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Journal articles on the topic 'Germanic and English (Old)'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 28 July 2025

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1

Holmberg, Anders. "Norse against Old English: 20-0." Language Dynamics and Change 6, no. 1 (2016): 21–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105832-00601004.

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The conclusion seems inescapable, if the facts in Emonds & Faarlund are more or less right: Middle English would be the outcome of a shift from West Germanic grammar to an eccentric form of North Germanic grammar.

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van Gelderen, Elly. "Null Subjects in Old English." Linguistic Inquiry 44, no. 2 (2013): 271–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00127.

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I review the proposal made by Sigurðsson (2011) that null arguments follow from third-factor principles, as in Chomsky 2005 . A number of issues remain unclear: for instance, the kind of topic that licenses null arguments in Modern Germanic, including Modern English. I argue that Old English is pro drop and add to the discussion Frascarelli (2007) started as to which topic licenses a null subject. I agree with Frascarelli and Hinterhölzl (2007) that the licensing topic in Modern Germanic and Old English is an aboutness-shift topic. I also argue that verb movement to C is necessary to license t

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3

Vázquez-González, Juan G., and Jóhanna Barðdal. "Reconstructing the ditransitive construction for Proto-Germanic: Gothic, Old English and Old Norse-Icelandic." Folia Linguistica 40, no. 2 (2019): 555–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/flih-2019-0021.

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Abstract The semantic range of ditransitive verbs in Modern English has been at the center of linguistic attention ever since the pioneering work of Pinker (1989. Learnability and cognition: The acquisition of argument structure. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press). At the same time, historical research on how the semantics of the ditransitive construction has changed over time has seriously lagged behind. In order to address this issue for the Germanic languages, the Indo-European subbranch to which Modern English belongs, we systematically investigate the narrowly defined semantic verb classes occur

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4

Wollman, Alfred. "Early Latin loan-words in Old English." Anglo-Saxon England 22 (December 1993): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100004282.

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It is a well-known fact that Old English is rich in Latin loan-words. Although the precise number is not yet known, it is a fairly safe assumption that there are at least 600 to 700 loan-words in Old English. This compares with 800 Latin loan-words borrowed in different periods in the Brittonic languages (Welsh, Cornish, Breton), and at least 500 early Latin loan-words common to the West Germanic languages. These rather vague overall numbers do not lend themselves, however, to a serious analysis of Latin influence on the Germanic and Celtic languages, because they include different periods of

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Faarlund, Jan Terje, and Joseph E. Emonds. "English as North Germanic." Language Dynamics and Change 6, no. 1 (2016): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105832-00601002.

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The present article is a summary of the book English: The Language of the Vikings by Joseph E. Emonds and Jan Terje Faarlund. The major claim of the book and of this article is that there are lexical and, above all, syntactic arguments in favor of considering Middle and Modern English as descending from the North Germanic language spoken by the Scandinavian population in the East and North of England prior to the Norman Conquest, rather than from the West Germanic Old English.

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Klein, Jared S., and Robert B. Howell. "Old English Breaking and Its Germanic Analogues." Language 70, no. 3 (1994): 605. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/416512.

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Trudgill, Peter. "Norsified English or Anglicized Norse?" Language Dynamics and Change 6, no. 1 (2016): 46–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105832-00601011.

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Emonds & Faarlund have brilliantly demonstrated that the syntax of English owes a great deal to the syntax of Old Norse, and more than has generally been thought. This is genuinely significant. But, from a variationist perspective, the difference of nomenclature—“North Germanic” rather than “West Germanic”—is not.

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8

Cole, Marcelle. "A native origin for Present-Day English they, their, them." Diachronica 35, no. 2 (2018): 165–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.16026.col.

