Academic literature on the topic 'Egyptian liberals'

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Journal articles on the topic "Egyptian liberals"

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BACHTIAR, Royyan, and Fatma ÇETİN. "Westernizers’ Studies of the Qur’an: Arab Liberals as a Model." Journal of The Near East University Islamic Research Center 10, no. 2 (2024): 678–709. https://doi.org/10.32955/neu.istem.2024.10.2.12.

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In this era, Muslims have faced intellectual challenges in a new form and in modern faces, and these challenges are divided into two parts: Internal challenges and external challenges. Internal challenges like the spread of ignorance, fanaticism, disbelieve (takfīr), terrorism, and others. As for the external challenges, they appeared in the form of the spread of ideas, philosophy, and concepts from Western civilization, including liberalism. This liberalism has spread to the minds of Muslims and dominated them, including Arab intellectuals. Some Arab intellectuals were influenced by this idea
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Culang, Jeffrey. "“The Shari‘a must go”: Seduction, Moral Injury, and Religious Freedom in Egypt's Liberal Age." Comparative Studies in Society and History 60, no. 2 (2018): 446–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417518000117.

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AbstractSince the 2011 uprising in Egypt, the Egyptian state has increasingly used the charge of contempt of religion (izdira’ al-din) to regulate speech. This charge, though sometimes assumed to be a medieval holdover, is part of a modern genealogy of the politics of religious freedom. This article examines how religious freedom accumulated meaning in Egypt after World War I, when it became an international legal standard. Protestant missionaries in Egypt advocated religious freedom as the right to proselytize and the right of Egyptians to convert. For many Egyptians, by contrast, it came to
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El-Beshry, Tarek. "Relationship between state and religion: Egypt after the revolution†." Contemporary Arab Affairs 6, no. 3 (2013): 404–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2013.812595.

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According to Tariq Al-Bishri, it is not true that it is the Islamic current that controls the state in Egypt as a political project is in the process of crystallizing. His main proposal is for the three forces dominating the structure and dynamics of political life in Egypt – namely the army and judiciary, the Muslim Brotherhood, and liberals – to collaborate and avoid posing religion and the state as two opposing entities. Having to deal with the Shari'a as the source or reference for legislation need not be a polarizing issue as religion is being dealt with as ‘the dominant culture’; moreove
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Fattah Batchelor, Daud Abdul. "POST – ‘ARAB SPRING’: BENEFICIAL LESSONS IN GOVERNANCE FROM RECENT EVENTS IN EGYPT AND TUNISIA." TERRORISM FROM THE VIEW OF MUSLIMS 8, no. 1 (2014): 117–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0801117b.

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The fall of elected Egyptian President Morsi is likely to reverberate into the future throughout the Arab World. It pits the growing large communi- ty of Islamic-committed citizens (just under 60 percent in Egypt according to Pew Center surveys) and frustrated youth wanting participatory govern- ance and legitimate freedoms against military autocrats, their business and judicial associates, and hereditary rulers in the region who wish to maintain the status quo against the bedrock Islamic principle of representative govern- ance. Tunisia leads the way in providing a to-date successful transiti
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Gojali, M. Imam, Imron Fauzi, and Khotibul Umam. "Modernism In Islamic Education In Tafsir Al-Manār: An Epistemological Review Of Muhammad Abduh And Muhammad Rashid Ridha." LINGUA: Jurnal Bahasa, Sastra, dan Pengajarannya 21, no. 1 (2024): 91–105. https://doi.org/10.30957/lingua.v21i1.921.

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The decline of the Islamic world in the 18th century was triggered by complacency and rigid thinking, where Muslims understood religion blindly without deep understanding. The Western factor that dominated education in the Islamic world also contributed to this stagnation. Liberals see Western modernization as the key to the success of advanced civilization, especially in technology. This modernization, represented by the airplane, created an impetus for Muslims to pursue technological advancement. The Qur'an, as a universal guide for Muslims, must be interpreted according to the context of th
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Gordon, Joel. "The False Hopes of 1950: The Wafd's Last Hurrah and the Demise of Egypt's Old Order." International Journal of Middle East Studies 21, no. 2 (1989): 193–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800032281.

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In January 1950, in the first free election held in nearly eight years, Egyptians went to the polls to return a Wafdist government to power. After having been banished from office for five years, Egypt's majority party assumed office aware that it shouldered a heavy burden of responsibility. Between October 1944, when the King dismissed the war-time government of Mustafa al-Nahhas, and January 1950, eight minority governments governed, or tried to govern, Egypt. Escalating political violence marked a period of increasing disillusion with parliamentary rule that encompassed all sectors of Egypt
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Arshad. "Understanding the Praetorian Rule of Fatah al-Sisi in Egypt." PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD) 2, no. 2 (2021): 119–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.46404/panjogov.v2i2.3233.

