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Journal articles on the topic 'Inclusive nationalism'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 6 February 2022

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1

Manetovic, Edislav. "Ilija Garasanin: Nacertanije and Nationalism." Historical Review/La Revue Historique 3 (January 20, 2007): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hr.201.

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<p>This paper analyses the national thought and policies of Ilija Garasanin. Garasanin was the first to write a Serbian national programme, <em>Nacertanije</em>, that envisioned an independent Serbian state. His ideas and policies remain highly controversial. While some scholars argue that Garasanin was an inclusive Yugoslavist, others maintain that he was an exclusive Serbian nationalist seeking a Greater Serbia. Both arguments assume that the South Slav nations are pre-modern social phenomena. In contrast, this paper suggests that a modernist perspective of nations and nati

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Schädel, Andreas. "Here to Stay!" Sicherheit & Frieden 37, no. 3 (2019): 105–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0175-274x-2019-3-105.

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Ever since its first appearance on the world stage, nationalism has had violent consequences. There is reason to worry that its current resurgence is no exception and will eventually also result in violent conflicts within and possibly even across European borders. To understand why this might be the case, and to identify ways that could contain renewed nationalist violence, this article looks beyond the populist nationalism of the past years and provides a nuanced picture of the nationalist principle and its macro-historical significance. Looking at evidence from research and remembering empi

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Goalwin, Gregory J. "Understanding the exclusionary politics of early Turkish nationalism: an ethnic boundary-making approach." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 6 (2017): 1150–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1315394.

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Turkish nationalism has long presented a study in contrasts. The nationalist movement that created the Republic of Turkey sought to define the nation in explicitly civic and inclusive terms, promoting a variety of integrationist reforms. Those same nationalist politicians, however, endorsed other policies that were far more exclusionary, expelling many religious and ethnic minorities from the new nation and imposing harsh restrictions on those who remained. The seemingly contradictory nature of Turkish nationalist policies has been mirrored by much of the scholarship on Turkish nationalism, wh

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Kymlicka, Will. "Modernity and Minority Nationalism: Commentary on Thomas Franck." Ethics & International Affairs 11 (March 1997): 171–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1997.tb00026.x.

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Focusing on the nature of modern nationalism, Kymlicka asserts that Franck overstates the dichotomy of so-called romantic tribal nationalism and traditional nationalism as seen in the United States and France, which Franck claims is liberal, inclusive, and based on political principles rather than blood lines. Using examples from France, the United States, and Quebec, Kymlicka shows that language and common identity as well as liberal principles of freedom and democracy compose modern liberal nationalism. More sympathetic to minority nationalism than Franck, Kymlicka argues that minority movem

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Lobera, Josep. "Migrants and 'Patria'. The imagined community of the radical left in Spain." Teknokultura. Revista de Cultura Digital y Movimientos Sociales 17, no. 1 (2020): 59–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/tekn.66912.

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The emergence of inclusive populist parties disputes the social construction of the ‘people’ to the exclusive populism, recently generating new academic debates. Do the new radical left parties have a nationalist character? Are populism and nationalism two inseparable dimensions? Drawing on an original dataset in Spain, this article shows that Podemos’ supporters are significantly less nationalist, expressing more open attitudes towards cultural diversity and immigration, and lower levels of Spanishness than voters from other parties. Arguably, Podemos operates as an antagonistic political opt

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Schenk, Caress. "Nationalism in the Russian media: content analysis of newspaper coverage surrounding conflict in Stavropol, 24 May–7 June 2007." Nationalities Papers 40, no. 5 (2012): 783–805. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.705271.

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This paper considers the role of Russian print media and government in forming and publicizing nationalist sentiment through a content analysis of newspaper coverage of ethnic conflict in Stavropol in 2007. It shows that though the government officially pursues an inclusive multicultural approach (which I call associative nationalism), newspapers owned by Kremlin-loyal business holdings printed quite nationalist and sensationalist versions of the events in question. I argue that this is a passive promotion of a dissociative type of nationalism on the part of the Kremlin, which works against it

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Iveson, Mandie. "Gendered dimensions of Catalan nationalism and identity construction on Twitter." Discourse & Communication 11, no. 1 (2017): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750481316683293.

