstractDmitri Medvedev, former President and Prime Minister of the Russian Federation, took to social media on February 25, 2022 to post a chilling message: Russia may be ready to give up the New START Treaty, and it may be ready to cut diplomatic ties with the United States and other Western countries.
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Sevin, Efe, and Hazal Sena Karaca. "Corporations as Diplomatic Actors." In Handbook of Research on Impacts of International Business and Political Affairs on the Global Economy. IGI Global, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-9806-2.ch019.
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This chapter presents a theoretical look on the available international communication tools that can be used by multinational corporations (MNCs) to engage in diplomatic relations. Specifically, the chapter will provide details about three concepts: lobbying, nation brands, and commercial diplomacy. The research objective is to propose a conceptual framework that (i) explains when and how a specific tool should be used and (ii) demonstrates the inherent connection between the tools. The main assumption in this research is that communication is an essential aspect of conducting international businesses. There are two different categories at the center of these communication attempts. First, MNCs address politicians and other key decision-makers within the local political systems in order to start their businesses. Second, local populations should be persuaded to consume their goods and services. The focus in this chapter is the interplay between the three communication tools that are used to address these two audiences. It is argued that even though there are differences between the needs and expectations of decision-makers and consumers, the communication campaigns used to address one audience affects the other.
Conference papers on the topic "Diplomatic tool"
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Binangun, Panji Satrio, and Septyanto Galan Prakoso. "Traditional Dance as a Diplomatic Tool - Srimpi Sangupati Dance by Pakubuwono IX Against Dutch Colonialsm." In The 4th International Conference on Social and Political Sciences. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0007033500010001.
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Кинг, Аугушто Жорже. "US MILITARY BASES ARE A MECHANISM FOR AFRICAN EXPANSION." In Перспективные исследования в современном мире: сборник статей международной научной конференции (Санкт-Петербург, Январь 2025). Crossref, 2025. https://doi.org/10.58351/250130.2025.55.47.005.
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Сеть американских военных баз в Африке, по мнению автора, - многофункциональный институт извлечения геополитических, военных, экономических, дипломатических, информационных выгод и ресурсов. Инструмент укрепления реакционных политических режимов The network of American military bases in Africa, according to the author, is a multifunctional institution for extracting geopolitical, military, economic, diplomatic, information benefits and resources. A tool for strengthening reactionary political regimes
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Uğur, Ömer. "The Eu's Influence on Eastern European Stability in the Context of Ukrainian Crisis." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01652.
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The Ukraine crisis that started with the Euromaidan protests in November 2013 appears to be a most important security crises of the post-Cold War security order. Russia's aggression against Ukraine has not just threaten the territorial integrity or sovereignty of the EU's largest neighbour, but also it has led to a rivalry between the former Cold War enemies again and even it led to the start of a period that may cause to conflict between them. The EU's approach that established the Free Trade Area between the EU and Ukraine did not give any chance of talking to third country or organizations such as the Eurasian Union. Therefore, Russia worked hard to influence on Ukraine to abandon to sing the agreement and this happened to see Ukraine’s choice as a zero-sum game.
 In order to understand the effect of crisis on the EU and Russia, it have to be analysed the economic sanctions imposed by the EU against Russia to resolve the crisis through diplomatic and economic means. Thus, it is necessary to look at the economic relations between Russia and the EU and this data will be obtained in Eurostat.
 As a result, economic sanctions helped to move the conflict from the military to the diplomatic levels. Indeed, Russia has seen that European unity gave rise to a significant impact on its economy. Also, the EU realized that the sanctions is the most powerful tool in the hands of the EU in absence of military power.
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Sanzharov, V. "A complex digital model of parallel Franco-Burgundian itinerarii (Louis XI, Philip the Good and Karl the Bold) as a tool for studying administrative institutions, military-political and diplomatic activity." In Historical research in the context of data science: Information resources, analytical methods and digital technologies. LLC MAKS Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.29003/m1826.978-5-317-06529-4/311-316.
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The article is devoted to the GIS cartography of the royal and ducal itineraries of Lous XI, Philip the Good and Charles the Bold (1461–1477). The intinerary is not the simple calendar list of visited places but the source characterizing the implementation of the government strategies – 'the style of governing'. The itinerary allows to satisfy step by step the interest in problems of power, the mechanisms of its implementation, the definition of spaces of real power. The article proposes approaches to creating a complex digital model of parallel Franco-Burgundian itineraries.