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Gamal Abdel Nasser established the praetorian regime in 1952. Nasser ruled Egypt with the ‘party-state’ system to maintain the ‘social contract’ between the state and the Egyptians. The government thrived on the patrimonial relationship and de-politicization of the population. The ‘Egyptian upheaval’ in 2011 sought the protection of individuals’ rights, equality, and freedom against the military-led praetorian regime. A short-democratic experiment led to the arrival of Islamist majority rule in Egypt under the leadership of President Mohammed Morsi. The liberal-secular oppositions and the mili
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Bechor, Guy. "'TO HOLD THE HAND OF THE WEAK': THE EMERGENCE OF CONTRACTUAL JUSTICE IN THE EGYPTIAN CIVIL LAW." Islamic Law and Society 8, no. 2 (2001): 179–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851901753133426.

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AbstractIn this essay I argue that the Egyptian Civil Code of 1949 sought to minimize the polarization of Egyptian society and to forge a new community based on the concepts of compassion, forgiveness and fairness. To this end the New Code abandoned the liberal/individualistic tendency of its predecessors, which, it claimed, was destructive to Egyptian society. Instead, the New Code advocated a contractual sociological approach that upholds the weak stratum in society.
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WYNNE-HUGHES, ELISA. "‘Who would go to Egypt?’ How tourism accounts for ‘terrorism’." Review of International Studies 38, no. 3 (2012): 615–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210511000805.

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AbstractThis article examines the tension between British and Egyptian counterterrorism discourses and Western tourism industry discourses. I analyse how guidebooks like theRough GuideandLonely Planetattract tourists by representing Egypt as an appealing tourist destination in a way that accounts for its positioning, in counterterrorism discourses, as a location and source of terrorism. They do so by producing ‘risk’ in a very specific way. Guidebook representations construct one extreme of Egyptian society as ‘bad’ Muslims who pose an essential threat to Western tourists and their inherently
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Ginat, Rami, and Marwan Abu-Ghazaleh Mahajneh. "Rethinking the Egyptian–Israeli Peace Treaty: Perceptions and Receptions Within Egyptian Society (1977–1982)." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 9, no. 1 (2021): 9–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23477989211053524.

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The Egyptian–Israeli peace treaty marked a new era in the history of the Arab–Israeli conflict. Relying methodologically on the history of ideas and diplomatic history, this article sheds light on the diversity of the perceptions and receptions of peace and relations with Israel as manifested by two influential Egyptian public opinion shapers who represented polar approaches—the mouthpiece of the Muslim Brothers—the journal Al-Da‘wa and Rūz al-Yūsuf, the semi-independent liberal weekly with a moderate left bias. The timeframe is 1977–1982—from Sadat’s historical visit to Jerusalem to the Israe
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Egyptian liberals"

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Cimenukha, Victor Alekseevich, and Віктор Олексійович Cименуха. "The Muslim brotherhood in 21st century." Thesis, National Aviation University, 2021. https://er.nau.edu.ua/handle/NAU/51666.

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1. Ben Hubbard. A Decade After the Arab Spring, Autocrats Still Rule the Mideast [Електронний ресурс] / Ben Hubbard, David D. Kirkpatrick. – 2021. – Режим доступу до ресурсу: https://www.nytimes.com/2021/02/14/world/ middleeast/arab-spring-mideast-autocrats.html. 2. DECLAN WALSH. After 7 Years on the Run, a Muslim Brotherhood Leader Is Caught [Електронний ресурс] / DECLAN WALSH. – 2020. – Режим доступу до ресурсу: https://www.nytimes.com/2020/08/28/world/middleeast/egyptmuslimbrotherhood-ezzat.html. 3. Lorenzo Vidino. Post-Mubarak developments within the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood / Loren
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Thomas, Lauren. "Postcolonial Possibilities and Contexts: Examining Egyptian Female Involvement in Islamic Movements Outside of a Liberal Feminist Framework." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/837.

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This paper is divided into four chapters. The first one examines the shift in policies from Nasser to Sadat paying close attention to the effects on women. It contextualizes the space in which Islamic movements would come about. The second chapter traces the historical role of women in nationalist projects. It also looks at historical tensions between secular and Islamic women. Then the paper surveys the demographics of Islamic movement and the role of women within four parts of it: the Muslim Brotherhood, the Jama‘at, local mosque communities, and charity work. The third chapter then reviews
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Heinrich, Isaac. "Tahrir Sq. Location and Goal: On Changes in the Liberal Political Discourse in Post-Revolution Egypt." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22533.