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Support for independence in Catalonia has been rapidly increasing since 2010. Civil organisations have been instrumental in the secessionist movement and have used social media to mobilise the Catalan public and raise national consciousness. Drawing on theories of national identity, gender and nation, and the discursive construction of national identity, this article examines constructions of national identity and the gendered dimensions of these constructions in a Twitter corpus collected in the week up to the public consultation on independence held in Catalonia in November 2014. Analysis of

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Sybblis, Martin, and Miguel Centeno. "Sub-Nationalism." American Behavioral Scientist 61, no. 8 (2017): 799–807. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764217723948.

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The global move toward decentralization and the seeming retreat of social groups to their distinct corners imply that subunits (both states and local governments), sectors, and regions may have more explanatory value in our current world than previously. In this special issue, we embrace both large and small “N” sub-national analysis—as a means of understanding the uneven nature of specific transformations within and across countries. While sub-national analyses have often been used to understand economic and political conditions, we take a broader and more inclusive approach—which embraces al

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Tinsley, Meghan. "Decolonizing the civic/ethnic binary." Current Sociology 67, no. 3 (2018): 347–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392117750212.

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The founding works of nationalism theory identify two overarching categories of nationalism: civic and ethnic. While the former is lauded as liberal, inclusive, and rational, the latter is derided as regressive, restrictive, and exclusionary. More recent work on nationalism has problematized these characterizations, but has largely retained the civic/ethnic binary. This article critiques the civic/ethnic binary from the perspective of postcolonial theory. Drawing on de Sousa Santos’s abyssal line and Fanon’s zones of being and non-being, the article argues that the relationship between metropo

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Abreu, Savio. "The challenge of stringent, radical nationalism to inclusive development." Filosofia Theoretica: Journal of African Philosophy, Culture and Religions 8, no. 1 (2019): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ft.v8i1.9.

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Babo, Alfred. "THE CRISIS OF PUBLIC POLICIES IN CÔTE D'IVOIRE: LAND LAW AND THE NATIONALITY TRAP IN TABOU'S RURAL COMMUNITIES." Africa 83, no. 1 (2013): 100–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972012000733.

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ABSTRACTThis article explores the ways in which the Ivoirian Land Code of 1998 has played into political debates around national citizenship that have divided Ivoirian society since the 1990s. The attempts to reinterpret public policies on land and immigration have played a crucial role in exacerbating the political crisis of nationalism. When land was linked to nationality and indigeneity, the land question became significant in determining the boundaries of nationality, since to gain security in property rights Ivoirian nationality had to be proved. The article traces how land policy has bee

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Adam, Heribert. "Exclusive Nationalism versus inclusive patriotism: State Ideologies for divided Societies." Innovation: The European Journal of Social Science Research 3, no. 4 (1990): 569–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13511610.1990.9968234.

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Moskal, Marta. "Spaces of Not Belonging: Inclusive Nationalism and Education in Scotland." Scottish Geographical Journal 132, no. 1 (2015): 85–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14702541.2015.1084028.

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Lockwood, Peter. "‘Before there is power, there is the country’: civic nationalism and political mobilisation amongst Kenya's opposition coalitions, 2013–2018." Journal of Modern African Studies 57, no. 4 (2019): 541–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x19000491.

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AbstractThis paper provides an ethnographic perspective on the street-level deliberations of Kenya's opposition supporters between the 2013 and 2017 elections, arguing that rather than appeals to ethnicity what defines its discourse are broader, inclusive notions of political membership. A civic nationalism is enunciated by opposition supporters that congeals support between multiple ethnic groups through its emphasis on universal values – democracy, due process, equality, adherence to the constitution. However, when such civic ideas are used in political campaigning and mobilising rhetoric, d

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Santoro, Stefano. "Da nazionalismo non dominante a nazionalismo dominante: il caso transilvano." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 84 (October 2011): 37–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2011-084004.

