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Journal articles on the topic 'Georgia and Russia'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 30 May 2022

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Dzehtsiarou, Kanstantsin. "Georgia v. Russia (II)." American Journal of International Law 115, no. 2 (2021): 288–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2021.7.

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On January 21, 2021, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR or Court) issued its judgment in the interstate case of Georgia v. Russia (II). Georgia complained that Russia committed systemic human rights violations in the course of the 2008 war in South Ossetia and Abkhazia. Both of these regions are de jure parts of Georgia, but they have not been effectively governed by central Georgian authorities since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. During the night of August 7–8, 2008, Georgian artillery attacked Tskhinvali (the administrative capital of South Ossetia). Russian forces entered

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2

Tokarev, A. A., A. S. Dyogtev, and A. R. Margoev. "A SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF THE FOREIGN POLICY OF GEORGIA-2016: THERE IS STILL A CHANCE FOR RUSSIA." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(49) (August 28, 2016): 148–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-4-49-148-164.

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The authors study the sociological grounds of Georgia's foreign policy based on the long-term researches conducted by American and Georgian NGOs, yet applying a critical approach to the provided data and figures. Despite the aggressive rhetoric of Georgian politicians towards Russia and apparent social consensus as regards EU and NATO integration, the article concludes that Russia has not completely "lost" Georgia. The results of the sociological surveys show that up to one third of the population of Georgia are ready to consider Russia as main partner of their country, and this figure depends

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3

Chung, Kyung-Taek. "A Study on the Ethno-Language Situation in Adjara." Korean Association of Slavic Languages 28, no. 1 (2023): 39–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.30530/jsl.2023.28.1.39.

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Adjara, located in southwestern Georgia of Transcaucasia, was the only autonomous organization of the Soviet Union founded in accordance with religion, not ethnicity. Initially, the Soviet government considered Adjarians as an ethnic group separate from Georgians, based on differences in religion, but in accordance with the atheistic policy of non-recognition of religion, the 1939 census began to refer to Adjarians simply as “Georgian Muslims” or “Muslim Georgians”. However, despite this term, the name “Adjarians” is still widely used today. Georgia, along with Ukraine and the 3 Baltic states,

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GHAZARYAN, KAREN. "GEOPOLITICAL STRUGGLES IN THE GEORGIA-RUSSIA RELATIONSHIP: THE CASE OF ABKHAZIA AND SOUTH OSSETIA." Scientific bulletin 1, no. 48 (2025): 34–52. https://doi.org/10.24234/scientific.v1i48.193.

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To understand the character of Georgia–Russia relations and the political issues at play, it is essential to analyze the political developments between the two sides, which have not only influenced bilateral relations but also had a broader impact on the entire region. Geopolitical developments, particularly the Ukrainian crisis and the policies of the new U.S. administration, have also had a significant effect on the South Caucasus. The purpose of this article is to investigate the evolution of Georgia–Russia relations (the case of Abkhazia and Ossetia) and explore why, despite Russia's role

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Zlobina, V. "Current Historical Policy in Georgia." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 1 (2025): 64–73. https://doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2025-1-64-73.

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The article presents an analysis of Georgia’s historical policy in the 21st century. It identifies two key narratives of historical policy in Georgia: traditional affiliation with European civilization and the presence of an enduring Russian threat. The author states that these ideas have become the basis for the formation of civic identity in Georgia and today exist inseparably in the country's domestic political discourse. The efforts of Georgian political elites to create the image of a hostile other in the person of Russia have strengthened the “Russian-Georgian myth” in the collective mem

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ALIEKSIEJCHENKO, Oleksander. "IS RUSSIA’S GEOPOLITICAL REVENGE POSSIBLE IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS: THE CASE OF GEORGIA." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. International relations, no. 1 (60) (2025): 80–84. https://doi.org/10.17721/1728-2292.2025/1-60/80-84.

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The “Rose Revolution” of 2003 in Georgia, the launch of the first Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan gas pipeline bypassing Russia in 2006, the Velvet Revolution of 2018 in Armenia, and finally the withdrawal of Russian “peacekeepers” from Nagorno-Karabakh in 2023 - these facts convincingly demonstrated the Kremlin’s loss of geopolitical primacy in the South Caucasus. For the first time in the last century and a half. Some experts were ready to cross Russia off the list of the most influential external actors in the South Caucasus region. However, the political events of October-December 2024 in Georgia show

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Silaev, N. "The Limits of Normalization: Russian-Georgian Relations after the Parliamentary Elections in Georgia." Journal of International Analytics, no. 3 (September 28, 2016): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2016-0-3-7-14.

