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Journal articles on the topic 'Germany Trades unions'

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Published: 28 July 2024

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Fricke, Werner. "Thirty years of work life programmes in Germany." Concepts and Transformation 8, no. 1 (2003): 43–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/cat.8.1.04fri.

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Between 1974 and 2002 there were three state financed work life programmes at federal level in Germany, with a financial outlay of more than €1 billion. The author evaluates the programmes’ achievements, conflicts and deficits and pays special attention to the role of social science research in work design projects; he concludes by comparing the German experiences and the Norwegian tradition of work life programmes since the 1960s. The social partners participated at programme and project level from the very beginning. Many successes have been achieved: the easing of physical work load and unh

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Cebulla, Andreas, and David Wilkinson. "Responses to an Ageing Workforce: Germany, Spain, the United Kingdom." Business Systems Research Journal 10, no. 1 (2019): 120–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bsrj-2019-0009.

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AbstractBackground: An ageing workforce is a challenge for businesses that are increasingly expected to adapt workplaces to enable employees to remain in work longer. Emerging evidence highlights employer practices to attract or retain older workers. This paper explores employers’ motivations for introducing measures to accommodate an older workforce in three European case study countries. Objectives: The objective is to illustrate and understand different approaches to, and stages in, adjusting workplaces to accommodate an ageing workforce. Methods/Approach: The study combines case studies, i

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Leminsky, Gerhard. "Worker Involvement, the New Technologies and New Forms of Company Organization." Concepts and Transformation 4, no. 1 (1999): 69–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/cat.4.1.06lem.

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The concept of democratic participation has been receiving wide attention over the past few years — both in Germany and at the European level. Unfortunately, the same cannot be said for social and corporate praxis where practical implementation of the idea encounters ingrained resistance and reservations from different groups. On the one hand, the trades unions are afraid that forms of direct democratic involvement will act in competition to the institutionalized forms of in-company codetermination; on the other, many managers — having discovered that worker involvement is a good way to improv

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Tekin, Caner. "“Foreign Worker” Perspectives between German Trade Unions and Turkish Worker Organisations after the Recruitment Ban: Evidence from the Migrant Activism in Frankfurt." Migration Letters 20, no. 1 (2023): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v20i1.2871.

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With the foreign worker recruitment ban in Federal Germany on 23 November 1973, the public featured one of the most controversial debates on how long the former guest workers would stay, and whether Federal Germany was a country of immigration. Between German trade unions and foreign workers these questions also remained contested during the 1970s. This paper looks into these contestations and explores conceptions of the former “guest workers” represented by the German trade unions and migrant organisations from the recruitment stop (1973) until the decade’s end. It discusses activities by Tur

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Hinke, Robert. "'Eastanizing'." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 38, no. 150 (2008): 113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v38i150.486.

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With German unification the western and the eastern part of Germany were reunited to a new economy and social system, but not to a uniform one. The upcoming disparities are caused by more than the well known regional inequalities. In many aspects eastern Germany differentiates from the old West-Germany, in particular to the unconventional activity spheres of the trade unions. But neither the trade union research nor the well known trade union strategy recommendations pay attention to the special conditions in the new regions.

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Denis, Mathieu. "Syndicalisme et unification allemande : un essai d’historiographie contemporaine." Revue d’Allemagne et des pays de langue allemande 33, no. 1 (2001): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/reval.2001.5632.

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Can one analyze the fall of the GDR and German Unification without even considering the actions and positions taken by the trade unions ? The numerous works dealing with these events, which almost completely disregard the trade union movement, could lead one to believe just that. The essays on the German trade unions during the course of the events of 1989-1990 appear to back up this conclusion. The West-German unions are depicted as having been overwhelmed by the rapid changes taking place in East Germany. The reforms of the East German unions are described as attempts by defenders of the Reg

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GÜZAY, Aybüke. "GERMAN TRACES İN THE CAUCASUS AZERBAİJAN GERMANS." Zeitschrift für die Welt der Türken / Journal of World of Turks 14, no. 1 (2022): 199–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/zfwt/140116.