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The Rumanian nationalism of Transylvania, which developed during the 19th century to defend the rights of the Rumanian population from the Magyarization policies implemented by Budapest's government, suddenly found itself in a completely different situation at the end of World War I: from non-dominant it had become dominant. As in other areas of postwar Eastern Europe during the 1920s and 1930s,, this transition involved a reversal of the paradigms of reference of the Rumanian nationalists that changed from inclusive and democratic values into an exclusive and fundamentally totalitarian ideolo

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Chiantera-Stutte, Patricia. "Populist Use of Memory and Constitutionalism: Two Comments – I." German Law Journal 6, no. 2 (2005): 391–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200013699.

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The reasons for the recent rise of Eastern European populism constitute a puzzling issue in political and scientific discussions. As Paul Blokker shows, Eastern European populism can neither be seen as a mere reaction to communism, nor as the “natural” consequence of the transition from a socialist economy to a liberal market model of production. Nor is populism just another form of ethnic nationalism, developed in Eastern Europe and juxtaposed to civic nationalism. The strong dichotomy between an ethnocultural and exclusive nationalism and a civic and inclusive nationalism does not exist in t

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Rabeya, Sumaiya, and Mohammad Hossain. "Critique of ethnic nationalism in the teachings of Said Nursi: A study of nationalism and the question of Islam in Bangladeshi identity." IIUC Studies 14, no. 2 (2017): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/iiucs.v14i2.39881.

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Bediuzzaman Said Nursi, a strong proponent of Muslim unity, was always against what he called negative nationalism in Muslim societies. While he believed that nationalism could play a positive role in arousing compassion of Muslims, he also warned of its potential drawbacks and adverse consequences as a tool for domination and causing harm. Ethnic nationalism is primarily seen in highly homogenous societies throughout the world today. Bangladeshi nationalism, as developed by its proponents, has however, failed to be inclusive, and instead works within a framework which tends towards exclusion.

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Dasthakur, Saurav. "“World-History,” “Itihāsa,” and Memory: Rabindranath Tagore's Musical Program in the Age of Nationalism." Journal of Asian Studies 75, no. 2 (2016): 411–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911815002089.

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This essay attempts an exploration of the historical and historiographical implications of the interplay of individual, local, “national,” and global forms of memory in the music of Rabindranath Tagore. Produced at a time of crises in the Indian postcolonial subjectivity, this music offers a critique of the Eurocentric discourses of “World-history” and nationalism, by invoking alternative Indian discourses of “Itihāsa” and “samāj”. At the same time, Tagore departs from the contemporary Hindu cultural nationalist revivalist approach of the tradition of North Indian (Hindustani) classical music

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Patnaik, Prabhat. "The ideology of India’s corporate-financial oligarchy—A note." Studies in People's History 6, no. 2 (2019): 193–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2348448919875288.

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Nationalism in India arose out of resistance to colonialism and thus had a different character than the bourgeois nationalism of European countries after the treaty of Westphalia. The inclusive nature of Indian nationalism has been eroded, however, as a big corporate sector has grown in the economy and the Hindutva ideology has grown alongside it. What has now happened is an alliance between the two forces, the ‘neo-liberal’ regime in the economy having its counterpart in a ruling semi-fascist ideology. The latter presents the Hindus as a homogenous whole, whose dominance, it aims at establish

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Soehl, Thomas, and Sakeef M. Karim. "How Legacies of Geopolitical Trauma Shape Popular Nationalism Today." American Sociological Review 86, no. 3 (2021): 406–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00031224211011981.

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Geopolitical competition and conflict play a central role in canonical accounts of the emergence of nation-states and national identities. Yet work in this tradition has paid little attention to variation in everyday, popular understandings of nationhood. We propose a macro-historical argument to explain cross-national variation in the types of popular nationalism expressed at the individual level. Our analysis builds on recent advances on the measurement of popular nationalism and a recently introduced geopolitical threat scale (Hiers, Soehl, and Wimmer 2017). With the use of latent class ana

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Dixit, G. N. Madhuranatha. "National University as a Developer of Social Capital for the Nation." Tattva - Journal of Philosophy 10, no. 2 (2018): 37–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.12726/tjp.20.4.