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Abstract It is commonly held that Present-Day English they, their, them are not descended from Old English but derive from the Old Norse third-person plural pronouns þeir, þeira, þeim. This paper argues that the early northern English orthographic and distributional textual evidence agrees with an internal trajectory for the ‘þ-’ type personal pronouns in the North and indicates an origin in the Old English demonstratives þā, þāra, þām. The Northern Middle English third-person plural pronominal system was the result of the reanalysis from demonstrative to personal pronoun that is common cross-

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García García, Luisa, and Esaúl Ruiz Narbona. "Lability in Old English Verbs: Chronological and Textual Distribution." Anglia 139, no. 2 (2021): 283–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ang-2021-0022.

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Abstract Present-Day English has an unusually high number of labile verbs, such as melt or burn, both cross-linguistically and with respect to genetically related languages. Comparison among early Germanic languages has allowed researchers to detect an incipient favouring of labile coding already in Old English, where it is more frequent than in any other language of this group (Hermodsson 1952) and replaces causative coding in a considerable proportion of former causative verb pairs (van Gelderen 2011; García García 2020). This article attempts to map the chronological and textual distributio

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Links, Meta, Ans van Kemenade, and Stefan Grondelaers. "Correlatives in earlier English: Change and continuity in the expression of interclausal dependencies." Language Variation and Change 29, no. 3 (2017): 365–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954394517000187.

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AbstractA construction very widely used in Old English and Old Germanic more broadly are correlatives introduced by an adverbial or conditional subclause, as in When you've done your homework, (then) you can come back (Old English: ‘…, then can you come back’). Correlatives originate from a paratactic clause structure, making use of resumptive adverbs such as then belonging to the Old Germanic series of demonstrative adverbs, whose syntactic niche was the clause-initial position, particularly in Verb Second main clauses. Paratactic structure in correlatives is diagnosed by the presence of a re

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Zimmer, Stefan. "Urgermanisch *þe-na-z ‘Gefolgsmann’." American Journal of Germanic Linguistics and Literatures 12, no. 2 (2000): 291–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1040820700002730.

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Proto-Germanic *þe-na-z (Old English, Old Saxon, Old High German, Old Norse) is traditionally understood as ‘child, follower, servant’, connected with Greek teknon ‘child’, both from *tek- ‘to beget’.This is unfounded; the meaning ‘child’ is unattested, the traditional etymology highly improbable. Proto-Germanic *þe-na-z is from *tek- ‘to stretch out one's hand, touch, receive’, designating basically ‘follower, retainer’, thus a technical term of Germanic Gefolgschaftswesen. Pertinent textual passages, the theory of Germanic heathen baptism, and the rites whereby a warrior is accepted into a l

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Crisma, Paola, and Susan Pintzuk. "The noun phrase and the ‘Viking Hypothesis’." Language Variation and Change 31, no. 2 (2019): 219–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954394519000127.

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ABSTRACTIn this article we use the syntax of the noun phrase to evaluate two competing hypotheses: the traditional account, that Middle English is a West Germanic language with Old English as its immediate ancestor, and Emonds and Faarlund's (2014) proposal, that Middle English is a North Germanic language, the direct descendant of Old Norse. The development of nominal syntax shows that the Middle English noun phrase can be derived only from Old English, not from Old Norse. We examine six nominal characteristics; in each case, we find in Middle English exactly the construction that one would e

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LUTZ, ANGELIKA. "Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic." English Language and Linguistics 13, no. 2 (2009): 227–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674309003001.

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This article concentrates on the question of language contact between English and Celtic in the period between the Anglo-Saxon conquest of Britannia (?AD 449) and the Norman conquest of England (AD 1066) but in some places reaches out to West Germanic times and to the period after the Norman conquest. It focuses on a certain region, that of the Southern Lowlands, mainly Anglo-Saxon Wessex, and deals with evidence that has been mentioned before: (1) the twofold paradigm of ‘to be’ and (2) the Old English designations for Celts that refer to their status as slaves. The article demonstrates that

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Smith, Laura Catharine. "Old Frisian." Diachronica 29, no. 1 (2012): 98–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.29.1.04smi.