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In the 18th century, Germany also participated in the competition between the European States that started colonization activities and did not want to lag behind other states on the way to complete their union. Germany, which has existed as independent statelets since the 1800s, wanted to have a say in Africa, the Middle East and the Caucasus geographies after establishing its union in 1871. Although the immigration policy of the German colonists started to work after this date, it is seen that the colonization activities in the Caucasus geography took place in previous dates and in a differen

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Hoffrogge, Ralf. "Voluntarism, Corporatism and Path Dependency: The Metalworkers’ Unions Amalgamated Engineering Union and IG Metall and their Place in the History of British and German Industrial Relations." German History 37, no. 3 (2019): 327–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghz037.

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Abstract Germany and Britain have served as models of either corporatist or voluntarist industrial relations. The more recent typology of ‘varieties of capitalism’ then identified Britain as a model case of a ‘liberal market economy’ while Germany was portrayed as a (state) ‘co-ordinated market economy’. The mainstream of German-language labour history also tells this success story. Some research on the evolution of co-determination has portrayed its subject as a long-standing trait of German capitalism, with predecessors dating back as far as 1848. With its focus on the history of two key tra

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Afonso, Alexandre, Samir Negash, and Emily Wolff. "Closure, equality or organisation: Trade union responses to EU labour migration." Journal of European Social Policy 30, no. 5 (2020): 528–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928720950607.

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This paper explores trade union strategies to protect wages in the face of EU migration after the enlargement of the European Union. We argue that unions have three instruments at their disposal to deal with the risks linked to downward wage pressure: closure through immigration control, equalisation through collective bargaining and minimum wages, and the organisation of migrant workers. Using comparative case studies of Sweden, Germany and the UK, we show how different types of power resources shape union strategies: unions with substantial organisational resources (in Sweden) relied on a la

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Leschke, Janine, and Kurt Vandaele. "Explaining leaving union membership by the degree of labour market attachment: Exploring the case of Germany." Economic and Industrial Democracy 39, no. 1 (2015): 64–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x15603456.

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By particularly stressing the weaker labour market attachment of workers with non-standard contracts, this article contributes to the rather unexplored issue of mainly non-union-related reasons for leaving trade unions. Germany has been selected as a case study because German unions experienced a steady decline in membership, while at the same time non-standard employment arrangements increased considerably and more so than the European average. Using the German Socio-Economic Panel data, the authors construct a labour market attachment variable capturing different degrees of attachment. Their

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Mitchell, Neil J. "Theoretical and Empirical Issues in the Comparative Measurement of Union Power and Corporatism." British Journal of Political Science 26, no. 3 (1996): 419–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400007523.

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What aspects of national trade-union movements systematically affect national policy making and economic performance? While there is general agreement that union density, the proportion of the workforce organized in unions, is an important element of union strength, social scientists are only beginning to identify the other critical elements. That union density is not the whole story can quickly be appreciated by comparing the influence of unions in Britain and Germany. For much of the post-war period, union density has been higher in Britain than Germany, although German unions have sustained

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Gaido, Daniel. "Archive Marxism and the Union Bureaucracy: Karl Kautsky on Samuel Gompers and the German Free Trade Unions." Historical Materialism 16, no. 3 (2008): 115–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920608x315266.

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AbstractThis work is a companion piece to ‘The American Worker’, Karl Kautsky's reply to Werner Sombart's Why Is There No Socialism in the United States? (1906), first published in English in the November 2003 edition of this journal. In August 1909 Kautsky wrote an article on Samuel Gompers, the president of the American Federation of Labor, on the occasion of the latter's first European tour. The article was not only a criticism of Gompers's anti-socialist ‘pure-and-simple’ unionism but also part of an ongoing battle between the revolutionary wing of German Social Democracy and the German tr

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IONESOV, VLADIMIR I., and SERGEY N. FOLOMEEV. "WAYS OF TRANSFORMING SOCIETY IN THE HISTORICAL LESSONSOF THE LASSALLEAN AND EISENACHER WORKERS’ TRADE MOVEMENTIN GERMANY (60-80S OF THE XIX CENTURY)." Bulletin of Chelyabinsk State University 495, no. 1 (2025): 53–63. https://doi.org/10.47475/1994-2796-2025-495-1-53-63.

