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1

Hunter, Robert C. "BROTHERS OR RIVALS? IRAN AND THE SHI'A OF IRAQ /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA457514.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): James R. Russell. "June 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 141-148). Also available in print.
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2

Treadwell, William Luke. "The political history of the Sāmānid state." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2bcb89ab-29b3-401b-84b9-e25c477476bb.

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The Sāmānids (204/819-395/1005) were the last Iranian dynasty to rule Eastern Iran before the advent of the Turkish Muslim states which dominated the_central Islamic lands during the medieval period. The Sāmānid state was the largest and most prosperous of the "Abbasid successor states and one of the most vigorous culturally. Yet like all successor states, the Samanids were beset by a high level of political instability which led finally to the dismemberment of the state between two Turkish dynasties, the Qarākhānid steppe rulers and the Ghaznavids, former vassals of the Sāmānids. This thesis explores the causes of this instability and attempts to account for the fall of the state, using the works of V.V. Barthold and R.N. Frye as points of reference. Barthold's hypothesis, which concludes that the Samanids and their bureaucrats were overwhelmed by an alliance of military and scholarly interests before the arrival of the Qarākhānids, is rejected. Instead the fatal weakness in the state structure is sought in the institution of patronage which controlled appointments to provincial governorships. Chapter one presents a survey of the sources with particular reference to the chronicle literature and the geographers, Iṣtakhrī, Ibn Hawqal and Muqaddasī; the unpublished works of the chronicler Ibn Ẓafir al-Azdī (d. 613/1216) and Muhammad ibn ˋAbd al-Jalll al-Samarqandī's 12th century biographical dictionary of Transoxanian scholars are also analysed. Chapter two comprises an overview of the physical and human geography of the 10th century mashriq. The following six chapters form a narrative of the political history of the dynasty from the obscure pre-monarchical period to 395/1005. Chapters five and six are devoted to the reign of Nasr ibn Aḥmad, a watershed in the Sāmānid period during which the earliest works of Persian literature were composed and many senior courtiers converted to Ismāˋīlīsm. Chapter nine examines the Sāmānids 1 sources of revenue, the state apparatus, the nature of Sāmānid politics and the ways in which rulers sought to legitimize their authority and Chapter ten summarizes my conclusions regarding Barthold's interpretation of the fall of the dynasty. The appendices include prosopographical studies of members of the state elite, notes on the Ismāˋīlī rebellion of 295/907, the history of the Khwārazmshāhs and an edition of Ibn Ẓāfir al-Azdī's chapter on Sāmānid history.
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3

Shahibzadeh, Yadullah. "From totalism to perspectivism : an intellectual history of Iranian Islamism from Shariati to the advent of Khatami /." [Oslo] : Faculty of Humanities, University of Oslo, 2008. http://opac.nebis.ch/cgi-bin/showAbstract.pl?sys=000285476.

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4

Clark, James Dee. "The history of the Iranian Province of Azerbaijan, 1848-1914 /." Digital version accessible at:, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.

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5

Baca-Winters, Keenan. "From Rome to Iran| Identity and Xusro II." Thesis, University of California, Irvine, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3717048.

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The Roman-Sasanian War of the seventh century CE was the last conflict of late antiquity. Šahanšah Xusrō II nearly conquered the Roman Empire. James Howard-Johnston has studied the war extensively. Walter Kaegi has produced a biography of Xusrō II's opponent, Heraclius, while Geoffrey Greatrex and Touraj Daryaee have written articles focusing on Xusrō II. Scholars, however, have not attempted a major study of him. This dissertation seeks not only to understand how different authors depicted Xusrō II but to understand the man's personality.

Roman authors who witnessed the war sought to highlight only the negative aspects of Xusrō II. He was, according to the Romans, an enemy of God. Fear of Xusrō II was the basis for these depictions. Pseudo-Sebēos, an Armenian historian, depicted Xusrō II as an arrogant, blasphemous ruler. Pseudo-Sebēos, however, did not write anything positive about the Romans, either, because both the Romans and Sasanians wanted to control Armenia.