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For a century, Old Frisian has largely remained in the shadows of its Germanic sister languages. While dictionaries, concordances, and grammars have been readily and widely available for learning and researching other Germanic languages such as Middle High German, Middle Low German and Middle English, whose timelines roughly correspond to that of Old Frisian, or their earlier counterparts, e.g., Old High German, Old Saxon and Old English, few materials have been available to scholars of Old Frisian. Moreover, as Siebunga (Boutkan & Siebunga 2005: vii) notes, “not even all Old Frisian manus

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Bammesberger, Alfred. "The meaning of Old English folcscaru and the compound’s function in Beowulf." NOWELE. North-Western European Language Evolution 72, no. 1 (2019): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/nowele.00017.bam.

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Abstract Ever since Kemble (1840), buton folcscare (Beowulf, 73a) has been thought to mean ‘with the exception of the common land’. The Old English compound folcscaru is reliably attested in poetic texts in the sense ‘tribe, nation’; secondarily the meaning ‘province, land’ may have arisen, but nowhere does the compound convey the special sense ‘common land, commons’. It can be shown that a meaning in the area of ‘tribe’ makes sense at line 73 of Beowulf as well, but the genitive gumena refers to both folcscare and feorum. It is quite conceivable that the line provides a distant echo of ancien

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Visser, Lourens. "Old and Middle English adverbs of degree in their wider West Germanic context." NOWELE. North-Western European Language Evolution 77, no. 2 (2024): 110–44. https://doi.org/10.1075/nowele.00087.vis.

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Abstract Research on adverbs of degree in Old and Middle English has been largely self-contained and has paid little attention to developments that were happening in the neighbouring West Germanic languages. While research on these other languages is less extensive, “Middle” Germanic has been identified as a period of convergence for the usage of adverbs of degree (Visser 2023). The present study analyses the usage patterns of seven adverbs in both Old and Middle English using data from different corpora: swīðe/swīthe, ful, miċle/muchel, sāre/sǭre, ġearwe/yāre, fela/fę̄le, and hearde/harde. It

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Ginevra, Riccardo. "To die is ‘to run (away)’." NOWELE. North-Western European Language Evolution 77, no. 2 (2024): 87–109. https://doi.org/10.1075/nowele.00086.gin.

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Abstract Proto-Germanic *daw-ja-, the ultimate source of English to die, is here argued to have originally been a polysemous verb meaning ‘to run; to die’, corroborating its current etymological analysis as a reflex of the Proto-Indo-European root *dheu̯- ‘to run’. The proposal is supported by both well-known and previously unnoticed reflexes of the verb *daw-ja-in Gothic, Old Icelandic, and Old English, as well as by further Germanic lexical items and figurative expressions. Further support is provided by a series of semantic parallels in several Indo-European traditions, which, together with

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Bech, Kristin, and George Walkden. "English is (still) a West Germanic language." Nordic Journal of Linguistics 39, no. 1 (2015): 65–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0332586515000219.

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In their recent book,English: The Language of the Vikings, Joseph Embley Emonds and Jan Terje Faarlund attempt to make the case that from its Middle period onwards, English is a North Germanic language, descended from the Norse varieties spoken in Medieval England, rather than a West Germanic language, as traditionally assumed. In this review article we critique Emonds & Faarlund's proposal, focusing particularly on the syntactic evidence that forms the basis of their argumentation. A closer look at a number of constructions for which the authors suggest a Norse origin reveals that the sit

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LAKER, STEPHEN. "Celtic influence on Old English vowels: a review of the phonological and phonetic evidence." English Language and Linguistics 23, no. 3 (2018): 591–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674317000545.