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There is a long history to the debate of nationalism. The Indian nationalism has emerged after a long people’s movement the truth to which is often denied by a range of forces who have ideological leanings towards the ideology of Hindutwa. This paper is an attempt to revisit the historical context in which Indian nationalism has emerged and evaluate it in reference to the contemporary time. It emphasizes on the relation between the nation and the state with special reference to its impact on the universities. Further, the paper suggests that in order to uphold the idea of university and nation

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Chakraborty, Satarupa. "Nation-State-University: Which Flag must a University Unfurl?" Tattva - Journal of Philosophy 10, no. 2 (2018): 49–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.12726/tjp.20.5.

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There is a long history to the debate of nationalism. The Indian nationalism has emerged after a long people’s movement the truth to which is often denied by a range of forces who have ideological leanings towards the ideology of Hindutwa. This paper is an attempt to revisit the historical context in which Indian nationalism has emerged and evaluate it in reference to the contemporary time. It emphasizes on the relation between the nation and the state with special reference to its impact on the universities. Further, the paper suggests that in order to uphold the idea of university and nation

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Dubey, Muchkund. "The Nationalism Debate: Past and Present." Indian Journal of Public Administration 63, no. 1 (2017): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556117689853.

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The nation states have emerged and been shaped through an evolutionary process. The major factors triggering their emergence have been rise of capitalism, breakdown of empires, independence of colonial territories and, in recent years, the disintegration of large federal states. The character and the authority of nation states have been shaped initially by the interstate system of the Treaty of Westphalia and largely by the French Revolution and the United Nations (UN) Charter, rise of regionalism and globalisation. Nationalism continues to thrive and remain dominant all over the world mainly

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Tamang, Sangay, and Ngamjahao Kipgen. "Rethinking Hill-Valley Binary: Methodological Nationalism and the Trends of Writing Sociology in India." Sociological Bulletin 68, no. 3 (2019): 325–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038022919876413.

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This article attempts to engage with the trends of writing sociology in India by locating the argument within the discourse of coproduction of space, identity and belonging. It aims to interrogate colonial as well as post-colonial construal of hill-valley binaries in the context of the dictum of methodological nationalism in India. It is categorically imperative on our part to posit ‘the historicising the Himalayas’ in terms of colonial dispensation and coevolution of economy, culture, space, identity, belonging, nationalism, historiography and polity. Moving beyond established methodological,

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PAMUNGKAS, BAYU. "Penanaman Nilai Karakter dan Moral Mahasiswa Melalui Mata Kuliah Anak Berkebutuhan Khusus dan Pendidikan Inklusi." Jurnal Moral Kemasyarakatan 3, no. 1 (2018): 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.21067/jmk.v3i1.2374.

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This study aims to determine the planting of character and moral values of students through the subjects of Children with Special Needs and Inclusion Education students of the PGSD FKIP UPY study program. The research design uses a qualitative approach and the method used is a case study. Participants in this study were seventh semester students in the subjects of Children with Special Needs and Inclusive Education of PGSD FKIP UPY study program. Data collection techniques using observation, interviews, documentation. Test the validity of the data by extension of observation and triangulation.

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Garrison, Jim, and Stefan Neubert. "Chapter 4: Constructivist and Inclusive Education: Exclusion and the Present Crisis of Democracy." International Research in Higher Education 3, no. 1 (2018): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/irhe.v3n1p56.