Christians living under Xusrō II's rulership also seemed to despise him. They portray Xusrō II as wicked because, in an attempt to punish them, he did not let allow them to elect a ruler. A careful reading of these sources, however, suggests these authors were aware of how Xusrō II took care of Christians in his realm. Finally, Arab and Persian sources differ in their portrayals of Xusrō II because both groups, although both Muslim, were competing for legitimacy in the post-Islamic conquest of Iran, due to ethnic tensions. Arab authors emphasized Xusrō II's faults. Persian authors, on the other hand, presented his good qualities.

Ultimately, all of these different depictions of Xusrō II demonstrate that he possessed a fierce will and embraced a vision of how to rule. Xusrō II wanted to conquer the Romans and extend his domain and be remembered forever. Xusrō II's drive might have made him seem arrogant to the authors studied in this dissertation, and they depicted him accordingly. We should not, however, lose sight of the man he truly was: a man who dared to dream.

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6

Soltan, Zadeh Maryam. "History Education and the Construction of National Identity in Iran." FIU Digital Commons, 2012. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/601.

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This study examined the representation of national and religious dimensions of Iranian history and identity in Iranian middle school history textbooks. Furthermore, through a qualitative case study in a school in the capital city of Tehran, teachers’ use of textbooks in classrooms, students’ response, their perceptions of the country’s past, and their definitions of national identity is studied. The study follows a critical discourse analysis framework by focusing on the subjectivity of the text and examining how specific concepts, in this case collective identities, are constructed through historical narratives and how social actors, in this case students, interact with , and make sense of, the process. My definition of national identity is based on the ethnosymbolism paradigm (Smith, 2003) that accommodates both pre-modern cultural roots of a nation and the development and trajectory of modern political institutions. Two qualitative approaches of discourse analysis and case study were employed. The textbooks selected were those published by the Ministry of Education; universally used in all middle schools across the country in 2009. The case study was conducted in a girls’ school in Tehran. The students who participated in the study were ninth grade students who were in their first year of high school and had just finished a complete course of Iranian history in middle school. Observations were done in history classes in all three grades of the middle school. The study findings show that textbooks present a generally negative discourse of Iran’s long history as being dominated by foreign invasions and incompetent kings. At the same time, the role of Islam and Muslim clergy gradually elevates in salvaging the country from its despair throughout history, becomes prominent in modern times, and finally culminates in the Islamic Revolution as the ultimate point of victory for the Iranian people. Throughout this representation, Islam becomes increasingly dominant in the textbooks’ narrative of Iranian identity and by the time of the Islamic Revolution morphs into its single most prominent element. On the other hand, the students have created their own image of Iran’s history and Iranian identity that diverges from that of the textbooks especially in their recollection of modern times. They have internalized the generally negative narrative of textbooks, but have not accepted the positive role of Islam and Muslim clergy. Their notion of Iranian identity is dominated by feelings of defeat and failure, anecdotal elements of pride in the very ancient history, and a sense of passivity and helplessness.
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7

Ruffner, Todd W. "Identity and Border Relations between Iraq and Iran in the 20th Century: The Cases of Khuzestan and Shatt al-Arab." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1274891695.

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8

Gibson, Bryan. "Covert relationship: American foreign policy, intelligence, and the Iran-Iraq War, 1980--1988." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/27848.

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Following the Iranian Revolution of 1979, Iraq invaded Iran resulting in a costly war from 1980 to 1988, which threatened American interests in the Persian Gulf. From the outset, the stated official American policy was strict neutrality, but this was not the case. The war had provided the United States with an opportunity to improve relations with Iraq, particularly alter Iran reversed the Iraqi invasion in the summer of 1982. Because the Reagan administration could not let Iraq collapse, the United States tilted heavily towards Iraq in defiance of its stated policy. Interestingly, the tilt towards Iraq did not stop the Reagan administration from secretly dealing with Iran in 1985. Consequently, the disclosure of these dealings resulted in the buildup of American naval forces in the region to protect the shipment of oil, and eventually the use of force to end the conflict in 1988.
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9

Rejali, Darius M. "Discipline and torture, or, How Iranians became moderns." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=67424.