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Debate continues over what was spoken in Britain before, during and after it was settled by the Anglo-Saxons in the middle of the first millenniumad. Schrijver (2009) argues that phonological and phonetic developments in Old English provide vital clues. Accordingly, Old English changed in different ways from other Germanic languages due to contact with an early British Celtic variety that resembled Old Irish. Aspects of this proposal have been greeted with a degree of interest and approval by linguists but have escaped detailed review. This article argues instead that the Old English developme

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20

Kortmann, Bernd. "The Viking Hypothesis from a Dialectologist’s Perspective." Language Dynamics and Change 6, no. 1 (2016): 27–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105832-00601006.

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The Viking Hypothesis neglects (i) the significant degree of stability from Old to Middle (and even Modern) English grammar and (ii) parallel, but independent, developments not induced by North Germanic in the grammars of continental West Germanic dialects.

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21

Bremmer, Rolf H. "Old English būtan / Old Frisian būta: From Adverb to Conjunction." Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik 77, no. 3-4 (2017): 601–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18756719-12340094.

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Abstract It is well established that Old English is more closely related to Old Frisian than to any other West Germanic language. This fact rests especially on phonological, morphological and lexical evidence. Syntactic arguments are few and far between. In this article, the author argues that the Old Frisian conjunction būta ‘but’ and its Old English parallel būtan ‘but’ do not derive their behavioural similarities to an erstwhile Anglo-Frisian pre-stage, but must be explained as having arisen from a similar, but independent, process of grammaticalization.

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Thomason, Sarah G. "Middle English." Language Dynamics and Change 6, no. 1 (2016): 42–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105832-00601010.

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The Viking hypothesis is fatally flawed, in part because syntax is readily borrowed in intense contact situations, while inflectional morphology usually is not—and Middle English inflectional morphology is overwhelmingly of West Germanic origin. The dismissal of lexical evidence is also misguided: the vast majority of basic vocabulary items come from Old English, not from Norse.

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Lucas, Peter J. "The Metrical Epilogue to the Alfredian Pastoral Care: a postscript from Junius." Anglo-Saxon England 24 (December 1995): 43–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100004646.

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When Old English studies were in their infancy in the seventeenth century, scholars such as Franciscus junius (1591–1677) had very little to study in print. With no grammar and no dictionary (until Somner's in 1659) they had to teach themselves the language from original sources. Junius, whose interest in Germanic studies became active in the early 1650s, was so proficient, not only at Old English, but also at the cognate languages that he became virtually the founding-father of Germanic philology. Over the years Junius made transcripts in his own distinctive imitation-Anglo-Saxon minuscule sc

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Bammesberger, Alfred. "The Germanic Root *heuf- 'lament' and its Reflexes in Old English." Unity and Diversity in West Germanic, II 66, no. 2 (2013): 225–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/nowele.66.2.05bam.

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Old English heofon (Christ and Satan, 343b) must not be interpreted as preterit in the plural, and therefore the form provides no support for positing a reduplicating verb OE hēafan ‘lament’ (< Gmc. *hauf-). The form heofon represents the infinitive OE hēofan. The Old English evidence fully agrees with a reconstructed root Gmc. *heuf- > OE hēofan. An alternative root Gmc. *hauf- is unsupported and should not be posited. The form hof (Genesis, 771a), a relic of the Old Saxon vorlage, evidences the strong preterit *hauf for West Germanic. The strong verb *heuf-, reliably attested in West G

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Zheleznova, E. G. "THE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN, DISTRIBUTION AND CLASSIFICATION OF THE GERMANIC LANGUAGE." Scientific bulletin of the Southern Institute of Management, no. 4 (December 30, 2017): 113–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.31775/2305-3100-2017-4-113-117.

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English is the most known and spoken language in the world. In this regard, we are interested in the history of the English language. English belongs to the largest and most widespread group of languages called Germanic languages. Germanic languages are a group of closely related languages spoken by more than 500 million people across the globe. The article considers the modern Germanic languages, their distribution and classification, and their ancestors - the Germanic languages. The relevance of this work lies in the fact that Germanic languages are the ancestors of the modern Germanic langu

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Crouch, Tracy A. "The Morphological Status of Old English ge-." American Journal of Germanic Linguistics and Literatures 7, no. 2 (1995): 165–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104082070000158x.