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Liberal Arab thought has long been fighting for elbow room in the political discourse in Egypt. The ruling nationalist–statist ideology from Nasser to Mubarak is renown for its repression of political dissidents, and the Islamist opposition often side with the ruling elite in its resistance against liberal reformers and democratization. Political liberalism is associated with a host of professional andpersonal risks and many are silenced. The Arab Spring revolutions across the MENA from December 2010 throughout the spring of 2011, however, seem to have revived the interest for liberal ideas in
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El, Zabbal Wael Saleh Mahmoud. "La conception de l’État au prisme du lien entre le religieux et le politique dans la pensée égyptienne moderne et contemporaine (2011-2015) : continuités, évolutions et ruptures." Thèse, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/18423.

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Jury Président : Gilles Bibeau Directeur : Patrice Brodeur Membre du jury : Harith Al-Dabbagh Examinateur externe : Dominique Avon<br>À l’égard du lien entre le religieux et le politique, le XIXe siècle a été marqué par le rétablissement de grandes questions et par la mise en oeuvre de sujets innovateurs dans la pensée égyptienne par les grandes figures de al-Nahḍah (Renaissance), alors que le XXe siècle a été empreint d’une forte polarisation entre les courants du réformisme musulman, de l´islamisme holiste activiste et du libéralisme humaniste musulman. Maintenant, qu’en est-il des pr
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Books on the topic "Egyptian liberals"

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Liberalism in Twentieth Century Egyptian Thought: The Ideologies of Ahmad Amin and Husayn Amin. I. B. Tauris & Company, Limited, 2014.

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Egypt and the contradictions of liberalism: Illiberal intelligentsia and the future of Egyptian democracy. 2017.

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Faruqi, Daanish, and Dalia F. Fahmy. Egypt and the Contradictions of Liberalism: Illiberal Intelligentsia and the Future of Egyptian Democracy. Oneworld Publications, 2017.

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ʻAmāʼim lībrālīyah fī sāḥat al-ʻaql wa-al-ḥurrīyah. al-Madá, 2002.

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Sultany, Nimer. Popular Sovereignty. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198768890.003.0008.

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This chapter argues that the “rule of law” is saturated with conflicting notions of the social order. In particular, judicial deployments of rival visions of the community within the concept of “popular sovereignty” (liberal and republican) exposes law’s incoherence. It argues that the coexistence of these two opposing views of the community further undermines the image of a binary opposition between legal continuity and revolutionary rupture. It traces these transformations of popular sovereignty through examining a variety of Tunisian and Egyptian rulings that relate to the political rights
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Weiss, Shira. The Hardening of Pharaoh’s Heart. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190684426.003.0004.

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Albo focuses his exegetical interpretation on his conception of free choice in a unique reading of the Exodus narrative. In the biblical description of the plagues that God brought upon the Egyptians, it is written that God “hardened Pharaoh’s heart” so that he would not agree to allow the Israelites to leave his land. The literal meaning of the narrative implies that God restrained Pharaoh’s free will. Such an interpretation calls God’s justice into question, since Pharaoh is held morally responsible for his refusal to liberate the Israelites. In an effort to reconcile the seeming conflict, A
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Khalidi, Muhammad Ali. Zakī Najīb Maḥmūd (d. 1993), (). Редактори Khaled El-Rouayheb та Sabine Schmidtke. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199917389.013.33.

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Zaki Najib Mahmud (1905–1993) occupies a unique position in the development of twentieth-century Arab thought, as a follower of logical empiricism and the emerging analytic school of philosophy. The task of explicating and promoting the philosophical ideas of logical empiricism to an Arab audience dominated his early work. However, in his later work, he addressed some of the issues that preoccupied other Arab thinkers of his era, notably the possibility of reconciling tradition and modernity, the compatibility of Islamic religious thought with liberalism and democracy, and general questions of
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Bailkin, Jordanna. Unsettled. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198814214.001.0001.

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Today, no one thinks of Britain as a land of camps. Instead, camps seem to happen “elsewhere,” from Greece to Palestine to the global South. Yet over the course of the twentieth century, dozens of British refugee camps housed hundreds of thousands of Belgians, Jews, Basques, Poles, Hungarians, Anglo-Egyptians, Ugandan Asians, and Vietnamese. “Refugee camps” in Britain were never only for refugees. Refugees shared space with Britons who had been displaced by war and poverty, as well as thousands of civil servants and a fractious mix of volunteers. Unsettled explores how these camps have shaped
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Book chapters on the topic "Egyptian liberals"

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Al-’Ashmawi, Muhammad Sa’id. "Shari’a: The Codification of Islamic Law." In Liberal Islam. Oxford University Press, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195116212.003.0005.