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In this dissertation, I undertake an empirical analysis of Iranian punitive practices over the last century. In thiscontext, I set out to investigate three issues. First, I critically examine the claim that modernity is characterizedby a diminution of corporal punishments, considering both the older humanist-progressivist verions of this claim and therevisionist-Nietzschean versions that have been advanced by several scholars including Michel Foucault, David Rothman,Michael Ignatieff, John Langbein, Gerhard Oestreich and Marc Raeff. In particular, I examine the relationship betweenmodern torture and might be called the "disciplinary process" that is said to characterize modernization. Second, I evaluate Chomsky and Herman's hypothesis that developing societies are characterized by a specific economy of violence that might be described as "state terrorism." Third, I test the utility of Foucault's theoretical approach to the study of power.
Dans cette these, j'entreprends une analyse empirique des coutumes punitives iraniennes depuis un siecle. A cette fin, j'examine trois aspects. Premierement, j'examine d'une maniere critique le point de vue suivant lequel, la modernite se caracterise par une diminution des punitions physiques, tout en considerant l'interprétation traditionnelle humanistico-progressive de ce point de vue et les interpretations Nietzscheo-revisionnistes qui ont ete suggerees par plusieurs penseurs, tels que Michel Foucault, David Rothman, Michael Ignatieff, John Langbein, Gerhard Oestreich, et Marc Raeff. Plus precisement j'examine la relation entre la torture au XXieme siecle et ce que l'on pourrait appeler le "processus disciplinaire" qui, soi-disant, caracterise la modernisation. Deuxiemement, j'évalue les hypothèses de Noam Chomsky et d'Edward Herman suivant lesquelles les sociétés en voie de développement sont caractérisées par la violence d'une manière bien précise, et qui pourrait etre decrite comme "une économie de terrorisme d'état." Troisièmement, j'examine l'utilité de l'approche théorique de Michel Foucault pour l'etude du pouvoir. fr
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10

Fuad, Ahmad Nur. "The Bābī movement in Iran : from religious dissent to political revolt, 1844-1853." Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=20482.

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This thesis is a study of the development of the Babi movement and the political implications embodied in its religious teachings. The thesis basically assumes that in its early development (1844--1848), the movement may be seen merely as religiously dissenting from the mainstream of Shi'i tradition. In the course of history, however, and especially after the Bab, its founder, claimed in 1848 to be the return of the Hidden Imam and proclaimed the abrogation of Qur'anic shari'a, the Babi movement showed radical tendencies, thus threatening the established religious and political authorities. This later development (1848--1853) was characterized by armed revolts by the Babis against the government troops. This thesis also examines the nature of Babi religious dissent and demonstrate that the Babi revolts were to a large extent based on religious motives.
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11

Jafar-Shaghaghi, Kayhan. "The development of the legal parameters of the waqf institution in contemporary Iran and its socioeconomic impact." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/4509.

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This thesis argues that the laws of waqf in Iran lack modern relevance. Such laws have never been completely modernised, and the waqf system, no longer responsible for the delivery of public goods, still holds a vast array of properties and resources. Many of the ongoing socioeconomic and political disappointments of Iran, which, at the core, are the weakness of the country's private economic sector and its human capital deficiency, stand among the lasting consequences of the deficiency of resources which the institution of waqf has under its control. Traditional Islamic law laid the ground for the economic infrastructure of the Middle Eastern countries until the late 19th century. Among the institutions that contributed to shaping the economy of the region are the Islamic law of inheritance, which inhibited capital accumulation; the absence in Islamic law of the concept of a corporation and the consequent weaknesses of civil society; and the waqf, which locked vast resources into unproductive organisations for the delivery of social services. It is often argued that many of these obstacles to economic development were largely overcome through radical reforms initiated in the 19th century. However, the modern civil law of Iran has kept traditional Islamic law at the core of laws of waqf, and the process of modernisation of its laws remains incomplete.
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12

Mahendrarajah, Shivan. "The Ṣūfī Shaykhs of Jām : a history, from the Īl-Khāns to the Timurids." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708225.

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13

Talattof, Kamran. "The politics of writing in Iran : a history of modern Persian literature /." Syracuse (N.Y.) : Syracuse university press, 2000. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb409644141.

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14

Zargaran, Pooya <1980&gt. "History of Restoration in Iran: Origins and Developments from 1900 to 1978." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2014. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/6363/1/ZARGARAN_POOYA_TESI.pdf.