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OE ge- functions synchronically as a proclitic, contrary to widely held views. This morphological status is an integral part of a broader diachronic pattern in Germanic, namely grammaticalization of an old particle to a prefix. OE g e- provides a clear example of grammaticalization. Following its path from Proto-Indo-European adverbial to Old English proclitic, and from its near grammaticalization as a past participle marker and subsequent loss, one can see easily the cline of grammaticalization.

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Allen, Cynthia L. "What Did(n’t) Happen to English?: A Re-evaluation of Some Contact Explanations in Early English." SELIM. Journal of the Spanish Society for Medieval English Language and Literature. 28, no. 1 (2023): 19–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17811/selim.28.2023.19-38.

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McWhorter (2002) argued that contact with Norse caused simplifications in English grammar that set English apart from other Germanic languages. This paper focuses on one of the losses McWhorter attributed to the linguistic impact of the Scandinavian invasions, External Possessors. An investigation of electronic Old and Early Middle English corpora reveals that the construction was already on the decline in the Old English period, and that Norse contact cannot explain the Early Middle English data. There is no support for the view that the loss of the construction spread from the Scandinavianiz

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Okkuziyeva, Durdona Dilmurod qizi Mirzamurodova Madina Ismatulla qizi Zilola Abdurakhmanova Yoqubjon qizi. "THE FUTURE OF ENGLISH." ILM-FAN VA INNOVATSIYA ILMIY-AMALIY KONFERENSIYASI 2, no. 10 (2023): 4–7. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7976891.

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Our Anglo-Saxon forebears would have been surprised to see the development of these new languages, which had evolved from the Latin they knew. They would have witnessed the emergence of Old French, Italian, Spanish, Portuguese, and Romanian, among others. They would have seen the rise of English as a dominant language in Britain, as well as the spread of Germanic languages throughout northern Europe.  

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Haeberli, Eric, and Liliane Haegeman. "Clause structure in Old English: evidence from Negative Concord." Journal of Linguistics 31, no. 1 (1995): 81–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226700000578.

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This paper deals with the clause structure of Old English. In the main body of the paper we adopt the ‘traditional’ analysis of the West Germanic languages in which it is proposed that VP is head-final. We will argue (contra Van Kemenade 1987, pace Cardinaletti & Roberts 1991, Pintzuk 1991, Tomaselli 1991) that the clause structure of Old English contains a head-initial functional projection whose head can be the landing site of verb movement in subordinate clauses. This claim is based on evidence related to the distribution and interpretation of negative elements in Old English and West F

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STENBRENDEN, GJERTRUD F. "Old English and its sound correspondences in Old English and Middle English." English Language and Linguistics 24, no. 4 (2019): 687–718. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674319000182.

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This article seeks to identify the phonetic correspondence(s) of the digraph <cg> in Old English (OE) and Middle English (ME), assessing a range of sources: the etyma in early Germanic (Gmc) languages, the various spellings in OE and the spelling evidence in the Linguistic Atlas of Early Middle English. Almost all the textbooks on OE claim that <cg> was pronounced /dʒ/, i.e. as a phonemic affricate, in OE. Evidence is thin on the ground, and the argument rests on certain back spellings <cg> for words with etymological <d+g>, e.g. midgern <micgern>. Words with <

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Shapochkina, O. "MODEL OF THE CATEGORY OF STATE AS “FUZZY MULTIPLICITY”: CATEGORICAL FOCUS OF QUALITATIVITY." Studia Philologica, no. 2 (2019): 49–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2311-2425.2019.13.8.