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Bhandari, Pitambar. "Making the Soft Power Hard: Nepal’s Internal Ability in Safeguarding National Interest." In 8th Peace and Conflict Resolution Conference [PCRC2021]. Tomorrow People Organization, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52987/pcrc.2021.008.
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Abstract Soft power is an important instrument of foreign policy and a tool in safeguarding national interests. Under various regimes after the advent of democracy in 1950, Nepal has experienced a turbulent effect of international influence on technology, governance capability, policy transfer, labor migration and climatic affairs. In these contexts, traditional diplomatic effort based on persuasive bargaining requires an interest based practice which is complicated for the countries like Nepal where military power and economy are considered to be public goods rather than strategic base for the expansion of domestic policy making the other countries follow. Nepal creates an exemplary image in coping with the internal and external threats even during the major political transitions in 1950, 1990 and 2006. In all these power sharing mechanisms, the immunity that galvanized internal forces with minimum experience of indirect influence from the neighbouring countries shows that soft power values in Nepal became the major component for managing internal tensions and mitigating external interests. At one hand, the sources of soft power rests on ancient value system and on the other, Nepal celebrates new political system confronting the values earlier regime survived on. Political crisis before 2015 and the natural disaster after it plunged Nepal into a serious threat. During the time of crisis it is need and the value that functions compared to the interest. This paper posits a central question that how soft power became a variant during the war to peace transition from 2006 to the period of implementation of constitution stipulated in 2015 with the result of a stable government. The first part of the paper explores the dimensions of soft power in Nepal- both perceived and practiced- after Jana Aandolan II. The effectiveness of soft power in maintaining the geostrategic importance through a constant coupling of soft power diplomacy adopted and endorsed in Nepal by the external powers and Nepal’s own soft power standpoint will be analyzed in the second part of the paper. The last section of the paper analyzes the challenges for effective implementation of soft power diplomacy in meeting the national interest. Key words: Soft power, geo-strategic importance, national interest
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Zverec, Vladimír. "Predikcia konfliktov s využitím analytického nástroja umelej inteligencie Conflictforecast.org." In Národná a medzinárodná bezpečnosť. Akadémia ozbrojených síl generála Milana Rastislava Štefánika, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.52651/nmb.c.2023.9788080406516.500-509.
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Artificial intelligence and machine learning analytics tools, such as the ConflictForecast.org web platform, are examples of how technological advances can be used to benefit global security. It is ability to anticipate and monitor potential conflicts opens the door for prevention and diplomatic intervention in time to minimalize negative consequences. However, it is essential to realize that such tools should be the part of a comprehensive strategy and collaboration between technology and people so that they can effectively contribute to creating our safer world.
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Ipina Sifuentes, Ricardo, and Guillermo Manuel Chans. "DiplomaTec: An experimental and gamified tool that contributes to vocational guidance and career decision-making for high school students." In ICEMT 2023: The 7th International Conference on Education and Multimedia Technology. ACM, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3625704.3625709.
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Wedgwood, Janet, Zacharias Horiatis, and Thaddeus Konicki. "Employing Automation for Effect Prediction and Exploration in Complex Simulations (EAEPECS)." In ASME 2008 International Design Engineering Technical Conferences and Computers and Information in Engineering Conference. ASMEDC, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/detc2008-50101.
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Support of military campaigns requires new approaches for effective generation of desired effects, and continuous adjustment of the actions, for the entire life of the campaign. Military planners are moving to Effects-Based Operations (EBO) [1] to achieve these desired effects for a combination of Diplomatic, Informational, Military, and Economic (DIME) actions. As military planners move from pure military operations to Effects-Based Operations (EBO) [1], they will need tools to enhance their understanding how the desired Political, Military, Economic, Social, Infrastructure, Information (PMESII) effects can be achieved through a combination of Diplomatic, Informational, Military, and Economic (DIME) actions. Engineers at Lockheed Martin Advanced Technology Laboratories are developing the Employing Automation for Effect Prediction and Exploration in Complex Simulations processes as part of their research into the use of Modeling and Simulation to develop and analyze campaign-level effects-based operations. It uses innovative multi-paradigm simulations of DIME actions on models to determine the probable desired effects, as well as the undesirable effects, while developing a better understanding of second and third order effects. In order for this technology to be useful to military analysts and planners, it must be made accessible to non computer scientists. Our goal is to help analysts and planners easily exploit the power of Modeling and Simulation for exploring Effects-Based Operations through automation of scenario development, model instantiation, integration and initialization and Course of Action (COA) development, simulation and analysis.