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This thesis tends to study the origins and developments of the restoration in Iran from its very first moments till the Islamic revolution of 1978. The thesis is its first study of its kind. While almost all recent occidental ideologies regarding the thematic of restoration and conservation of historic monuments are translated and published in Iran, very little efforts have been done regarding the study of the origins of the formation of restoration in the country. The diversity of Iranian contexts, multiplicity of the intervening factors and other factors characterized a different background for the raise and developments of restoration in the country; in the thesis the influencing and characterizing factors in the formation and development of restoration in Iran will be defined and studied in detail with relative examples; due to the complexity of the Iranian context and in order to consider all influencing and characterizing factors the thesis, parallel to have formation and development of restoration, as the main scope of the research, the developments influencing factors will be confronted with necessary flashbacks to the main theme, when and where necessary. A great care will be given to the period of the activity of the restoration experts of IsMEO which is thesis will be called as the period of the introduction of the modern principles of restoration into Iranian context; the fundamental ideologies, practical and theoretical principles of IsMEO will be identified and studied in details; important case of studies of the restoration of IsMEO will be analyzed in details and the innovative aspect of the presence of Italian experts of IsMEO will be revealed.
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Zargaran, Pooya <1980&gt. "History of Restoration in Iran: Origins and Developments from 1900 to 1978." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2014. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/6363/.

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This thesis tends to study the origins and developments of the restoration in Iran from its very first moments till the Islamic revolution of 1978. The thesis is its first study of its kind. While almost all recent occidental ideologies regarding the thematic of restoration and conservation of historic monuments are translated and published in Iran, very little efforts have been done regarding the study of the origins of the formation of restoration in the country. The diversity of Iranian contexts, multiplicity of the intervening factors and other factors characterized a different background for the raise and developments of restoration in the country; in the thesis the influencing and characterizing factors in the formation and development of restoration in Iran will be defined and studied in detail with relative examples; due to the complexity of the Iranian context and in order to consider all influencing and characterizing factors the thesis, parallel to have formation and development of restoration, as the main scope of the research, the developments influencing factors will be confronted with necessary flashbacks to the main theme, when and where necessary. A great care will be given to the period of the activity of the restoration experts of IsMEO which is thesis will be called as the period of the introduction of the modern principles of restoration into Iranian context; the fundamental ideologies, practical and theoretical principles of IsMEO will be identified and studied in details; important case of studies of the restoration of IsMEO will be analyzed in details and the innovative aspect of the presence of Italian experts of IsMEO will be revealed.
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Fajri, Nurul. "The role of religious symbols in the Iranian revolution of 1979 /." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=56939.

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This thesis will analyze the role of Shi'i religious symbols employed in the Iranian revolution of 1979. During the revolution, the Shi'i symbolic structure of the Karbala' paradigm or the symbols of Karbala' and of Husayn's martyrdom were extensively employed to mobilize the masses. Regarded as the Imam and as the symbol of the revolution, Khumayni extensively utilized such religious symbols in order to generate mass revolutionary political consciousness against the Shah's tyrannical regime. In other words, throughout the revolution the traditional 'ashura' mourning ceremony--commemorating a tragic historical event the martyrdom of Husayn who was killed on the battlefield of Karbala' on Muharram 10, 60/680--was transformed into and politicized to be a vehicle of mass revolutionary political mobilization.
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Ghodoosi, Farshad. "Iran and the Constitutionalism: History and Evolution and the Impact on International Relations." FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3720.

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The sweeping changes in the Middle East, so-called the “Arab Spring”, necessitate revisiting constitutionalism in the region. This task entails a fresh look at the idea of rule of law and constitutionalism amongst the people of the Middle East. One of the widely misconceived and yet understudied constitutional movements in the Middle East belongs to Iran. A new perspective on the trajectory of constitutionalism in Iran would better equip us to comprehend rule of law in the Middle East. From the 1905 Constitutional movement to the 1979 Revolution, Iran has undergone major changes. Each transformation created a rupture with the preceding order fostering a fresh look at rule of law in Iran. The current studies have mainly concentrated on the political and social aspects of these groundbreaking events. The legal aspect of each of event has remained largely unnoticed and under-researched. It is important to fill the gap by focusing on the role of constitutions, despite its shortcomings, and international commitments of states using Iran as an example. The objective is to bring to the fore the role constitutionalism plays in incentivizing states to enter into international commitments and to comply with their international commitments. More than before, the mutual relationship between constitutionalism and international relations is intertwined because of two main developments: a. for better or worse, international relations have become increasingly judicialized, meaning all aspects of inter-state interactions are now subject to some normative regimes; b. more than ever, states feel the need to structure their domestic and inter-state relationship by resorting to a normative structure which is best materialized in constitutions. Using Iran as an example, this dissertation aims to fulfill the following: First, it is critical to understand whether a state is a constitutional state and whether its domestic power relations are subject to any checks and balances (broadly speaking). By reviewing Iran’s recent history through this lens, the dissertation shows that Iranian’s legal culture presents (a version of) constitutionalism. Second, it is critical to understand whether constitutionalism leads to any differences in the international behavior of such a state. Based on its constitutionalism, Iran’s international behavior has been premised on legalistic and juridical grounds.
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18