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The article analyzes the influence of the parliamentary elections in Georgia in October 2016 to Russian-Georgian relations. Ruling party “Georgian Dream” (GD) overwhelmingly won the elections and it shows that the current policy towards Moscow will not be radically revisited. At the same time we can expect GD’s policy will be less flexible, than it was before. So the limits of normalization between Russia and Georgia will be more evident.

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8

Langlois, Michael J. "Understanding Russian aggression towards Georgia." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 18 (November 1, 2012): 34–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.18.3.

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Did Russia initiate conflict with Georgia in an attempt to restrain Georgia from formally joining the Western coalition, or was the decision more complex? What did Russia hope to gain from initiating conflict? What value did Russia assign to maintaining an interest in regional oil trade routes, in which Georgia straddles an important route to the Caspian Sea region? How was the potential incorporation of Georgia into NATO factored into Russia’s decision? To answer these questions, I used the expected-utility model developed by Bruce Bueno de Mesquita. In this analysis, policy preferences and p

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9

Sterio, Milena. "Georgia v. Russia (Eur. Ct. H.R.)." International Legal Materials 59, no. 2 (2020): 262–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ilm.2020.17.

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In a January 31, 2019 decision, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR, or Court) held that Russia, the respondent state, should pay Georgia, the applicant state, 10 million euros as just satisfaction for violations committed by Russia against Georgian nationals; these violations had previously been established in the Court's main judgment in 2014 (Georgia v. Russia). The Court also held that Georgia should distribute this amount to approximately fifteen hundred Georgian victims, which had been identified in the Court's main judgment in 2014. In this important decision, the ECtHR continued

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Volhonskiy, M. A. "Conquest or voluntary annexation? The political process of incorporation of Kartli-Kakheti on Kingdom into the Russian Empire, 1796 – 1801." Journal of International Analytics, no. 4 (December 28, 2017): 72–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2017-0-4-72-84.

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The article highlights the political process of accession in 1801, KartliKakheti to the Russian Empire, which was the result of the development of RussianGeorgian relations in the second half of the XVIII century, the article shows that the military-political weakness of the Georgian Kingdom became the main reason for the failure of the prisoner in 1783 the Treaty of Georgievsk, according to which Russia took under its protectorate of Eastern Georgia. Awareness of this fact has forced both Georgian and Russian ruling upper classes to begin to seek new forms of allied relations. Ensuing after t

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Privalova, Tat’yana S. "THE GEORGIAN-ABKHAZIAN CONFLICT OF 1992-1993." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Eurasian studies. History. Political science. International relations, no. 2 (2022): 80–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7648-2022-2-80-90.

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The article considers one of the controversial aspects of Russian mediation in the Georgian-Abkhazian armed conflict of 1992–1993, related to the stationing of Russian troops in the confrontation region. The author emphasizes that the presence of Russian troops on the territory of military operations made it possible for Georgia to consider Russia not only as intermediary, but also as a conflict participant, which the Georgian party sought to use to resolve the Abkhazian problem according to its own scenario. The Georgian leadership relied mainly on obtaining technical and military assistance

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Arp, Bjorn. "Georgia v. Russia (I)." American Journal of International Law 109, no. 1 (2015): 167–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.109.1.0167.

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On July 3, 2014, the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights (Court) rendered its judgment in Georgia v. Russia, concerning Russia’s collective expulsion of a large number of Georgian nationals between October 2006 and January 2007. The Court held that Russia had violated several provisions of the 1950 European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (Convention or ECHR), in particular Article of Protocol No. 4 to the ECHR (prohibition of collective expulsions). Because the Russian government had failed to cooperate with the Court by providing relevan

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13

Ioffe, Yulia. "Case of Georgia v. Russia (I) (Just Satisfaction)." American Journal of International Law 113, no. 3 (2019): 581–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2019.30.