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The article, based on publications in the German Social Democratic press of the 1860s-80s and documentary materials on the history of the labor movement, including correspondence between the classics of Marxism and their party comrades, shows the evolution of the ideological views of the leaders of the Lassallean and Eisenach labor trade union movement and the leaders of German Social Democracy on the role of labor unions in the transformation of capitalist society. The origins of the labor movement in Germany can be found in the 1840s, when the “Central Society for Increasing the Welfare of t

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Berger, Stefan. "German Trade Unions, Their History, and the Use of Memory." Labor 18, no. 3 (2021): 144–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-9061563.

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This article summarizes the results of the work of a commission of the German Trade Union Confederation, Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB), on the memory cultures of social democracy and trade unionism in Germany and highlights its recommendations on how to strengthen the public memory of the achievements of trade unionism in German society. It argues that the contemporary memory cultures are highly deficient and in need of a major boost in order to make trade unionism fit for the struggles of the twenty-first century. Memory will be a crucial resource for trade unions, as it gives them a “pra

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Kovalenko, Maria Iliinichna. "The establishment of German Customs Union: towards the “Customs Union Agreement” of 1833." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 4 (April 2020): 170–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2020.4.33580.

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This article presents an overview of economic situation and trade relations in Germany during the 1815 &ndash; 1820s, after the end of the Napoleonic Wars. The customs question was especially urgent due to the disparity of territories, and was being resolved in several German states simultaneously. The author examines the Prussian plan of customs union that was implemented in future, as well as the alternative regional projects. For detailed assessment of the indicated projects, analysis is conducted on the flow of import and export of various products on the German territories. This artic

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Wagner, Ines, and Bjarke Refslund. "Understanding the diverging trajectories of slaughterhouse work in Denmark and Germany: A power resource approach." European Journal of Industrial Relations 22, no. 4 (2016): 335–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680116682109.

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Germany and Denmark are among the world’s largest exporters of meat products. Two decades ago their labour markets were similar, but since then they have diverged significantly. The industry in Denmark has maintained high wages and good working conditions, while in Germany there has been a rapid growth in precarious employment, with widespread use of subcontracted and posted migrant workers. We argue that the key explanation for this radical difference is the power position of the trade unions, which also affects how employers position themselves. We show how trade union power embedded in the

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Nicklich, Manuel, and Markus Helfen. "Trade union renewal and ‘organizing from below’ in Germany: Institutional constraints, strategic dilemmas and organizational tensions." European Journal of Industrial Relations 25, no. 1 (2018): 57–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680117752000.

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Organizing is widely discussed as a remedy for continued union decline. Originating in the liberal market industrial relations systems of the Anglo-Saxon world, the ‘organizing’ strategy is increasingly discussed in countries like Germany, traditionally known for consensual industrial relations and multi-employer collective bargaining. To study whether and how ‘organizing’ is translated in union organizations operating in a different institutional context, we study the link between organizational transformation and institutions in IG Metall in Germany, which was been influenced by the American

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Emmenegger, Patrick, Lukas Graf, and Alexandra Strebel. "Social versus liberal collective skill formation systems? A comparative-historical analysis of the role of trade unions in German and Swiss VET." European Journal of Industrial Relations 26, no. 3 (2019): 263–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680119844426.

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We distinguish between social and liberal collective skill formation systems and demonstrate that the German VET system is a social system with a strong (parity) role for trade unions in its governance. In contrast, unions play a considerably weaker role in the more liberal Swiss system, which privileges employers’ interests. We show that the different position of unions in VET systems has the expected consequences on a range of indicators. We further examine why unions are less important in Switzerland and show how, after the First World War, differences in the institutional environment and p

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Emmenegger, P., L. Graf, and A. Strebel. "Social versus liberal collective skill formation systems? : A comparative-historical analysis of the role of trade unions in German and Swiss VET." European Journal of Industrial Relations 26, no. 3, no. 2020 (2020): p. 263–278. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.5771681.