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This chapter combines perspectives of Deweyan philosophy and education with Zygmunt Bauman’s sociological approach. It addresses the present deep crisis of democracy represented by renascent nationalism and right-wing populism in many places around the globe. Among other things, we explore Bauman’s account of liquid modernity with a special eye on his critical views on the ambivalence of communities in contemporary life. First, we argue that inclusive education in a Deweyan sense must be base on civil and hospitable communities. Second, we use Bauman to explain some important characteristics o

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SIMONSEN, KRISTINA BAKKÆR, and BART BONIKOWSKI. "Is civic nationalism necessarily inclusive? Conceptions of nationhood and anti‐Muslim attitudes in Europe." European Journal of Political Research 59, no. 1 (2019): 114–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.12337.

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Gerber, Haim. "“Palestine” and Other Territorial Concepts in the 17th Century." International Journal of Middle East Studies 30, no. 4 (1998): 563–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800052569.

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It is a well-known anachronism of historians to treat areas within the Ottoman Empire (Egypt, Syria) as if they had a meaningful existence of their own in the prenationalist period. There is no question that before the appearance of nationalism in the later part of the 19th century the major political community was Islam, whose actual political manifestation was the Ottoman state. It is assumed that as a consequence, no other form of collective identity could exist at the time. The received wisdom on this issue may be expressed by one study of Arab nationalism which claimed:“None of the [Arab]

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Mulholland, Marc. "The ‘best and most forward-looking’ in Ulster unionism: the Unionist Society (est. 1942)." Irish Historical Studies 33, no. 129 (2002): 91–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400015522.

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During the premiership of Captain Terence O’Neill, from 1963 to 1969, an inclusive, liberal unionism for the first time guided the policies of the Northern Ireland state. Liberal roots in the Unionist Party, however, were never deep, and liberal unionism was effectively destroyed by the onset of the ‘Troubles’. It was an ambiguous creed, more pro-British than anxious to conciliate Irish nationalism. Liberal unionism’s aversion to overt and offensive anti-Catholicism struck a chord with perhaps the majority of the Protestant population. However, it did not encourage a proactive stance; rather a

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Haas, Allison. "Two 1916s: Sebastian Barry’s A Long Long Way." Humanities 8, no. 1 (2019): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h8010060.

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As Paul Fussell has shown, the First World War was a watershed moment for 20th century British history and culture. While the role of the 36th (Ulster) Division in the Battle of the Somme has become a part of unionist iconography in what is now Northern Ireland, the experience of southern or nationalist Irish soldiers in the war remains underrepresented. Sebastian Barry’s 2005 novel, A Long Long Way is one attempt to correct this historical imbalance. This article will examine how Barry represents the relationship between the First World War and the 1916 Easter Rising through the eyes of his p

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Solano Rivera, Silvia. "Nacionalismo conflictivo: exclusión-asimilación en Trocitos de carbón, de Carlos Gagini (Troubled Nationalism: Exclusion-Assimilation in Trocitos de carbón, by Carlos Gagini)." LETRAS 2, no. 60 (2017): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.15359/rl.2-60.4.

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Se analiza Trocitos de carbón (1923), de Carlos Gagini, una de las primeras muestras de un nacionalismo inclusivo que tiene en cuenta las provincias periféricas de Guanacaste, Puntarenas y Limón. Al mismo tiempo, el texto materializa los remanentes de un racismo excluidor y excluyente de los elementos hasta ese momento considerados extranjeros o inmigrantes como son los negros limonenses, los cuales son aceptados únicamente si se asimilan al centro cultural hegemónico vallecentrista.Trocitos de carbón (1923), by Carlos Gagini, is analyzed as one of the first cases of an inclusive nationalism t

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Berelowitz, Jo-Anne. "The Spaces of Home in Chicano and Latino Representations of the San Diego–Tijuana Borderlands (1968–2002)." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 23, no. 3 (2005): 323–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d0503.

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In this paper I examine the ways that artists in the San Diego–Tijuana borderlands have represented the spaces of home from the late 1960s to the present. The historical trajectory is from the agonistic nationalism of the Chicano Movement, which sought to reestablish the homeland of Aztlán, to the Border Art Workshop's more inclusive multiculturalist engagement with ‘the borderlands’, to the flexible combinatorial binationalism that marks the current postborder condition. Works of art characteristic of each phase are discussed.