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In Georgia v. Russia (I) (Just Satisfaction), the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR or Court) ordered the Russian Federation to pay Georgia EUR 10 million as reparation for Russia's “coordinated policy of arresting, detaining and expelling Georgian nationals” in the autumn of 2006 (paras. 51, 80). In so doing, the Court reaffirmed its position from Cyprus v. Turkey (IV) (Just Satisfaction) that financial compensation for non-pecuniary damage can be awarded in interstate cases. Although Georgia v. Russia (I) (Just Satisfaction) marks the development of a new line of ECt

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14

Karpovich, O. G., and O. I. Shakirov. "Russia and Georgia: Time to Interact." Post-Soviet Issues 8, no. 1 (2021): 20–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2021-8-1-20-32.

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The development of Russian-Georgian relations is determined by both long-term factors and situational circumstances. The former include disagreements between the two countries over security in Transcaucasia: the status of Abkhazia and South Ossetia and the attitude toward NATO activity in the region. Another persistent factor concerns the debate over interaction with Russia in Georgia’s domestic politics. These factors limit the possibilities for expanding bilateral ties. Situational constraints include such phenomena as the COVID-19 pandemic or the domestic political crisis in Georgia after t

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Privalova, Tat’yana S. "RUSSIAN PEACEKEEPING INITIATIVES WITHIN THE FRAMEWORK OF THE GEORGIAN-ABKHAZIAN ARMED CONFLICT IN 1992-1993." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Eurasian studies. History. Political science. International relations, no. 3 (2022): 78–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7648-2022-3-78-109.

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The article considers Russia’s diplomatic activity during the settlement of the Georgian-Abkhaz armed conflict of 1992–1993. The author attempts to analyze the role of Russia in the confrontation between Georgia and Abkhazia, to identify its evolution, as well as to determine the nature and goals of its participation in the peaceful settlement process. The article focuses on the discussion of controversial issues from the beginning of the negotiation process until the end of the active military phase of the conflict in September 1993. The author states that the main issue of the Russian diplom

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Meskhishvili-Pruidze, M. "INCLUSION OF GEORGIA INTO THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE AND PRESERVATION OF LOCAL LEGISLATION." ASJ 2, no. 56 (2021): 60–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31618/asj.2707-9864.2021.2.56.151.

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The topic of Georgia's inclusion in the Russian Empire is especially relevant, since the relationship between two historical neighbors today it is tense and it is necessary to especially carefully study the historical vicissitudes in order to realize the prospect of their future development. The article concerns the civil code of Russia and Georgia, the adaptation of the Georgian code of laws and the Code of King Vakhtang with all-Russian legislation. The authors consider a large period and cover the relationship between Russia and Georgia during the reign of Peter the First, Catherine t

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17

Volkhonsky, M. A., and V. M. Mukhanov. "On perspectives of Russian-Georgian dialogue on the issue of reburial of kings Vakhtang VI and Teimuraz II." Journal of International Analytics, no. 2 (June 28, 2016): 113–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2016-0-2-113-126.

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After removal of M. Saakashvili from the Georgian political scene, a progress in relations between Russia and Georgia can be observed. In this context, the wide attention has been drawn to the issue of reburial of the Georgian kings Vakhtang VI and Teimuraz II. The article discusses the negotiation process, lasted from 2002 to 2014, between the Georgian Church and the Russian Church concerning the transfer of the remains of the Georgian kings, as well as the motives, goals and arguments of the parties. An analysis of the negotiations has led to the conclusion that the issue of reburial has two

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18

Hoch, Tomáš, Emil Souleimanov, and Tomáš Baranec. "Russia’s role in the official peace process in South Ossetia." Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series 23, no. 23 (2014): 53–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bog-2014-0004.

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AbstractThe aim of this article is to analyse the role of Russia in the transformation of the Georgian-Ossetian conflict and analyse this important period in the history of the Caucasus, where Georgia and its secessionist region of South Ossetia have been trying to find a peaceful solution to their post-war situation. Major milestones of the official peace process are set in the context of Russian-Georgian relations. We then proceed to the analysis of the internal changes within the Russian Federation at the turn of the millennium and try to find a connection between this internal transformati

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GHAZARYAN, KAREN. "GEORGIA-RUSSIA RELATIONS DURING THE PERIOD OF"GEORGIAN DREAM" POWER." Scientific bulletin 2, no. 47 (2024): 98–110. https://doi.org/10.24234/scientific.v2i47.166.