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Summary We distinguish between social and liberal collective skill formation systems and demonstrate that the German VET system is a social system with a strong (parity) role for trade unions in its governance. In contrast, unions play a considerably weaker role in the more liberal Swiss system, which privileges employers’ interests. We show that the different position of unions in VET systems has the expected consequences on a range of indicators. We further examine why unions are less important in Switzerland and show how, after the First World War, differences in the institutional env

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20

Çelik, Ercüment, and Simon Norbert Schmid. "Global Justice Advocacy, Trade Unions, and the Supply Chain Law Initiative in Germany." New Global Studies 16, no. 1 (2022): 91–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ngs-2022-0005.

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Abstract This article focuses on the Supply Chain Law Initiative in Germany (SCLI)/Initiative Lieferkettengesetz as a case of global justice advocacy. The SCLI was a campaign by German civil society organizations that advocated for a law that would make it mandatory for corporations active in Germany to respect human, labor, and environmental rights along their supply chains. This research explores the strategies for advocacy used by the SCLI in the process of effective law-making. It also investigates the role of the SCLI in the context of global labor solidarity. The research results show th

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Zahn, Rebecca. "Trade Unions and New Member State Workers in Germany and the United Kingdom." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 27, Issue 2 (2011): 139–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2011011.

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This article compares German and British trade union responses in a European context following the European enlargements in 2004 and 2007 that are unprecedented in the history of the European Union (EU). In particular, this article examines two case studies to explore how trade unions have responded to increased migration following the enlargements. Increased migration has created a number of problems for trade unions that are examined in the case studies. The findings of the case studies are used to undertake a contextualized comparison of trade union behaviour in responding to the changing r

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VAN HOOK, JAMES C. "FROM SOCIALIZATION TO CO-DETERMINATION: THE US, BRITAIN, GERMANY, AND PUBLIC OWNERSHIP IN THE RUHR, 1945–1951." Historical Journal 45, no. 1 (2002): 153–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x01002187.

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The failure of the socialization of heavy industry in West Germany following the Second World War has often been ascribed to American reluctance to allow meaningful social reform in the face of an intensifying Cold War. But a closer look at the socialization issue during the latter half of the 1940s demonstrates the enormous complexity of transforming Germany's heavy industry. First, the British, who originally advocated socialization, i.e. the public ownership of heavy industry, had done so on security grounds. But when trying to reach out to ‘democratic’ Germans, such as social democrats and

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Feldmeier, Gerhard. "German foreign trade surpluses – a problem for the European Monetary Union?" International Journal Of Innovation And Economic Development 1, no. 1 (2015): 7–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.18775/ijied.1849-7551-7020.2015.11.2001.

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In the light of the controversial discussion on the cause and effects to the total economy of the high export surplus of one country and their consequences for other countries, the concrete question as to whether high German balance on current account surplus mentioned is indeed responsible, as alleged, for macroeconomic divergence in the European Union or for balance on current account deficits in other European countries will is addressed in this paper. We examine how and to what extent German export success represents a lasting threat to the stability of the Eurozone and impedes economic re

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Klimiuk, Zbigniew. "Stosunki gospodarcze i handlowe ZSRR – Niemcy w latach 1918–1940 (część 2)." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 9, no. 2 (2019): 27–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.2999.

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The author analyzes in his paper the economic and trade relations between Germany and the Soviet Union in the period of 1918–1944. During this period trade relations with Germany constituted a continuation of relations between Tsarist Russia and Germany before World War I. The German-Soviet Economic Agreement of October 12, 1925, formed special conditions for the mutual trade relations between the two countries. In addition to the normal exchange of goods, German exports to the Soviet Union were based, from the very beginning, on a system negotiated by the Soviet Trade Mission in Berlin under

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Meyer, Brett. "Learning to Love the Government." World Politics 68, no. 3 (2016): 538–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887116000058.

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One counterintuitive variation in wage-setting regulation is that countries with the highest labor standards and strongest labor movements are among the least likely to set a statutory minimum wage. This, the author argues, is due largely to trade union opposition. Trade unions oppose the minimum wage when they face minimal low-wage competition, which is affected by the political institutions regulating industrial action, collective agreements, and employment, as well as by the skill and wage levels of their members. When political institutions effectively regulate low-wage competition, unions

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Hürtgen, Stefanie. ""Gestaltung des Anpassungsdruck", "Rückkehr zu bewährter Gewerkschaftspolitik" oder "Kampf um soziale Transformation"?" PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 33, no. 130 (2003): 7–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v33i130.674.