Seyed, Farian Sabahi. "The Literacy Corps in Pahlavi Iran (1963-1979) : political, social and literary implications." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.343520.

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19

Stevenson, Rosemary B. "Fourth century Greek historical writing about Persia in the period between the accession of Artaxerxes II Mnemon and that of Darius III (404-336 B.C.)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670401.

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20

Poulson, Stephen Chastain. "Confronting the West: Social Movement Frames in 20th Century Iran." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/30008.

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The Iranian Revolution of 1979 received considerable attention from modern social scientists who study collective action and revolution because it allowed them to apply their different perspectives to an ongoing social event. Likewise, this work used the Iranian experience as an exemplar, focusing on a sequence of related social movement frames that were negotiated by Iranian groups from the late 19th through the 20th century. Snow and Benford (1992) have proposed that cycles of protest are associated with the development of a movement master frame. This frame is a broad collective orientation that enables people to interpret an event in a more or less uniform manner. This study investigated how movement groups in Iran developed master frames of mobilization during periodic cycles of protests from 1890 to the present. By investigating how master frames were negotiated by social movement actors over time, this work examined both the continuity and change of movement messages during periods of heightened social protest in Iran.
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21

Seif-Amirhosseini, Zahra. "Socio-political change and development in Iran : Reza Sah and the Shi`i hierocracy." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2105/.

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The thesis offers an analysis of the Reza Sah period in terms of the balance between religion and politics and their societal and institutional power, the discussion of which is located within a historical framework. The relationship between religion and politics and their related effect on the 'legitimacy' of the structure of domination are considered within Weber's tripartite typology of domination. Whilst acknowledging the overall implications of the feasibility of adopting a Weberian framework and criticisms concerning the lack of accuracy of Weber's study of Islam, the thesis proposes that it is nevertheless possible to use a Weberian perspective in the study of Iranian Shi'ism. The changes introduced in the period are examined through an analysis of institutional changes deemed necessary for the process of modernization and secularization. An adequate understanding of this period is proposed to be critically dependent upon an understanding of the nature of the secularization process in Iran. This thesis is therefore concerned with two interconnected themes, one theoretical and the other historical. The theoretical theme, namely, the nature of the secularization process, arguably forms the core of the thesis in terms of its applicability to the period under study. It is the centrality of the secularization process which necessitates the analysis of a subsidiary argument concerning the limitations arising from Western (including Weberian) understanding of secularization, in particular with regard to Iran during the stated period. The historical theme - the analysis of the events between 1921 and 1941 - is considered for its own importance as a period of structural and institutional change and as a testing ground for the secularization thesis.
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Erden, Mustafa Suphi. "Citizenship And Ethnicity In Turkey And Iran." Phd thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612392/index.pdf.

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This thesis aims at understanding the citizenship formations in Turkey and Iran by a comparative study of ethnicity, state formation, and nation building in the two lands. The research question is what kind of socio-political and cultural elements caused the two nation states to follow different paths and end up with different citizenship and state formations in the end of the twentieth century. The foci of comparison are the homogenization process of the nation states in ethnic terms, the extent of mass movements, the degree of centrality of the state in shaping the sociopolitical life, and the resistance to the state imposed regulations. In this thesis it is argued that the state tradition inherited from the Ottomans, the ethnic cleansing of the non-Muslim minorities, and the intention to assimilate the Kurdish population were the main determinants of Turkish citizenship. The mass movements emanating from the societal groups, the provincial autonomous movements, and the disruption of the state by external invasions were the main determinants of Iranian citizenship. The national identity in Turkey was more strongly based on the Turkish ethnicity
the Iranian national identity functioned as an umbrella identity over all ethnic identities in Iran. The Turkish citizenship, in comparison to Iranian, was closer to the ethnocentric and exclusionary German model
the Iranian citizenship, in comparison to the Turkish, was closer to the soil based and assimilationist French model.
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23

Kazemimanesh, Sara. "Underground Labyrinths: Woman and Expanded Cinema in Contemporary Iran." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1566556001982398.