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Abstract Muhammad Sa’id Al-’Ashmawi (Egypt. born 1932), chief judge of the High Court of Appeals and the High Court of State Security, may well have passed sentence on the Islamic radicals who have waged a campaign against the authoritarian Egyptian state. In the book excerpted here, he condemns the radicals in a different manner, criticizing the theological basis for their calls for an “Islamic state.” His “vigorous” attack1 on what he calls “political lslam” provoked “intense reactions” when it was published in Egypt in 1987, angering conservatives-including the head of the state-run Islamic
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Al-Qaradawi, Yusuf. "Extremism." In Liberal Islam. Oxford University Press, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195116212.003.0023.

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Abstract Yusuf Al-Qaradawi (Egypt-Qatar, born 1926), dean of the law school at the University of Qatar, wrote the following essay in 1981 as an attempt to undermine rising Islamic extremism, especially in his home country of Egypt. In particular, AI-Qaradawi’s work is an extended critique of a small radical organization, the Society of Excoriation and Exodus, which kidnapped and killed an Egyptian religious official in 1977. Al-Qaradawi argues that, while extremist religious practices are allowed in Islam, they may not be forced on others.
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Rahman, Fazlur. "Islam and Modernity." In Liberal Islam. Oxford University Press, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195116212.003.0032.

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Abstract Fazlur Rahman (Pakistan-United States, 19 19-1988) was born and raised in the British colonies that would later become Pakistan. He embarked on an academic career that took him to graduate degrees at Punjab University and Oxford and teaching positions in Islamic philosophy in England and Canada. He returned to Pakistan in 1961 to lead the Central Institute of Islamic Research in Karachi, a state-sponsored organization that Rahman mobilized to battle religious traditionalists and radicals. Rahman’s modernist views were controversial: “his detractors referred to him as ‘the destroyer of
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Caquet, P. E. "An Egyptian Bonaparte." In The Orient, the Liberal Movement, and the Eastern Crisis of 1839-41. Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-34102-6_3.

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al-Raziq, ‘Ali ‘Abd. "Message Not Government, Religion Not State." In Liberal Islam. Oxford University Press, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195116212.003.0002.

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Abstract ‘Ali ‘Abd al-Raziq (Egypt, 1888-1966) unleashed a storm of debate with this controversial short book. A shari’a (Islamic law) judge and an academic at the AI-Azhar University in Cairo, ‘Abd al-Raziq argued that Islam does not specify any particular form of government, thus allowing Muslims to create democratic regimes. This reasoning may have been intended to undermine the Egyptian king’s claims to the caliphate in the wake of the elimination of the Ottoman caliphate in 1924.1 However, the argument is worded in general terms, thereby challenging the holistic view of Islam as comprisin
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Khalaf-Allah, Muhammad. "Legislative Authority." In Liberal Islam. Oxford University Press, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195116212.003.0003.

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Abstract Muhammad Khalaf-Allah (Egypt, 1916-1997) first gained notoriety in the early 1950s for his literary analysis of the Qur’an. The purpose of the Qur’an, he argued, was not to record historical facts but to exhort listeners to Islam. A number of Qur’anic scholars took offense at the implication that the Qur’an was not factually complete, and Khalaf Allah was subjected to scathing criticism in the Egyptian press. His work in the 1970s continued to upset traditionalists and revivalists. In The Qur’an and the State, excerpted here, Khalaf-Allah goes beyond ‘Abd al-Raziq’s argument that Isla
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Kanaya, Misa. "Autocratization of Egyptian Politics via Illiberal Bandwagoning." In Non-Western Nations and the Liberal International Order. Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003246695-3.

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Abu-‘Uksa, Wael. "Liberal Renewal of the Turath: Constructing the Egyptian Past in Sayyid al-Qimni’s Works." In Arab Liberal Thought after 1967. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137551412_6.

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Lo, Mbaye. "The Collapse of the Egyptian Revolution: Liberal Freedom Versus Islamist Justice." In Political Islam, Justice and Governance. Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96328-0_5.

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McCaffery, Steve. "Preamble: The Papyrus of Ani: Egyptian Book of the Dead: A Prototype of Ekphrastic Translation of Plate 1." In 'Pataphilology. punctum books, 2018. https://doi.org/10.21983/p3.0232.1.02.

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The Pataphysical premise for ekphrastic translation is sim-ple. Meaning (core) is the epiphenomenon of Sign (sur-face). Under the rubric of this premise, translation be-comes subject to the following clinamen: a swerve of translation to the level of description. Such an attempt to establish a system of verbal linear cor-respondence as a studied description of what is seen (i.e., by a treatment of hieroglyph as phenotype, hence a new code), will of necessity be partly a subjective response, cf. Tender Buttons. Ekphrastic translation liberates the latter from the domain of service, of utility, i
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