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The reaction of the left wing of trade unions on the challenges of globalization are rather different in Germany and France, While in Germany the traditional structures of organization are not questioned, only the thinking of the trade union members shall be changed, in France problems are discussed on a more fundamental level, leading - in parts - to new fOrms of organization and trade union policy, seeking the common commitment by neoliberalism in quite different groups,

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Schirrmacher, Carsten. "Gloss on the Judgment of the German Federal Labor Court (Bundesarbeitsgericht) of 24 October 2018, Case 10 AZR 69/18, Previous Instance Regional Labor Court (Landesarbeitsgericht) Hamburg, Judgment of 30 August 2017, Case 5 Sa 21/17." Studia Prawa Publicznego, no. 1 (49) (March 28, 2025): 127–38. https://doi.org/10.14746/spp.2025.1.49.8.

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On 24 October 2018, the Federal Labor Court ruled that a “legal pro- tection secretary” employed by a trade union who advised trade union members on labor law issues could not be admitted to the bar. He lacked the professional independence required by the Federal Lawyers’ Act because, according to his employment contract, he had to respect the ideals of the trade unions. Although the employer had never given the legal protection secretary any instructions as to how he was to advise clients, the employer was also not obliged to confirm to the bar association that the legal protection secretary

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Shemyakin, R. K., and T. A. Izbienova. "Legal status of “unaffiliated” strikes in Germany." Voprosy trudovogo prava (Labor law issues), no. 10 (October 29, 2022): 660–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/pol-2-2210-06.

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The article examines some issues in determining the legal status of 'unaffiliated' strikes in Germany. The German right to strike is extremely limited. Under German case law, 'unaffiliated' or 'wild' strikes — work stoppages not involving trade unions — are prohibited in Germany. The European Social Charter allows such work stoppages, and the Committee of Experts urges the German legislator to take into account the interests of workers who have joined together to defend their collective rights and take part in a strike even without the involvement of trade unions. Through long negotiations and

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Jørgensen, Jesper Düring. "Gustav Meissners rolle i den såkaldte nytårskrise 1940-41." Fund og Forskning i Det Kongelige Biblioteks Samlinger 55 (March 3, 2016): 505. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/fof.v55i0.118923.

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Jesper Düring Jørgensen: The role of Gustav Meissner in the so-called New Year crisis The article looks at the role of the German press attaché Gustav Meissner (1910–1995) during the so-called New Year crisis, which unfolded between the German occupying administration and the Danish government from December 1940 to the end of January 1941. The crisis started in autumn 1940 as a reaction to the unsuccessful monetary and customs union negotiations between Germany and Denmark, and as a result of the Danish Nazi party’s failed propaganda offensive. Another factor that contributed to exacerba

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Klimiuk, Zbigniew. "Stosunki gospodarcze i handlowe ZSRR – Niemcy w latach 1918–1940 (część 1)." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 9, no. 1 (2018): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.3364.

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The author analyzes in his paper the economic and trade relations between Germanyand the Soviet Union in the period of 1918–1944. During this period trade relations withGermany constituted a continuation of relations between Tsarist Russia and Germany beforeWorld War I. The German-Soviet Economic Agreement of October 12, 1925, formed specialconditions for the mutual trade relations between the two countries. In addition to the normalexchange of goods, German exports to the Soviet Union were based from the very beginningon a system negotiated by the Soviet Trade Mission to Berlin under which th

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Berlemann, Michael, and Klaus W. Zimmermann. "Trade Unionists in Parliament and Macroeconomic Performance: Evidence from Germany." Economic and Labour Relations Review 22, no. 3 (2011): 101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/103530461102200307.

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This article focuses on the role of unionised members of parliament. While unions have a direct effect on the labour market via wage negotiations, they often also take part in political debates. In many countries, significant shares of the members of parliament are also members of a trade union. However, up to now little empirical evidence is available on the extent to which unionised members of parliament try to achieve union-specific goals and thereby influence the macroeconomic conditions of an economy. A recent study for Germany comes to the conclusion that union members in the Bundestag c

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Lichtenstein, Nelson. "Why No Corporatism in the United States? American Versus German Models of Industrial Relations in the Early Postwar Era." Labor 22, no. 1 (2025): 36–52. https://doi.org/10.1215/15476715-11521334.