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The current stage of Georgia-Russia relations began in 2012, when the "Georgian Dream" party came to power and introduced changes in the foreign policy course. In order to understand the current course of bilateral relations, it is important to analyze the processes that have taken place between the parties since 2012. The purpose of the scientific work is to analyze the bilateral relations after the "Georgian Dream" came to power, to present the existing problems and challenges, to investigate the nature of these relations, as well as the influence of geopolitical developments on the relation

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Мukhanov, V. М. "The burning issues of the Common Russian-Georgian History in Contemporary Socio-Political Discourse." Journal of International Analytics, no. 3 (September 28, 2017): 56–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2017-0-3-56-62.

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The author reveals the burning issues of the common past of Russia and Georgia and the key points of bifurcation in their relations, as well as the possibility of using this direction of debates in the process of normalization of Russian-Georgian relations.

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21

Pastor, Rudolf, and Pavel Bučka. "Regional Security - the Dynamics of the Russian Federation Military and Budget Support Provided to Abkhazia in 2008-2009." Security science journal 1, no. 2 (2020): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.37458/ssj.1.2.5.

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Both the Georgian-Abkhazian War of 1992-93 and the five-day War of 2008 led to the subsequent presence of the Russian Federation Armed Forces in Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Both de jure internationally unrecognized states without any Georgian governmental administration executive power over them present a major conflict seemingly frozen in time. „Status quo“ is represented on the Abkhazian and the South Ossetia side supported by their Russian patrons and by Georgia on the other side. The Russian Federation military presence prevents Georgia to execute any rights and functions over breakaway st

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Mukhanov, V. "Russian-Georgian Relations: From Emotions to Pragmatism." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 2 (2022): 106–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2022-2-106-116.

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The article discusses the position of Georgia on the issue of its accession to the sanctions against Russia. The main arguments of the Georgian government in favor of strict neutrality and criticism from the political opposition, which takes a tough anti-Russian position, are summarized. The main points of the dependence of the Georgian economy on the Russian direction are analyzed and the conclusion is made that it can be seriously affected by the sanctions imposed against Russia. Georgia’s significant dependence on its northern neighbor, supplies and remittances from there, allows us to pred

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AMASHUKELI, Tamar. "The Russian Media and Russia's Military Intervention in Georgia in 2008." Journal of Social Sciences 1, no. 1 (2012): 19–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31578/jss.v1i1.30.

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This study examines the role of the Russian media in affecting public opinion in Russia regarding the Russian intervention in 2008. The largest armed conflict in Europe since Kosovo in 1999, the August 2008 war was fought between Georgia and Russia over the proclaimed independence of the Georgian separate governments of Abkhazia and South Ossetia which were supported by Russia. Russia intervened militarily and recognized the independence of the two separatist regions, supported by an overwhelming majority of the Russian population. This study analyzes the role of the Russian media in affecting

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Lityński, Adam. "GEORGIAN ATTEMPTS TO BECOME INDEPENDENT. 100TH ANNIVERSARY OF DECLARATION OF DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF GEORGIA (1918)." Roczniki Administracji i Prawa 1, no. XVIII (2018): 109–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.5989.

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After February Revolution of 1917 in Russia, the nations of the previous Russian Imperium began their efforts to get their independency, among them were three nations of Transcaucasia: Armenians (Armenia), Azeris (Azerbaijan), Georgians (Georgia). After the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk of 3rd March 1918, Bolshevik Russia in reality handed over the territory of Transcaucasia to Germans and Turks. Especially Turkey became aggressive and expansive. Armenia together with Azerbaijan and then together with Georgia set up Trans-caucasian Federal Democratic Republic which collapsed soon. There were signifi

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Tsikhelashvili, N. Sh, G. V. Gikashvili, A. T. Sikharulidze, A. A. Khotivrishvili, G. Tsopurashvili, and G. Rtskhiladze. "Social processes in Modern Georgia: Is There any Potential for the Development of Russian-Georgian Cooperation?" Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue, no. 1 (April 6, 2024): 124–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.53658/rw2024-4-1(11)-124-139.