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24

Benedetti, Milincovich Filippo. "The Islamic Republic in Iran. Constitutional Genealogies and Institutional Development 1979-1989." Phd thesis, Australian Catholic University, 2023. https://acuresearchbank.acu.edu.au/download/608dbfe1bcdadf53d5ec2857d28d5194f167b6b4deccb765b38f0d8f951a9ee7/3984822/Benedetti_2024_The_Islamic_Republic_in_Iran_Constitutional.pdf.

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This thesis analyses the political and institutional history of the Islamic Republic of Iran through the categories of “constitutional genealogies” and “institutional development”. The first part consists of two chapters, which focus on the development of Shiite Islam and the constitutional revolution of 1906, when the first constitutional text in the history of Persia was adopted. The second part (chapters 3 and 4) investigates the 1979 revolution, both from a descriptive and analytical point of view, examining the 1979 Constitution and its roots: on the one hand, the Orléanistic dualism coming from the monarchical experience, and on the other Khomeyni’s theological-political doctrine, known as “velayat-e faqih” (“guardianship of the Islamic jurist”). The institutional development of the Islamic Republic in Iran is addressed in the fifth and sixth chapters, which form the third part of the thesis. While the fifth chapter studies Iran’s political and institutional history from 1980 to 1988, assessing the actual constitutional and institutional practice in the country, the sixth chapter focuses on the periodizing moment of 1988-89, as political-institutional caesura generated from Khomeyni’s conceptualization of “absolute guardianship”, the end of the war against Iraq, Khomeyni’s death and the 1989 constitutional amendment process.
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Bigonah, Siavosh. "TheIranian Nexus: Peace as a Substantive and Complex Value in the History of Iran." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-24040.

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This study explores Iran’s political and cultural history in order to better understand the country’s current stance on international politics and peace. This study asks: what defines peace in Iranian discourse? To this end, this thesis employs a Foucauldian archaeological and genealogical methodology on historical research and contemporary primary sources. The historical data is mainly secondary sources, whilst primary sources are drawn from contemporary speeches, interviews and articles presenting Iranian foreign political thought. First of all, this study uncovers the major research gaps concerning Iran in peace research. This speaks to the general lack of diversity and inclusiveness in the subject of Peace and Conflict studies, which is contrary to its claim of being universally relevant. Relevance comes with knowledge of other traditions and conversations across divides, which is typically absent in a universalised provincialism. Secondly, contemporary Iranian political discourse represents a continuity from antiquity, incorporating deep-rooted practises of cosmopolitanism and structural peace, represented by 4000-years of experiences in state-building, conflict management, continuous movement of people and changing centres of political power. In short, Iran has a long experience of multi-polarity, multi-ethnicity and multi-religiosity across time and space.
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Shafafi, Pardis. "Secretly familiar : public secrets of a post traumatic diaspora." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/11830.

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In 1979, the socio-­political landscape of Iran was transformed beyond recognition. After years of conflict between the Shah and a myriad of political opposition groups, it seemed that the people had indeed triumphed over an authoritarian monarch. As is now widely known, their short lived victory transformed into a systematic programme of terror that turned back on and attacked those that the Islamic Republic deemed contrary to its values. The ‘bloody decade' of the 1980s saw thousands of executions and disappearances under the cloak of the war with neighbouring Iraq. The records of these massacres are still largely unreliable and/or incomplete. The programme of terror in question, that ensued and persists up to the present day, has instigated a sprawling transnational Diaspora with a familiar but rarely divulged public secret. My doctoral thesis comprises two main parts in relation to these events. They are connected by the running theme of alternative narratives of past violence, and a post-­traumatic political activism. This is an intimate ethnography that examines global processes (revolution, Diaspora, transnational activism) from the vantage point of local and particular histories of Lur, former Fadaiyan guerilla fighters in Oslo. In the second part of this work, these histories are located within the collective movement of the Iran Tribunal, a literal attempt to make secrets public and to bring together subjective experiences of violence into a truth-‐telling process. Opening up a new space for critical reflection, this study proposes an alternative lens of analysis of tumultuous historical processes. With regards to their actors, efforts are made to better understand how lives and narratives are ordered around the characteristic disorder of violence, fear and Diaspora itself, and how subjective traumas manifest into collective, and in this case transnational, movements. My ethnography of disordered and interrupted lives works to inform studies of such critical contemporary realities as well as to ethnographically introduce the Iranian Diasporas' public secret of violence for wider anthropological enquiry, and to contribute towards its critical analysis.
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Alirezanezhad-Gohardani, Farhad. "Tragedy of confusion : the political economy of truth in the modern history of Iran :a novel framework for the analysis of the enigma of socio-economic underdevelopment in the modern history of Iran." Thesis, Durham University, 2014. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/10923/.