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Abstract Today, industrial relations in the United States and Germany operate along strikingly divergent patterns, but in the early postwar years they had much in common. Indeed, the United States emulated Germany. That might seem an exceedingly strange proposition, because Germany was just emerging from utter destruction and the United States and Britain were occupying powers in the late 1940s. Moreover, the American economy then seemed a productive wonder, a model for others to follow. Within that economic colossus was a powerful trade union movement whose membership had risen fivefold in ju

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Erne, Roland, and Markus Blaser. "Direct democracy and trade union action." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 24, no. 2 (2018): 217–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258918764079.

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Until recently, the political influence of trade unions primarily relied on ties to labour-friendly political parties. Since the 1990s, however, party-union relations have deteriorated, forcing unions to consider complementary political strategies. This article reviews different direct democratic instruments at local, national and EU levels. We distinguish popular consultations initiated by government from above from citizens’ initiatives initiated from below and discuss corresponding trade union experiences in Germany, Italy, Ireland, Slovenia and Switzerland. We also analyse the successful r

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SCHIRMANN, Sylvain. "Regards croisés et contacts entre syndicalistes français et allemands (1945-1962)." Journal of European Integration History 26, no. 1 (2020): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2020-1-9.

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The animosity which often prevails among French and German trade unionists in the wake of World War I disappears in the aftermath of the Second conflict. The meetings are more numerous, certain positions converge and the demands related to specific workforces often meet. Despite this, the two union worlds find it hard to understand each other. French and German union models seek to adapt to the evolution of capitalism. Undeniably German trade unionism seems to have better coped with this transformation. His weight, influence and co-management allowed him to achieve the highest standard of livi

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Kuliś, Jakub. "Transitions in the Way Germans and Polish-German Relations Were Presented in the Primary Schools of the Polish People’s Republic." Historia scholastica 8, no. 1 (2022): 79–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.15240/tul/006/2022-1-004.

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The aim of the article is to show the changes in the perception of Germans and Polish-German relations in the education of the People’s Republic of Poland. This problem is related to the changes in the domestic politics of post-war Poland and both German states. The paper is devoted to the evolution of the perception of Poland’s western neighbor from the post-war period to the end of the Polish People’s Republic, i.e. until 1989. The study presents the beginnings of the anti-German narration, caused by war trauma, which has intensified since 1949 due to pressure which has been exerted by commu

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Milner, Susan. "The International Labour Movement and the Limits of Internationalism: the International Secretariat of National Trade Union Centres, 1901–1913." International Review of Social History 33, no. 1 (1988): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000008610.

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SummaryDespite an abundance of literature on the Second International relatively little is known about the work of the International Secretariat of National Trade Union Centres (ISNTUC). Foundect in 1901 by the German and Scandinavian labour leaders, this exclusively trade union International (the forerunner of the post-war International Federation of Trade Unions) included representatives of most of the major labour movements of Europe and the USA. Under German leadership it occupied itself with exclusively trade union issues, a limitation which was contested by revolutionary labour federatio

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Martynov, Andrii. "Presidency of Germany in the European Union as factor of development of European integration process (the second half 2020)." European Historical Studies, no. 18 (2021): 25–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.03.

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The article is devoted to Germany’s presidency in the European Union in the second half of 2020. This was a critical period in the modern history of the process of European integration. Conflicting tendencies emerged during the negotiations on the terms of the Brexit. The budget policy of the European Union required approval. The key tasks of the German presidency were the internal problems of the European Union. But it was not possible to focus exclusively on immanent issues. The pandemic has exacerbated international problems. German diplomacy joined in the settlement of the Greek-Turkish co

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CRAMM, Severin. "The Saar Question as a European Problem From the Trade Union’s Perspective." Journal of European Integration History 26, no. 1 (2020): 21–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2020-1-21.