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The authors of the article, participants in the discussion “Georgia’s Communication Regime: Development Trends,” presented their views on social processes in modern Georgia. It is substantiated that the spiritual ties between Georgians and Russians are based on Orthodoxy and the mutual assistance that Russians and Georgians have provided to each other for centuries. The historical and cultural origins of Russian-Georgian relations are examined. The common historical past contributed to the interpenetration of cultures and traditions. However, under the influence of Western ideologies, a large

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Nishnianidze, N., and M. Manchkhashvili. "PREPARATION OF GEORGIA'S INDEPENDENCE BASED ON INTERNATIONAL TREATIES AND THE FIRST YEARS OF INDEPENDENCE." Sciences of Europe, no. 164 (May 14, 2025): 75–78. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.15401330.

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The presented article concerns the historical struggle of Georgia against the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union. The first occupation of Georgia took place back in the 19th century, when Russia occupied the regions of Georgia and annexed it to the empire. However, the struggle of the Georgian people bore fruit and gained independence in 1918. Unfortunately, this independence turned out to be short-lived. In 1921, Georgia was again Sovietized. The Georgian people did not stop fighting for independence. They made great sacrifices so that Georgia would remain an independent political entity on

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Artymyshyn, P. "THE RUSSIAN-GEORGIAN WAR OF 2008 IN UKRAINIAN SOCIO-POLITICAL OPINION: A CLUSTER OF EXPERTS AND SOCIOLOGICAL SURVEYS." Slovak international scientific journal, no. 71 (May 11, 2023): 9–13. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7925040.

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The evaluations of the expert environment of Ukraine and Ukrainian society in general regarding the RussianGeorgian war of 2008 - a military conflict between Georgia on the one hand and Russia and the separatist groups of South Ossetia and Abkhazia on the other, the "hot" phase of which fell on August 8-12, are analyzed. It is asserted that assessments of the Russian-Georgian war of 2008 in the expert environment and at the level of ordinary Ukrainians varied. For some analysts and Ukrainian citizens, the fact that the aggressor in this confrontation is definitely Russia was consider

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Abuseridze, Giga. "Trade War: Georgia vs. Russia." SOCRATES. Rīgas Stradiņa universitātes Juridiskās fakultātes elektroniskais juridisko zinātnisko rakstu žurnāls / SOCRATES. Rīga Stradiņš University Faculty of Law Electronic Scientific Journal of Law 3, no. 18 (2020): 147–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.25143/socr.18.2020.3.147-154.

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The following article focuses on the history of trade relations between Georgia and Russia that in the Author’s view eventually developed into the “trade war”. Enrolment of Russia into the WTO enabled subjection of Russia to the WTO regulations. Georgia, as a full member of the WTO, rather legitimately refused to allow Russia to join the organisation until Moscow would fulfil Tbilisi’s claims. One of the demands of the Georgian side was directly related to the separatist conflicts in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, which further complicated the negotiations due to the destructive actions of Russia

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Sulaberidze, Yu S. "Historical memory and the dialogue of cultures in the context of Georgian-Russian interaction." Гуманитарные и юридические исследования 11, no. 3 (2024): 515–19. https://doi.org/10.37493/2409-1030.2024.3.12.

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Introduction. The modern history of Georgian-Russian relations is marked by relapses of the Cold war. The dividing line between nations has passed, with a centuries-old history of relationships. The article analyzes a complex of reasons causing mutual misunderstanding between states and peoples, who made a significant contribution to the development of world civilization. It is noted that the modern process of Georgian-Russian relations is significantly influenced by the legacy of the past, its interpretation by representatives of the intellectual community and the ruling elites. It is shown t

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Shubitidze, Konstantine. "First Democratic Republic of Georgia (1918-1921), a Result of the Changes in the International System." Balkanistic Forum 30, no. 3 (2021): 414–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v30i3.25.

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The independence of the First Democratic Republic of Georgia was announced on May 26, 1918 by the Georgian Social-Democrats, who were preaching against nationalism and the creation of a Georgian state years prior, therefore, it is evident at first sight, that major international events of the 1910s played a crucial role in the establishing of an independent Georgia. This research paper aims to examine the foreign factors that made the Georgian political elite change their minds and resulted in the creation of the First Democratic Republic of Georgia. First, the paper will analyze the internal

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Mossaki, N. "Educational Background of Georgia’s Power Elite and Russia-Georgia Relations." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2015): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-9-93-104.