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Ağalarlı, Mübariz. "Şah ismail’in hâkimiyeti döneminde Safevi Devleti ile Osmanlı Devleti arasında resmi yazışmalar ve mektuplaşma dili." In 1st International Shah Ismail Khatai Symposium. Namiq Musalı, 2024. https://doi.org/10.59402/ees02202420.
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In the XVIth century, the foundations of a period rich with political, economic, cultural and religiousideological events were laid in the Eurasian geography. The events that took place in the Near and Middle East during this period revealed the new political map of the region. The leading states of this political map were the Ottoman Empire, the Azerbaijani Safavid state and the Shaybani-Uzbek state. These Turkish states have contributed greatly to the political and economic developments in the Eurasian geography by closely participating in the international relations system. The establishment of the Safavid state in Azerbaijan at the beginning of the XVIth century was a very important event in the Near and Middle East region. With the establishment of the Safavid state of Azerbaijan, the basis of the political and religious-ideological rivalry with the Ottoman Empire, which ruled the Anatolian region and its surroundings, was laid. During the rule of Shah Ismail, there were military, political and diplomatic relations between the Safavid state of Azerbaijan and the Ottoman Empire, and diplomatic representatives and ambassadors played a major role in resolving military conflicts between these states. In the periods when political problems occurred between the states, dozens of ambassadors were active between the parties in order to weaken this tension, and hundreds of letters were written. When we look at the historical sources of the period, it can be concluded that the language of correspondence and letters between the Safavid-Ottoman-Shaybani states was generally written in Ottoman Turkish, Qizilbash Turkish (Azerbaijani Turkish) and Persian. In this article, the official correspondence and the language of letters between the Safavid state of Azerbaijan and the Ottoman state during the rule of Shah Ismail were the subject of research.
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Yılmaz, Elçin. "Establishing national sovereignty and negotiational sovereignty in Turkiye (1919–1923)." In nternational scientific thematic conference From national sovereignty to negotiation sovereignty "Days of Law Rolando Quadri", Belgrade, 14 June 2024. Institute of Comparative Law : University "Niccolò Cusano", 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.56461/zr_24.fnstns.25.
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On October 1918, Moudros Armistice was signed between the Allies and the Ottoman Government. As a rejection of this agreement, National Struggle War started in 1919 and lasted until 1922 under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the founder of the country. While fighting to save the country Mustafa Kemal Atatürk tried to establish national sovereignty and made the preliminary preparations for the declaration of the republic in every step he took. As a solid evidence, Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA) established in 1920 and thus national sovereignty was declared officially. The National Struggle War organized by TGNA Government using TGNA armies. When the war finished the Allied Powers offered to have peace talks with the TGNA Government at Lausanne, Switzerland. With this diplomatic invitation, the question of who would represent Turkiye in the peace negotiations came to the agenda. In this study importance of national sovereignty for Turkiye and the most prominent steps of establishment of national sovereignty would be discussed.
Reports on the topic "Diplomatic tool"
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Macchiavello, Luis J. Peruvian Migration to Japan. Inter-American Development Bank, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0006556.
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This document is about Peruvian Japanese migration. Peru was the first country in Latin America to establish diplomatic relations with Japan, and the tenth in the world. At that time just 14 countries had this kind of links with Japan. The Japanese migration started in 1899. Peru was also the first country in Latin America to receive those migrant Japanese citizens. The first Japanese foreign investment venture took place in Peru in 1889.
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Vandendriessche, Marie, ed. Policy Brief 6: Harnessing the EU’s Comparative Advantages in Conflict Management. EsadeGeo. Center for Global Economy and Geopolitics, 2024. https://doi.org/10.56269/202403/mv.