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The Saar region did not immediately become part of the Federal Republic of Germany in 1949, but was gradually given the status of a semi-protectorate of France from 1947 onwards. The region's high-quality coal and the iron and steel industries were supposed both to help the reconstruction of France and to weaken German industry by being withdrawn of its control. The region was economically and politically closely tied to France; freedom of opinion and of the press for those who advocated annexation to the FRG were restricted. This happened at the same time when Franco- German reconciliation an

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Schmidt, Werner, Andrea Müller, Irene Ramos-Vielba, Annette Thörnquist, and Christer Thörnqvist. "Austerity and public sector trade union power: Before and after the crisis." European Journal of Industrial Relations 25, no. 2 (2018): 129–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680118771120.

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We use a power resources approach to examine the effects of the 2008–2009 financial and economic crisis on public sector trade union power in Germany, Spain, Sweden and the UK, comparing structural, organizational, institutional, societal and political power resources before and after the crisis. Unions’ power resources have (at least temporarily) weakened in Spain, with a similar but less pronounced trend in the UK; whereas in Sweden and Germany, one can detect ambiguous but slightly positive signals, which reflect neither the crisis nor opposition to austerity. As well as structural, organiz

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LONESOV, V. I., and S. N. FOLOMEEV. "F. LASSALLE AND I. B. SCHWEITZER: EVOLUTION OF PERSPECTIVESABOUT THE ROLE OF TRADE UNIONS IN THE RECONSTRUCTION OF SOCIETY." Bulletin of Chelyabinsk State University 489, no. 7 (2024): 74–83. https://doi.org/10.47475/1994-2796-2024-489-7-74-83.

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In the article, based on an analysis of the works of F. Lassalle and I. B. Schweitzer, works of the classics of Marxism and their closest associates, works of direct participants in the German workers’ professional movement of the second half of the 19th century, articles of German and Russian researchers of the 19th-21st centuries. the labor movement in Germany, the works and speeches of Soviet party functionaries of the 20s of the twentieth century, the evolution of the views of F. Lassalle and I. B. Schweitzer on the role of trade unions in the reconstruction of society in Germany. The reas

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Dörre, Klaus, Birgit Beese, and Bernd Röttger. "The “New Economy”." Concepts and Transformation 7, no. 1 (2002): 57–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/cat.7.1.05dor.

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The article discusses industrial political activities conducted in regional networks by German trade unions. Referring to the example of Dortmund it is shown that the industrial political strategies of local trade union sections are currently at a watershed. On the one hand, trade unions prove capable of socially compensating for the consequences of a radical structural change. On the other hand, however, they have great difficulties in gaining a foothold in the newly emerging economic sectors. ‘Action research’ will help the trade unions to develop adequate strategies for the new economic sec

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Wiß, Tobias. "Divergent occupational pensions in Bismarckian countries: the case of Germany and Austria." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 24, no. 1 (2018): 91–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258917748258.

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Pension reforms and the changing public/private pension mix of the last decades are well documented. However, a more detailed look at the design of occupational pensions reveals remarkable differences even in countries that are usually treated as similar in the literature. Germany and Austria share many similarities and are having to cope with similar reform pressure. However, the design of occupational pensions varies substantially. Why? In Germany, trade unions are regularly involved in occupational pension schemes and benefits are calculated on the basis of defined contributions (DC), but w

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Goerke, Laszlo, and Markus Pannenberg. "Norm-Based Trade Union Membership: Evidence for Germany." German Economic Review 5, no. 4 (2004): 481–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1465-6485.2004.00118.x.

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Abstract In the absence of closed shops and discriminatory wage policies, union membership can be explained by the existence of social norms.We describe a model, incorporating institutional features of the German labour market, which explicitly allows for social custom effects in the determination of union membership. Using panel data for Germany, we find evidence for according effects which restrict freeriding. The impact of social norms tends to increase with net union density. Hence, observed reductions in the demand for union membership can weaken the impact of a norm and accentuate the fr

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Kaina, Viktoria. "Declining Trust in Elites and Why We Should Worry About It – With Empirical Evidence from Germany." Government and Opposition 43, no. 3 (2008): 405–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2008.00260.x.