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This study entails a theoretical reading of the Iranian modern history and follows an interdisciplinary agenda at the intersection of philosophy, economics, and politics and intends to offer a novel framework for the analysis of socio-economic underdevelopment in Iran in the modern era. A brief review of Iranian modern history from the constitutional revolution, to the oil nationalization movement, the 1979 Islamic Revolution, and the recent Reformist and Green movements demonstrates that Iranian people travelled full circle. This historical experience of socio-economic underdevelopment revolving around the bitter question of “why are we backward?” and its manifestation in perpetual socio-political instability and violence is the subject matter of this study. Foucault’s conceived relation between the production of truth and production of wealth captures the essence of hypothesis offered in this study. Michel Foucault (1980: 93-4) maintains that “In the last analysis, we must produce truth as we must produce wealth, indeed we must produce truth in order to produce wealth in the first place”. Based on a hybrid methodology combining hermeneutics of understanding and hermeneutics of suspicion, this study proposes that the failure to produce wealth has had particular roots in the failure in the production of truth. At the heart of the proposed theoretical model is the following formula: The Iranian dasein’s confused preference structure culminates in the formation of unstable coalitions which in turn leads to institutional failure, creating a chaotic social order and a turbulent history as experienced by the Iranian nation in the modern era. The following set of interrelated propositions elaborate further on the core formula of the model: Each and every Iranian person and her subjectivity and preference structure is the site of three distinct warring regimes of truth and identity choice sets (identity markers) related to the ancient Persian empire (Persianism), Islam, and modernity. These three historical a priori and regimes of truth act as conditions of possibility for social interactions, and are unities in multiplicities. They, in their perpetual state of tension and conflict, constitute the mutually exclusive, contradictory, and confused dimensions of the prism of the Iranian dasein. The confused preference structure prevents Iranian people from organizing themselves in stable coalitions required for collective action to achieve the desired socio-economic change. The complex interplay between the state of inbetweenness and the state of belatedness makes it impossible to form stable coalitions in any areas of life, work, and language to achieve the desired social transformations, turning Iran into a country of unstable coalitions and alliances in macro, meso and micro levels. This in turn leads to failure in the construction of stable institutions (a social order based on rule of law or any other stable institutional structure becomes impossible) due to perpetual tension between alternative regimes of truth manifested in warring discursive formations, relations of power, and techniques of subjectification and their associated economies of affectivity. This in turn culminates in relations of power in all micro, meso, and macro levels to become discretionary, atomic, and unpredictable, producing perpetual tensions and social violence in almost all sites of social interactions, and generating small and large social earthquakes (crises, movements, and revolutions) as experienced by the Iranian people in their modern history. As such, the society oscillates between the chaotic states of socio-political anarchy emanating from irreconcilable differences between and within social assemblages and their affiliated hybrid forms of regimes of truth in the springs of freedom and repressive states of order in the winters of discontent. Each time, after the experience of chaos, the order is restored based on the emergence of a final arbiter (Iranian leviathan) as the evolved coping strategy for achieving conflict resolution. This highly volatile truth cycle produces the experience of socio-economic backwardness. The explanatory power of the theoretical framework offered in the study exploring the relation between the production of truth, trust and wealth is tested on three strong events of Iranian modern history: the Constitutional Revolution, the Oil-Nationalization Movement and the Islamic Revolution. The significant policy implications of the model are explored.
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Cohen, Marsha B. "Lions and Roses: An Interpretive History of Israeli-Iranian Relations." FIU Digital Commons, 2007. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/5.