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Shrestha, Bihari Krishna. "Nationalism and national unity in multi-ethnic Nepal: Adopting integrative approach for managing national affairs." Unity Journal 1 (February 1, 2020): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/unityj.v1i0.35689.

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The birth of the concept of nationalism and national unity happened in Nepal, more or less at the same time as in Europe, by the second half of the Eighteenth century. Nationalism is seen as an ideology that demands loyalty and devotion to the notion of authority from individuals or groups. While Nepal has come a long way in the process of growth of nationalism and national unity, they have been nurtured by significant nation building measures at important junctures in Nepal's history. But recent events have shown that they remain vulnerable to external adversaries and influences and intervent

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GOULD, WILLIAM. "The U. P. Congress and ‘Hindu Unity’: Untouchables and the Minority Question in the 1930s." Modern Asian Studies 39, no. 4 (2005): 845–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x05002003.

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In a letter to Sir Samuel Hoare in September 1932, on the eve of his ‘fast unto the death’ against the principle of separate electorates for untouchables, Gandhi wrote:For me religion is one in essence, but it has many branches and if I, the Hindu branch, fail in my duty to the parent trunk, I am an unworthy follower of that one indivisible, visible religion…. My nationalism and my religion are not exclusive, but inclusive and they must be so consistently with the welfare of all life.

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Morgan, Clare. "VANISHING HORIZONS: VIRGINIA WOOLF AND THE NEO-ROMANTIC LANDSCAPE IN BETWEEN THE ACTS AND 'ANON'." Worldviews: Global Religions, Culture, and Ecology 5, no. 1 (2001): 35–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853501750191571.

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AbstractMuch current scholarship has concentrated on Virginia Woolf as political writer. Such scholarship argues, on the one hand, that Woolf has little truck with nationalism, and, on the other, that she endorses the value of an inclusive community. This essay explores, through a concentration on her treatment of landscape, how Woolf's vision of art and of England comes to be grounded in the inter-war zeitgeist of Neo Romanticism, a grounding that significantly alters our perception of the role both nation and community play in her work.

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Kamiński, Antoni Z. "Etos dworu i „ludzi dobrze wychowanych”: epitafium dla inteligencji." Kultura i Społeczeństwo 62, no. 1 (2018): 47–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2018.62.1.1.

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The article is devoted to a critical analysis of current controversies concerning the Polish national identity, and the interpretation of the impact of nobles’ democracy on the demise of the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth. It considers the role of national identity as a factor influencing civic culture and, therefore, determining its usefulness in assuring the proper functioning of the constitutional order. The analysis assumes that (1) the current global order is the product of the emergence of nation-states; (2) that a nation-state cannot exist without civil society grounded in the concept o

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Mangrum, Benjamin. "Bringing “Fullness” to Naomi: Centripetal Nationalism in The Book of Ruth." Horizons in Biblical Theology 33, no. 1 (2011): 62–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187122011x546804.

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AbstractMany interpretations of the Book of Ruth read the relationship between the Judean woman and her Moabitess daughter-in-law as the expression of an inclusive school of thought within Israel’s attempts to define itself. The foreigner, in this view, becomes accepted into the covenant people of God, demonstrating Israel’s multi-ethnic horizons and Yahweh’s universal concern. Yet this essay uncovers the presence of an ideological subtext undergirding the narrative: the nations, represented in the character of Ruth, are the means for Judah’s exaltation—an ideological position that I expose th

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Khalikova, Venera R. "Medicine and the Cultural Politics of National Belongings in Contemporary India." Asian Medicine 13, no. 1-2 (2018): 198–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15734218-12341413.

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AbstractThe Government of India claims to promote plural medical traditions, currently institutionalized under the acronym AYUSH (Ayurveda, Yoga and Naturopathy, Unani, Siddha, and Homeopathy). Yet, one medical system—Ayurveda—receives most social and ideological support: Ayurveda is routinely constructed as the only truly Indian, homegrown, and national medicine, while the national belonging of other AYUSH traditions is challenged. This essay explores discourses surrounding the promotion of AYUSH and the privileged position of Ayurveda, situating them within two competing nationalist ideologi

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Simanjuntak, Risa R. "Bahasa Indonesia: Policy, Implementation, and Planning." Lingua Cultura 3, no. 1 (2009): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/lc.v3i1.327.