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The research reconstructed the category of state in the old Germanic languages (Gothic, Old Saxon, Old Icelandic, Old English, Old High German) by structuring categorical focuses within the state paradigm. In the paper it is proposed to consider the category of state in the Old Germanic languages as “fuzzy multiplicity” where the nucleus is the predicate of state, and around it concentrates the state protocategorial construction with subject-object relations of physical, emotional-psychological, mental state and state of perception which transmit different macro-states within the state situati

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Daly, James. "Orality, Germanic Literacy and Runic Inscriptions in Anglo-Saxon England." Matlit Revista do Programa de Doutoramento em Materialidades da Literatura 5, no. 1 (2017): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/2182-8830_5-1_3.

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The presence of runic writing before the influx of Latinate literacy in Anglo-Saxon England is often neglected when investigating the transitional nature of orality and literacy in vernacular Anglo-Saxon writing. The presence of runes in Anglo-Saxon society and Old English manuscripts supports the theory that Old English poetry operated within a transitional period between orality and literacy (as argued by O'Keeffe (1990), Pasternack (1995), Amodio (2005)). However runic symbols problematize the definition of orality within Old English oral-formulaic studies because runic writing practices pr

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Haket, Nina. "Language Contact and the Phylogeny and Phonology of Early English." Journal of the Undergraduate Linguistics Association of Britain 1, no. 1 (2021): 13–32. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.8184071.

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This paper aims to review Emonds and Faarlund’s work critically from a phonological perspective. Their work suggests that Modern English is a North Germanic language rather than a West Germanic language. After evaluating Emonds and Faarlund’s usage of the literature and theories of language contact and phylogenetic relationships, it is concluded that the only way Emonds and Faarlund’s theory could be reconciled with current linguistic theory, is to posit a set of mappings from the Old Norse phonology to the Old English phonology in order to allow for a simple continuation of

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Stenbrenden, Gjertrud Flermoen. "Why English is not dead: A rejoinder to Emonds and Faarlund." Folia Linguistica 37, no. 1 (2016): 239–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/flih-2016-0008.

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AbstractThis article argues against the claim by Emonds and Faarlund (2014,English: The language of the vikings. Palacký University: Olomouc) that English died out after the Norman Conquest, and was replaced by a North Germanic variety referred to as “Anglicised Norse”, which had been formed in the Danelaw area in a concerted effort by the Norse and Anglo-Saxon populations, presumably to overthrow the ruling French elite. Emonds and Faarlund base their claim on the existence of some 20–25 linguistic features which are said to have been absent from Old English, but which are present in Present-

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Danilina, N. I. "Vocal Morphonological Systems in Nominal Inflection." Izvestiya of Saratov University. Philology. Journalism 11, no. 1 (2011): 10–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1817-7115-2011-11-1-10-14.

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In the article three autonomous classifications of the systems under investigation are offered. The structural one: 1) hierarchical polymodel weakly typified (Russian, Ukrain, Polish, Check); 2) non-hierarchical poly-model weakly typified (Old Greek, Icelandic, Bulgarian); 3) non-hierarchical mono-model highly typified (English, German, Latin). The substratum one: 1) archaic (classical); 2) innovational (modern Slavic, Germanic). The content one: 1) minimal (Germanic, except the celandic); 2) medial (Russian, Latin, Old Greek); 3) maximal (the rest of the Slavic).

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Kroonen, Guus. "Faroese and its Relevance to the Germanic." Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik 66, no. 1 (2010): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18756719-066001003.

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In Germanic, the Proto-Indo-European accusative of the feminine demonstrative, i.e. *, emerges in two different forms: Gothic versus Old Norse and Old English . Since PIE * regularly gives *ō in Germanic, it is usually assumed that the reflex developed out of * through an unstressed stage. But this view was recently questioned by Peter Schrijver. He argued that the merger of *ā and *ō was forestalled in North West Germanic by a tautosyllabic nasal, and that therefore must be regular. This solution seems to be contradicted by Faroese, however, where the demonstrative form is . This may continue

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Bredehoft, Thomas A. "Secondary Stress in Compound Germanic Names in Old English Verse." Journal of English Linguistics 31, no. 3 (2003): 199–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0075424203254520.