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‘WITHOUT TRUST WE WILL NOT SOLVE OUR PROBLEMS,’ WARNED Johannes Rau, the former German Federal president in his last ‘Berlin speech’ in May 2004. As one reason for an alarming loss of trust in Germany, creating a serious obstacle to necessary changes, he identified an irresponsible, egoistic and greedy behaviour among parts of German elites. Actually, Johannes Rau did not blame only political elites but also elite members in other sectors such as business, trade unions or mass media. His statement implies that parts of German elites are causing a decline in trust in Germany by losing touch wit

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Crew, David F. "Alltagsgeschichte: A New Social History “From Below”?" Central European History 22, no. 3-4 (1989): 394–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900020550.

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There is an insatiable demand in the Federal Republic for accounts of the past that allow contemporary Germans to identify with the forgotten joys and sorrows of ordinary people. Just about anything “thrown onto the (book)market” may include the word Alltag in its title. Trade union and SPD adult education programs, Volkshochschulen and youth associations teach “lay historians” how to retrieve the traces of their “lost past.” “History workshops” (Geschichtswerkstätten), inspired by the leftist-populism of the Greens and often dedicated to a politically subversive reconstruction of forgotten lo

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Trappmann, Vera, Dennis Eversberg, and Felix Schulz. "Conjunctures of eco-social partnership unionism: The German Trade Union Confederation’s climate policies over three decades." Industrielle Beziehungen 31, no. 1 (2024): 35–62. https://doi.org/10.5771/0943-2779-2024-1-35.

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The article analyses the climate policy of the German Trade Union Federation over the last 30 years. It defines a new form of eco social partnership unionism where unions use existing institutions to adapt to the challenges of climate change without embarking on more transformative avenues questioning the status quo. We show that unions climate policy has been subject to little change over the past three decades: German trade unions have fairly consistently been promoting a vision of what we call state-driven ecological modernisation, an affirmation of the given socio-economic order of German

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Janes, Jack. "The Ampel Coalition's Foreign Policy Challenges." German Politics and Society 40, no. 4 (2022): 104–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2022.400405.

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Abstract German-American relations have been impacted by the war in Ukraine for reasons that have to do with domestic and foreign policy challenges. Germany is struggling with its responsibilities to increased expectations in Washington and within the European Union. The responses in Berlin to the Russian invasion of Ukraine have resulted in tensions within Europe as Germany tries to shape its policies around what Chancellor Olaf Scholz has called the Zeitenwende (turning point) of German foreign policy. The u.s. has also signaled its expectations that Germany needs to be a partner in sharing

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Veselov, Yuriy Aleksandrovich. "Analysis of evolution of the attitude of the Federal Republic of Germany towards the Russian Federation within the framework of the establishment of German national identity after the German reunification." Международные отношения, no. 1 (January 2022): 16–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2022.1.33611.

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This article examines the relevant topic of Germany-Russia relations. The goal is set to analyze the German perception of these relations through the prism of specific German national identity. The key task lies in studying the German identity and its reflection in foreign policy of the Federal Republic of Germany with regards to the Russian Federation. The author believes that German identity is a crucial factor in the formation of foreign policy course alongside the establishment of advantageous business ties. The article covers the main characteristics and problems of German national identi

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Van Loon, Aukje. "The Selective Politicization of Transatlantic Trade Negotiations." Politics and Governance 8, no. 1 (2020): 325–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i1.2608.

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European Union (EU) trade policy is in the spotlight. The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) negotiations triggered substantial public mobilization which emerged in a surge of literature on trade politicization. Notwithstanding politicization’s topicality and significance, it varies considerably over time, across trade agreements negotiations as well as across EU member states. By picking up on the latter, this article examines why, despite similar economic benefits potentially to be gained from trade liberalization, TTIP negotiations revealed striking differences in politic

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Doğan, Ali Ekber. "Diaspora Erdoganism Among Turkish Post-Migrant Workers in Germany: A Case Study of Two Regional Events in the Metal Sector in 2018." Transnational Business and Management 1, no. 1 (2023): 35–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/tbm.v1i1.3103.

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During the 2018 work council (Betriebsrat) elections, the possible impact of the rise of the extreme right on trade union movement attracted a great deal of attention in the media and in academic circles in Germany. Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) were not able to break through the long-lasting dominance of social democrats in work councils and unions. Reflecting on that I have focused on the growing hegemony of Erdoğan and his party among diaspora workers with reference to workplaces and union movements. I have chosen two significant case studies in 2018, each with its own dimensions and ra

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