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Language policy or language planning is still in the surge for familiarity and importance. However, this paper argues that in the case of Bahasa Indonesia current implementations should be evaluated based on its relevance and future plan. The historical perspectives will reveal the roots of the current policy and therefore make foundations for further discussions. From the study of literature, this paper is arguing that new paradigm for nationalism, roles in the global competition, as well as regional languages as competitive advantage could be well adopted to nurture a more inclusive and prog

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Moghadam, Valentine M. "Gendering the New Right-wing Populisms: A Research Note." Journal of World-Systems Research 24, no. 2 (2018): 293–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2018.853.

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Populism has become the subject of a large and growing literature but little is written about non-Western movements, and feminist scholars have yet to grapple with its gender dynamics, including its appeal to many women voters, and its gendered social consequences. In this research note, I briefly survey the literature and show how right-wing populist nationalism – a reaction to the ills of neoliberal capitalist globalization – is also found in Islamist movements. I call for an inclusive, progressive agenda that can appeal to and mobilize those who have been left behind.

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Waldeck, Mila. "Typography and nationalism: The past and modernism under Nazi rule." Journal of Visual Political Communication 6, no. 1 (2020): 37–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jvpc_00003_1.

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In 1941, the Nazi regime revoked the long-established convention of typesetting German texts in Fraktur styles.1 This study examines the significance of the messages conveyed by letterforms in Nazi propaganda and the extent to which the regime put into practice its professed typographic policies. Taking into account different audiences and channels, it focuses on books by the Ahnenerbe institute controlled by Heinrich Himmler, the women’s magazine NS-Frauen-Warte and the newspaper Völkischer Beobachter. Fraktur styles seem to have functioned as the main letterforms of the blood and soil ideolo

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Wardatun, Atun, and Abdul Wahid. "The Construction of Women’s Image and the Narrative of Nationalism among Face veiled-University Students in West Nusa Tenggara." Sawwa: Jurnal Studi Gender 15, no. 1 (2020): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/sa.v15i1.4466.

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<span>This article discusses the image of women and nationalism in the view of 15 female students of the Islamic Religious University (PTKI) in West Nusa Tenggara behind their face-veils (<em>cadar</em>). Methodologically, this study encourages the interpretation of facts from the perspective of the agents by involving the voices of women as subjects who are able to describe their choices and explain their actions responsibly. The choice of female university students as subjects for veil-related research is short among the general trends of research on veils targeting women f

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Zuern, Elke, and James M. Jasper. "Heroes and Victims in Divided Nationalism: The Case of Namibia." Journal of Nationalism, Memory & Language Politics 14, no. 1 (2020): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jnmlp-2020-0006.

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AbstractHeroes play a role in every nation's founding narrative, embodying a group's strength and courage, its dedication to protecting all within its fold, and its most important traditions and promises. Yet hero images and tropes have not received the attention they deserve in the social science literature on nations and nationalism. Recent theories of character work – the rhetorical construction of heroes, villains, victims, and minions – reveal the challenges of building an inclusive nationalism in post-colonial states. We engage the debates over some of Namibia's most prominent and contes

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Ruiz-Vieytez, Eduardo J. "Regional Citizenship and the Evolution of Basque Immigration and Integration Policies." European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 13, no. 1 (2016): 79–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117_01301005.

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Immigration policies are of great significance for minority nations, like the Basque Country. Basque nationalism is inclusive and civic; through regional institutions, it has created an informal citizenship with a strong social foundation. This regional citizenship, despite some limitations on regional powers, embraces immigrants by offering social rights to all in order to promote integration in a Basque nation in which identities are not clearly defined. From a technical and legal perspective, there is no specific or separate regional citizenship that could be created by regional institution

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Yri, Kirsten. "Corvus Corax: medieval rock, the minstrel, and cosmopolitanism as anti-nationalism." Popular Music 38, no. 03 (2019): 361–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143019000229.