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Hliudzyk, Yuliia, Andriana Ivanova, and Tetiana Pochepetska. "Old English, Germanic and Indo-European parallels in fantasy poetonyms." Сучасні дослідження з іноземної філології 23, no. 1 (2023): 24–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.32782/2617-3921.2023.23.24-33.

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Horodilova, Tetiana Mykolayivna. "TYPOLOGY OF NEGATIVE CONSTRUCTIONS IN WEST GERMANIC LANGUAGES." Studia Linguistica, no. 24 (2024): 28–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/studling2024.24.28-41.

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The article displays a typological analysis of negation in West Germanic languages. The attention is focused on the structural characteristics of negative sentences in the languages under consideration. Present-day West Germanic languages exhibit singular negation pattern, which is different from the Old Germanic one. There have been highlighted the changes that took place in the system of sentence negation in the history of West Germanic languages. At the early stages of their development the languages in question demonstrated double negation, that is, the phenomenon of negative concord. It i

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Porck, Thijs. "An Old English Love Poem, a Beowulf Summary and a Recommendation Letter from Eduard Sievers: G. J. P. J. Bolland (1854–1922) as an Aspiring Old Germanicist." Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik 78, no. 2-3 (2018): 262–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18756719-12340118.

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AbstractThis article calls attention to documents relating to the early academic life of G. J. P. J. Bolland (1854–1922). During the late 1870s and early 1880s, Bolland was enthralled by the study of Old Germanic languages and Old English in particular. His endeavours soon caught the eye of Pieter Jacob Cosijn (1840–1899), Professor of Germanic Philology and Anglo-Saxon at Leiden University, who helped the Groningen-born student to further his studies. During his stays in London and Jena, Bolland communicated with prominent scholars, including Henry Sweet, Richard Morris and Eduard Sievers. Bo

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Hosaka, Michio. "On the derivation of three-verb clusters in Old English." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 7, no. 1 (2022): 5215. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v7i1.5215.

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Word order in Old English has some properties in common with those in other Germanic languages, such as V2 in a main clause and Vf-final order in a subordinate clause. However, it had idiosyncratic traits that led to word order changes in the later stages of English. Focusing on the word order of three-verb clusters (modal+have/be+participle) in Old English, this paper argues that the rise of functional projections with the head in its initial position shaped changes in word order in the history of English.

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Frog. "Rhyme in dróttkvætt, from Old Germanic Inheritance to Contemporary Poetic Ecology II: Rhyme as an Inherited Device of Old Germanic Verse." Studia Metrica et Poetica 10, no. 2 (2023): 32–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/smp.2023.10.2.02.

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This paper is the second in a three-part series on the distinctive type of rhyme in the Old Norse dróttkvætt meter, argued to have emerged through the metricalization of uses of rhyme within a short line found across Old Germanic poetries. Whereas the first paper outlined the argument and its background, this paper explores uses of rhyme in Old Germanic poetries other than Old Norse. Rhyme involving the stressed syllable or word stem irrespective of subsequent syllables is shown to be a device of these poetic systems. Especially in Old English, such rhyme is used to support and reinforce the b

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Agee, Joshua R. "Using Historical Glottometry to Subgroup the Early Germanic Languages." Journal of Germanic Linguistics 33, no. 4 (2021): 319–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1470542721000027.