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Following the extensive biographical material, the article explores characteristics of educational backgrounds of the Georgian ruling elite. The defeat of the M. Saakashvili's party in the 2012 elections did not change its qualitative characteristics. A significant part of the Georgian ruling elite received education in Western universities in the field of law, international relations etc., which formed a critical attitude towards Russia. The Georgian ruling elite has established educational standards for its members, and in every new government – no matter which political course is proclaimed

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Bloed, Arie. "Russia and Georgia disagree on Russian peacekeepers." Helsinki Monitor 17, no. 2 (2006): 193–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181406777813590.

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Manyshev, S., and K. Khutuashvili. "Georgia after the Introduction of a Visa-Free Regime with Russia." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 2 (2024): 84–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2024-2-84-91.

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Russian-Georgian relations throughout the post-Soviet period experienced stages of confrontation and normalization. After the 2008 war, political contacts were virtually frozen. Over the past few years, the country’s government has demonstrated a consistent pragmatic position aimed at normalizing bilateral relations. Data 2022–2023 show growth in the trade, economic and tourism sectors. However, as sociological surveys show, a fairly large percentage of Georgian citizens express dissatisfaction with the political course of the ruling Georgian Dream party. Against the backdrop of the upcoming p

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Khidirbegishvili, A. А., A. A. Khotivrishvili, and I. P. Goryunov. "Socio-Political Factors of Humanitarian Communication between Georgia and Russia." Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue, no. 1 (March 17, 2023): 54–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.53658/rw2023-3-1(7)-54-65.

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The article considers the factors shaping the specifcs of cooperation between Russia and Georgia in the humanitarian sphere. The authors state a decrease in the intensity of scientifc, educational, and cultural communication. The impossibility of a fnal civilizational break is noted due to the commonality of the historical past, religion and culture. The key problem identifed is the impossibility of building full-scale humanitarian cooperation due to the lack of diplomatic relations and the presence in Russia of a visa regime to Georgia. The pragmatic position of the Georgian ruling elite towa

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Matsaberidze, David. "The Competitive Securitization of Foreign Policy." Security science journal 4, no. 2 (2023): 187–232. http://dx.doi.org/10.37458/ssj.4.2.10.

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The paper explores competitive securitizations of the Russian Federation vs. the European Union in the Georgian political public sphere through deconstruction of the pro-Western and pro-Russian public political narratives. The dis-information incursion and propaganda of the Russian Federation in the societal landscape of Georgia have become the primary tools of the Kremlin to undermine the soft-power policy the EU and the pro-Western agenda. The study reflects on the rotating political discourses on Russia vs. EU through narrative analysis and deconstructs those metanarratives, that securitize

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Ongarova, Y. "Karadeniz’de Güç Dengesi." BULLETIN of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University.Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 138, no. 1 (2022): 108–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-6887/2022-138-1-108-116.

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In the research article titled «Balance of Power in the Black Sea» was analyzed the balance of power in the Black Sea, which emerged because of the geopolitical changes and the geo-strategic moves of the superpowers after the Cold War. In the backyard of the political events that took place in the Black Sea riparian countries (political crisis in Ukraine, the war in Georgia) until today, the games of the superpowers to dominate the Black Sea and not to lose the balance of power lie. After Turkey, Bulgaria and Romania after the Cold War joined the Western powers as NATO members. On the other ha

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Makaradze, Emzar, and Otar Gogolishvili. "Southwestern Georgia of the 19th Centuries in the Opinion of Foreigners: Analysis of Archival Materials." Historia i Polityka, no. 44 (51) (June 2, 2023): 87–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/hip.2023.014.

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The historical fate of one of the most critical regions, Southwestern Georgia, is indeed remarkable. This powerful centre of Georgian civilisation, with its historical plight, was forcibly torn off a mother’s bosom and became a part of another state. However, its inhabitants managed to preserve the love and respect for their native language. As a result of the war between Russia and Turkey (1877–1878), the region was reunited with its native land. Still, this time the Caucasian administration of the Russian Empire began to impede its development and tried to set this side against the rest of G

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Sanikidze, George. "An Historical Survey of Georgian–Iranian Relations in the Nineteenth Century." Journal of Persianate Studies 1, no. 2 (2008): 148–73. https://doi.org/10.1163/18747167-00102004.