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AbstractThis article explores the German band Corvus Corax and their reinterpretion of the Middle Ages as a creative answer to Germany's problematic history of nationalism. Invoking the community ideals and ideological values of the 1960s and 1970s, which, in the context of the GDR took on even more significance, Corvus Corax borrowed ‘authentic’ medieval texts and melodies, rendering them in acoustic arrangements inspired by medieval performance practices. In short, German ‘folk’ bands invented ‘medieval’ rock to sidestep Nazi connotations with the word ‘folk’. Besides invoking the semantic s

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Janca-Aji, Joyce. "Whose Dharma Is It Anyway? Identity and Belonging in American Buddhist (Post)Modernities." Genealogy 4, no. 1 (2019): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy4010004.

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This study engages some aspects of the conversations, implicit and explicit, between American(ized) Buddhism in non-heritage/convert communities and religious nationalism in the U.S. Specifically, how does a Buddhist understanding of emptiness and interdependence call into question some of the fundamental assumptions behind conflations of divine and political order, as expressed through ideologies of “God and Country”, or ideas about American providence or exceptionalism? What does belonging to a nation or transnational community mean when all individual and collective formations of identity a

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Burzova, Petra. "Towards a new past: Some reflections on nationalism in post-socialist Slovakia." Nationalities Papers 40, no. 6 (2012): 879–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.742986.

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By analysing two commemorative events organized shortly before and after the 2010 parliamentary elections in Slovakia, this article demonstrates how the Prime Minister Robert Fico and his collaborators exploited these ceremonies to promote a more inclusive definition of political community than their right-wing counterparts. Although commentators have interpreted the continuous political success of the political party Smer-SD in terms of negatively connotated nationalism and national populism, Fico's discursive framework allows him to address those who have been stigmatized by post-1989 neolib

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Szczerba, Wojciech. "The Concept of Imago Dei as a Symbol of Religious Inclusion and Human Dignity." Forum Philosophicum 25, no. 1 (2020): 13–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.35765/forphil.2020.2501.2.

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This article aims to examine how the concept of Imago Dei can serve as a symbol for the broadly understood idea of religious inclusion and human dignity. The article explores the concept of Imago Dei primarily from a protological perspective, analyzing its usage in biblical writings, theological tradition and modern philosophy. The substantial, relational and functional—which three usages of the concept can be found in the inclusive theology of Gregory of Nyssa—are analyzed in this article. Arguably, in the context of religious inclusion, the relational angle of Imago Dei seems to be the most

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Kiely, Richard, Frank Bechhofer, and David McCrone. "Birth, Blood and Belonging: Identity Claims in Post-Devolution Scotland." Sociological Review 53, no. 1 (2005): 150–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.2005.00507.x.

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Scotland is often seen as a good example of a civic/territorial rather than an ethnic/cultural form of nationalism. From the 1970s the campaign for a Scottish parliament stressed an inclusive, residence based, civic sense of being Scottish, and more recently, Scotland's political elites have seen the new parliament as an endorsement of territorial belonging. How valid are these assumptions? To what extent is political ideology at odds with people's sense of their national identity? Using a qualitative approach, we explore different identity claims currently being made in post-devolution Scotla

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Tupas, Ruanni. "(Un)framing Language Policy and Reform in Southeast Asia." RELC Journal 49, no. 2 (2018): 149–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0033688218772155.

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This article explores language policy in Southeast Asia, focussing on two recent state and other institutional reform efforts and directions: one towards English, and the other towards the mother tongues. However, what needs to be highlighted is the bifurcated nature of language policy reforms in the region. That is, these two policy directions are rarely conceptualized together. In terms of implementation, they are mobilized independently as if they are products of completely different phenomena. A set of broad assumptions upon which policies and policy reforms should be based must be articul

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