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Historical Glottometry, introduced by Kalyan & François (2018), is a wave-based quantitative approach to language subgrouping used to calculate the overall strength of a linguistic subgroup using metrics that capture the contributions of linguistic innovations of various scopes to language diversification, in consideration of the reality of their distributions. This approach primarily achieves this by acknowledging the contribution of postsplit areal diffusion to language diversification, which has traditionally been overlooked in cladistic (tree-based) models. In this paper, the developme

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Angerer. "Beyond “Germanic” and “Christian” Monoliths: Revisiting Old English and Old Saxon Biblical Epics." Journal of English and Germanic Philology 120, no. 1 (2021): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jenglgermphil.120.1.0073.

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Bargan, Andrea. "Transylvanian Saxon Charms as Part of Old Germanic Folklore." Messages, Sages, and Ages 4, no. 1 (2017): 33–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/msas-2017-0003.

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Abstract The present article deals with archaic pieces of folklore, namely with Transylvanian Saxon (TS) charms recorded in the 19th century. The author, herself a speaker of the TS dialect, translated a number of those charms into English and added comments that were meant to indicate connections with similar pieces of the same genre recorded in Germany and England in early medieval times.

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Olesiejko, Jacek. "Masculinity and Conversion in Old English Guthlac A." Anglica. An International Journal of English Studies, no. 26/1 (September 11, 2017): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.7311/0860-5734.26.1.01.

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The article turns to Judith Butler’s writings on abjection to elucidate the Christian subjectivity that emerges from the Old English poetic life of Guthlac of Crowland, known as Guthlac A. The abject is defined as the other within the subject who is in the process of conversion from secular values and the Germanic past. Guthlac’s conversion from his secular and ancestral values informs a notion of masculinity nascent in his subjectivity, masculinity that results from the abjection of ancestral secular identity by transposing it onto the demonic other, the destruction of which transforms and sa

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Tetty, Marscolia. "Theory of origin of languages." Macrolinguistics and Microlinguistics 1, no. 1 (2020): 13–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.21744/mami.v1n1.2.

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This paper aimed at exploring the theory of the origin of languages. The history of the English language begins with the birth of the English language on the island of Britain about 1,500 years ago. English is a West Germanic language derived from the Anglo-Frisian dialects brought to the island of Britain by Germanic immigrants from parts of the northwest of what is now the Netherlands and Germany. Initially, Old English was a group of dialects reflecting the origins of the various Anglo-Saxon kingdoms in England. One of these dialects, West Saxon eventually came to dominate. Then the origina

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McWhorter, John. "Too Good to be True." Language Dynamics and Change 6, no. 1 (2016): 34–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105832-00601008.

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Davis, Garry W. "Notes on the Etymologies of English big and Gothic ga-." American Journal of Germanic Linguistics and Literatures 12, no. 1 (2000): 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1040820700002791.

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During the Northwest Germanic period, *ɣaβiɣs ‘rich’ (Go. gabigs / gabeigs ‘rich’ < giban ‘to give’) and related forms (Go. gabigjan ‘to make rich’, gabignan ‘to be rich’) were reanalyzed as consisting of the prefix *ɣa- + root. This reanalysis was triggered by the prevailing Germanic stress pattern (indicated where necessary by a raised tick '), since *ɣaβiɣs was stressed on the first syllable of the root (thus *'ɣaβiɣs). while nominal and adjectival compounds that consisted of *ɣa- + root ('ga-qumps ‘assembly’, 'ga-fulgins ‘hidden’, 'ga-hails ‘hale’) were stressed on the prefix. Thus, an

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Simon, Zsolt. "Zur Herkunft von leuga." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, no. 1-4 (2020): 425–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.37.

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SummaryAccording to the communis opinio, Lat. leuga was a Gaulish loanword, survived in the Romance languages and was borrowed into Old English. However, this scenario faces three unsolved problems: the non–Celtic diphthong –eu–, the Proto–Romance form *legua and the fact that the Old English word cannot continue the Latin form on phonological grounds. This paper argues that all these problems can regularly be solved by the reconstructed West Germanic and Gothic cognates of the Old English word borrowed into Gaulish and early Romance dialects, respectively.

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