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The EU must capitalise on its unique strengths in a highly competitive global arena. Its comparative advantages lie in areas where it has ample experience, know-how, legal competence, and institutional capacity. This policy brief offers recommendations to harness these strengths in conflict prevention, mediation and resolution. By doing so, the EU will be able to act more proactively, assertively and effectively on the international stage. 1. Leverage the expertise of EU agencies for external action The European Commission and the EEAS should further involve EU agencies - particularly those with traditionally internal mandates like the European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE) - in shaping the EU’s foreign policy. This integration would ensure that domestic achievements and know-how inform and enhance the EU’s external role in conflict management. 2. Empower and expand the corps of EU Special Representatives The Council and the EEAS should bolster the EU’s diplomatic front by relying to a greater extent on EU’s Special Representatives (EUSRs) for thematic areas, countries and regions, and particular crises. This would be both cost-effective and strategic. It would heighten EU presence and influence in key crisis zones and policy areas, such as human rights advocacy. Enhanced visibility and streamlined coordination between EUSRs - and special envoys - would reaffirm the EU’s commitment to tackling regional and global challenges head-on. 3. Intensify support for civil society engagement The European Commission, in collaboration with the EEAS and EU delegations, needs to prop up national and local civil society organisations as part of its conflict management activities. By providing these groups with the necessary tools and support, the EU would help them effectively address the multifaceted aspects of conflict management. The comprehensive participation of civil society would advance the EU’s objectives in gender mainstreaming, economic development and environmental protection. Moreover, it would accommodate EU policies to the realities of those they impact the most. It is imperative for EU actions to be shaped by and for the communities they serve, ensuring relevance, sustainability, and mutual respect in peacebuilding efforts.
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Sus, Monika, Cornelius Adebah, and Angel Saz-Carranza. 10 Recommendations to Make the European Union a Stronger Global Actor. EsadeGeo. Center for Global Economy and Geopolitics, 2024. https://doi.org/10.56269/202406/ms.
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Following the European Parliament elections in June, a new EU leadership will take the helm to navigate the Union through an array of significant challenges. The EU faces an unprecedented combination of external threats: Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine and the growing influences of Russia and China in the EU’s neighbourhood; the repercussions of the Israel-Gaza war; the Union’s economic, energy, and military dependencies and exposure to climate change; the rise of right-wing authoritarianism across many countries in Europe and its neighbourhood; and the uncertainty of the United States’ commitment to European security. This critical geopolitical juncture, at which the very existence of the European integration project is at risk, requires a robust EU foreign and security policy. The task of the incoming leadership is to make the Union fit for geopolitical purposes. All too often, the EU’s global action has been ineffective. It has suffered from a crippling lack of strategic foresight, a dearth of instruments to address acute threats, piecemeal responses because of the lack of a common vision, and overstretch of the Union’s resources across too many regions and domains. To address these shortcomings, the EU needs to become far more strategically selective in how it pursues its interests and goals, as defined by the EU Global Strategy of 2016 and the Strategic Compass of 2022. Given its finite resources and limited clout in certain parts of the world, the Union needs to consciously decide in which regions and crises it engages and how it can do so most effectively. This includes critically reviewing, improving, and deliberately phasing out some existing mechanisms and instruments. To this end, the EU needs to leverage its heft in trade and investment policy, financial power, diplomatic presence, and rule-making capacities while steadily building security and defence capabilities. It also needs to harness its institutional structure to make the most of its comparative advantages vis-à-vis other international organisations and states. The following ten recommendations would help the EU become a stronger global actor capable of effectively addressing current and future geopolitical challenges. The first four concern the institutional framework of EU foreign and security policy, while the next six tackle individual policy areas. Taken together, they represent a comprehensive plan for improving the way the EU operates on the international stage.
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Hicks, Jacqueline. Drivers of Compliance with International Human Rights Treaties. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.130.
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Are international human rights treaties associated with better rights performance? The appetite for a conclusive answer has driven a number of large scale quantitative studies that have broadly shown little or no effect, and sometimes even a backsliding. However, the headline conclusions belie much more complicated findings, and the research methods used are controversial. These issues undermine confidence in the findings. Comparative and individual case studies allow for more detailed information about how domestic human rights activists use international human rights laws in practice. They tend to be more positive about the effect of treaties, but they are not as systematic as the quantitative work. Some indirect measures of treaty effect show that the norms contained within them filter down into domestic constitutions, and that the process of human rights reporting at the UN may be useful if dialogue can be considered an a priori good. It is likely that states are driven to comply with human rights obligations through a combination of dynamic influences. Drivers of compliance with international law is a major, unresolved question in the research that is heavily influenced by the worldview of researchers. The two strongest findings are: Domestic context drives compliance. In particular: (1) The strength of domestic non-governmental organisations (NGOs), and links with international NGOs (INGOs), and (2) in partial and transitioning democracies where locals have a reason to use the treaties as tools to press their claims. External enforcement may help drive compliance when: (1) other states link human rights obligations in the treaties to preferential trade agreements, and (2) INGOs ‘name and shame’ human rights violations, possibly reducing inward investment flows from companies worried about their reputation. Scholars also identify intermediate effects of continued dialogue and norm socialisation from the UN’s human rights reporting processes. Interviews with diplomats involved in UN reporting say that the process is more effective when NGOs and individual governments are involved.