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Various problems concerning Georgian–Iranian relations during the 19th century are discussed in this article. Georgia's incorporation into the Russian empire at the beginning of the century inevitably meant curtailing the sphere of influence of Iran over east Georgia, but even under these circumstances the relations between the two countries were not severed. After considering the historical background and the climate that took shape during the new ehase in Georgian-Iranian relations, we turn to economic relations. In the nineteenth century, Georgia and its capital gradually became a transit r

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Gibradze, Gorda. "Georgia relations after the 2008 War." Ante Portas - Studia nad bezpieczeństwem 1(14)/2020, no. 1(14)/2020 (2020): 85–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.33674/320197.

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The article discusses the role of NATO in the Russian-Georgian military conflict, their impact on regional security. The origin of the conflict was mainly caused by the new Geopolitical situation in the epoch of formation of multi-polar world order, where the main focus was made on the period of the establishment of new relations between the United States and Russia. The main reasons for the origin of the conflicts and the dynamics of their development are also presented in the work. The role of the countries involved in the conflict between the parties, which have a great impact on the geopol

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Degtev, A. S., A. Margoev, and A. A. Tokarev. "GEORGIA'S ECONOMY IN THE SPACE OF CONTRADICTIONS BETWEEN REGIONAL POWERS." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(47) (April 28, 2016): 219–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-2-47-219-233.

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The article deals with the economic ties between Georgia and four countries neighbouring the Caucasus region: Russia, Turkey, Iran, and Kazakhstan. The authors focus their attention on regional analysis and, for comparison, give figures on Georgia's relations with three global players: the USA, the EU, and the PRC. The authors postulate at least three challenges to Russia’s interests in Georgia. First, both Georgian establishment and society regard integration with the EU and NATO as main goal of the state, which in case of NATO evidently contradicts Russian national interests. Second, from th

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Alatalu, Toomas. "Geopolitics Taking the Signature from the Russian-Estonian Border Treaty (2005)." Baltic Journal of European Studies 3, no. 2 (2013): 96–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2013-0015.

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AbstractExplaining the withdrawal of his signature from the Estonian- Russian Border Agreement, the Minister of Foreign Affairs Sergey Lavrov announced on June 27, 2005 that “they in the EU might have succumbed to the temptation of telling us to ratify it […] on your side also, with some interpretations attached, so that the treaty can enter into force. To stop the EU from falling into this temptation, we have withdrawn our signature. There will be no treaty”. Thus, Moscow actually punished the European Union, which seems logical as with regard to geopolitics and geostrategy, the border negoti

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Nechayeva-Yuriychuk, Nataliia. "Georgia as a testing ground for Putin’s policy of “land return”: from the occupation of territories to the anti-European Course of the “Georgian Dream”." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 15 (December 20, 2024): 123–45. https://doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2024.15.123-145.

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In the 21st century, Russian imperialism continues its convulsive attempts to remain on the geopolitical map of the world, which is reflected in the active measures taken by Moscow towards Georgia and Ukraine. The events in Georgia and the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian war have shown that Moscow has lost its military power but continues to maintain its geopolitical influence both through its presence in international organizations, primarily the UN, and through the use of a wide range of manipulative tools. Moscow’s open interference in the internal affairs of Georgia, first through mythical “peac

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Kelbaugh, Matthew. "Ukraine’s and Georgia’s Recognition of the Circassian Genocide: Strategic Engagement with North Caucasian Causes [Ukrayna ve Gürcistan'ın Çerkes Soykırımı'nı Tanıması: Kuzey Kafkasya Davalarıyla Stratejik İlişki]." Journal of Caucasian Studies 10, no. 16 (2025): 79–116. https://doi.org/10.21488/jocas.1669449.

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On January 9, 2025, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine declared the Russian conquest of Circassia in the nineteenth century as a genocide. Ukraine thus became the second country after Georgia in 2011 to recognizer the Circassian genocide. The Russian Empire’s complete conquest of Circassia in 1864, as part of a greater strategy to subdue the Caucasus, led to the massive killing, starvation, and deportation of Circassians, who to this day are scattered throughout the Western countries, the Middle East, and Russia. The Circassian movement is divided in its ultimate goals but seeks to gain greater cul

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Borodenko, Maxim. "Georgia’s foreign economic relations in the context of geopolitical turbulence." Society and Economics, no. 11 (December 24, 2024): 96–106. https://doi.org/10.31857/s0207367624110072.