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Rekawek, Kacper. Surveillance and Protection- Insights from the Czech Republic, Poland, and Slovakia. International Centre for Counter Terrorism, 2025. https://doi.org/10.19165/2025.3263.
Full textAbstract:
Protection systems in Central-Eastern Europe (CEE) are different from the Dutch system. They are older and initially, i.e., pre-World War II, were built to counter the threat of politically motivated violence. Post-1989, it changed to threats from organised crime, and since the 2010s, it is changing again towards countering politically motivated acts. Each of the three systems had its own turning points – be it 2010/2018 or 2024. These energised the systems and spurred them into action, but often this is happening in a “we should have seen it coming” fashion. The most obvious case of this is Slovakia in the aftermath of the assassination attempt on Prime Minister (PM) Robert Fico, with the head of Úrad pre ochranu ústavných činiteľov a diplomatických misií MV SR – (Ministry of Interior’s) Department for the protection of “constitutional authorities” and diplomatic missions (UOUC) now admitting they failed to imagine something like this happening and failed to train for this eventuality. This now leads to a hyperactive approach from the unit and the tightening of standards. Each system is seemingly available throughout the whole country and groups protected persons (PPs) into three categories: VIPs, witnesses and crown witnesses, and harmed or threatened persons. There is also the military option for the ministers of defence – these are protected by the military gendarmerie, and there have been instances of given ministers using such units too eagerly, while, for example, attending their sports facilities or even sending them to shop for them. Two of the three systems (Czech and Slovak) are run by the unified, hierarchical police forces. In Poland, there is also the SOP (Sluzba Ochrony Panstwa or State Protection Service), which protects VIPs. Nonetheless, the organisational flowcharts are very clear and similar across the three case studies. The first group of PPs is the most visible, with ample literature available on it. The second is surrounded by a proverbial wall of silence and for the right reasons. Indeed, recent literature coming out on the topic is sometimes written by the former crown witnesses who undermine the integrity of the system as they overstress the system’s shortcomings and failures. The third layer seems most neglected – some police forces almost habitually refuse to work on this layer of the protection system, others are more zealous in this regard. Herein, however, lies the biggest difference between the three case studies – the Slovak system encourages a victim to report a crime and the police will then go after the criminal, the Polish system has seen a boom in the number of “harmed/threatened persons,” the Czech system finds itself in between the two. The command and control of the systems is centralised and hierarchical and almost totally in the hands of the police – the only exception being the Polish VIP protection unit, SOP. Hardly any other institution features in the system at all, except the prosecutor’s office, if there is a complaint against a person allegedly being the source of a given threat, or the military police, if protection is about the Minister of Defence or the chief of the general staff. State resources are also used to protect the buildings and some of the personnel from “state assets,” i.e., nationalised companies running, for example, electricity, water, gas, etc. These develop their own protection services and obtain them using, effectively, state funds, but shop for these on the proverbial market. The systems have not undergone any devolution – even in the light of threats and attacks against local figures. One might be working with the local police or its elements to counter these locally, but the command and control is very much in the hands of, at least, regional commands of the police force and the proverbial buck always stops with the police president/police commander and, subsequently, the Minister of Interior and the Prime Minister. Moreover, if local figures are to be protected (as in the aftermath of the Adamowicz assassination in Poland), this is still ordered “from on high” and then sent down the chain of command. Again, one size fits all is more evident here with police units across the countries working from a centrally ordained script. Local variations are possible and available, but there is an attempt to synchronise options and protection packages. The police forces rely on tested modalities, but allow for a degree of flexibility, depending on the situation and the resources at hand in all three sub-elements of the systems. There is a tendency to start low and upgrade if need be – the case of Lucia Plavakova in Slovakia is telling in that regard. Police forces will not share the rules and regulations governing the packages offered to a given protected person. There is a tendency to legislate for each type of PPs separately and/or enshrine the regulations governing the protection systems in, for example, police bills. Police forces suffer from recruitment issues all around the region. Its protective departments belong to the most overworked, but this is also due to the fact that some have focused on recruiting members close to retirement and not individuals keen on moving up the proverbial ladder of a given police force. As a result of this, relatively few policemen want to join these and consequently, they are understaffed. More elite units within the protection systems, for example, focusing on the protection of crown witnesses or within regional commands and working towards the protection of harmed persons, remain relatively unknown, which prevents them from leaking information but also disrupts their recruitment efforts as fellow policemen often do not know about them or their work and are thus unlikely to join them.