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Since 2008, there have been no diplomatic relations between Russia and Georgia, and Tbilisi has been one of the most active supporters of the European integration course in the post-Soviet space for many years, along with Ukraine and Moldova. At the same time, contrary to expectations, after the start of the special military operation of the Russian Armed Forces in Ukraine, Georgia did not follow the path of militarization and further deepening of relations with the West, did not sever ties with Russia, as Chisinau did, but began to pursue a constructive and pragmatic foreign policy line. This

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XHAFERI, Abla. "Eastern Crisis and Georgia." Jus & Justicia 16, no. 1 (2022): 124–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.58944/xegc2970.

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The Eastern crisis is an early issue. It is based on the clash of interests of the great powers in the territories of Southeast Europe. Its return to the nineteenth century came due to the weakening of the Ottoman Empire and the resistance of the peoples who were under this empire, as well as the growing interests of the great powers of Europe. Germany appeared in the Near and Middle East, which affected the interests of France, Britain and Russia. It entered into agreements with Austria-Hungary, Italy and then Turkey, while France made alliances with England, Russia and the United States. Und

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Jürgenson, Aivar. "Gruusia-Abhaasia sõja (1992–1993) retseptsioon eesti meedias sõja ajal ja järel." Mäetagused 84 (December 2022): 203–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/mt2022.84.jyrgenson.

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In the minds of Estonians Abkhazia is associated mainly with Estonians living there. When the Georgian-Abkhazian war broke out in August 1992, the Estonian state evacuated about 170 Estonians and their families from Abkhazia in the autumn of the same year. The reception of the war itself in the Estonian media was low and related to the situation of Estonians there, but the motives and direct causes of the war and the development of war events were also examined. One Baltic News Service journalist observed the evacuation of Estonians and wrote about the events of the war on the spot, but most o

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Modebadze, Valery. "Creeping occupation of Georgian territories and Russian aggression against Georgians living in occupied territories." National security and the future 22, no. 1-2 (2021): 97–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.37458/nstf.22.1-2.3.

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This article describes the creeping occupation of Georgian territories and Russian aggression against the local civilian population. It explains in detail how Russia violates international norms and rules and treats the civilian population in the occupied territories of Georgia. Since the occupation of the Georgian territories, Russia constantly discriminates against the local Georgian people and treats them very inhumanly. Many Georgian families were forced to abandon Abkhazia and South Ossetia due to this inhuman treatment. The legal status of Georgians living in the occupied territories con

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Ambartsumyan, Karine. "Policy of Postponed Sovetization: Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic and Georgia in 1920–1921." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (May 2021): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.2.9.

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Introduction. The author presents a brief description of the situation in the South Caucasus after the establishment of the Soviet power in Azerbaijan. A brief characteristic of the international context influencing decisionmaking in relation to Georgia and Armenia is given. The author makes a short review of historiography. Methods and materials. A list of historical sources is presented. The materials of the Archive of foreign policy of the Russian Federation and the Russian state archive of social and political history, private documents and the description of Menshevik Georgia in 1920 by S

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Ashraf, Muhammad Imran, Athar Ali, and Syed Umair Jalal. "Explaining Russian Resurgence: The Case Study of Georgia and Ukraine." Global Foreign Policies Review I, no. I (2018): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2018(i-i).01.

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This thesis is an attempt to explain the Russian resurgence: The case study of Georgia and Ukraine, with the help of theoretical framework structural realism. Russia having large territory is full of natural resources, under the leadership of Putin Russia utilized its natural resources to regain its lost position and power. In this research I tried to find out the answers of the questions: Why Russia is resurging in Georgia and Ukraine? How we can explain Russia NATO relations and what will be the future course of this relationship? This study is qualitative in nature and case study design has

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Zakharova, Evgenia A. "Georgia electoral cycles: Spatial analysis." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 499 (2024): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/499/8.

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The article discusses three electoral cycles in Georgia: 2012, 2016, and 2020. Among the main issues in the political party programs that make the parties different are the territorial integrity of the country, relations with Russia and the collective West, as well as issues of economic stability that has become even more sensitive in the context of the coronavirus pandemic. Given these facts, the author seeks to understand how electoral support for the parties changed during the last three electoral cycles in Georgia municipalities. Besides, the author tries to uncover some possible patterns

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