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This multi-disciplinary research project explores the religious and cultural foundations within the “master commemorative narratives” that frame Israeli and Iranian political discourse. In articulating their grievances against one another, Israeli and Iranian leaders express the tensions between religion, nationalism, and modernity in their own societies. The theoretical and methodological approach of this dissertation is constructivist-interpretivist. The concept of “master commemorative narratives” is adapted from Yael Zerubavel’s study of ritualized remembrance in Israeli political culture, and applied to both Israeli and Iranian foreign policy. Israel’s master commemorative narrative draws heavily upon the language of the Hebrew Bible, situating foreign policy discourse within a paradigm of covenantal patrimony, exile, and return, despite the unrelenting hostility of eternal enemies and “the nations.” Iran’s master commemorative narrative expresses Iranian suspicion of foreign encroachment and interference, and of the internal corruption that they engender, sacralizing resistance to the forces of evil in the figurative language and myths of pre-Islamic tradition and of Shi‘a Islam. Using a constructivist-interpretive methodological approach, this research offers a unique interpretive analysis of the parallels between these narratives, where they intersect, and where they come into conflict. It highlights both the broad appeal and the diverse challenges to the components of these “master” narratives within Israeli and Iranian politics and society. The conclusion of this study explains the ways in which the recognition of religious and cultural conflicts through the optic of master commemorative narratives can complement the perspectives of other theoretical approaches and challenge the conventions of Security Studies. It also suggests some of the potential practical applications of this research in devising more effective international diplomacy.
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Sanati, Reza. "OPEC and the International System: A Political History of Decisions and Behavior." FIU Digital Commons, 2014. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1149.

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The conventional understanding behind how the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) has formulated its decisions and subsequently behaved in the international system has consistently centered on the role of market forces. Either proactively or reactively, it has been assumed that OPEC’s actions were merely engaging and responding to the supply and demand dynamics in the global economy. Though space was always given to the political considerations of certain OPEC Member States, and how that impacts the behavior of the Organization, inquiry into OPEC decision-making and behavior has generally centered on economic considerations, with politics playing an intermittent supporting role. This work challenges the assumptions behind the conventional narrative of OPEC’s behavior in the international system. By utilizing a historically-based process tracing method, relying heavily on archival data from OPEC’s headquarters and declassified American national security documents from the late 1940s to the present, a more sophisticated model of decision-making and behavior is developed. Accordingly, OPEC’s decisions and behavior are more accurately a product of four inter-related determinants: the role of market forces, the influence of outside actors (usually great powers) upon the Organization, interstate relations and politics among Member States, and the pressure of the internal state dynamics within OPEC Member States. It is at the intersection of these four variables where OPEC’s behavior is more readily understood. Thus, with a sophisticated understanding of the interplay of these determinants, OPEC’s decision-making process and behavior can be more accurately understood and possibly forecasted to a limited degree.
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Andic, Savka. "Britain and Revolutionary Iran, 1906-1909 and 1976-1979 : a comparative study." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c2f6b599-6c00-455a-a62f-50e9b1cb48c3.

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This dissertation is a comparative case study of British policy towards and perceptions of Persia/Iran during the latter's two modern revolutions, 1906-1909 (Constitutional) and 1976-1979 ('Islamic'). The study covers both official perceptions and policy, meaning that of the Foreign Office and Diplomatic Service and the perceptions of the press, civil society, Parliament and wider public opinion; thus it is not a traditional exercise in diplomatic history. It explores British views of both the Shah/government and opposition forces during these two periods in detail and presents these views in a comparative perspective. The research paints a broad social and historical picture of how changes in both British and Iranian government, society and global status affected their mutual relations. Key themes relate to how the decline of (Edwardian) Liberalism, the transformation of the Left in the twentieth century and Britain's decline as an imperial power affected its perceptions and policy-making in Iran; how civil society and public opinion exerted a disproportionately strong influence in the earlier period before Britain was even a fully democratic society; how notions of Orientalism and Aryanism shaped official and public perceptions; and how changing geopolitics impacted perceptions, particularly in the case of Tsarist Russia versus the Soviet Union. This study has revealed numerous counter-intuitive points about the foreign relations and perceptions of British government and society vis-à-vis Iran and prompts a reconsideration of the evolution of British public and official attitudes during the twentieth century as manifested in the case of Iran at two critical historical junctures.
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Gharabaghi, Hadi Parandeh. ""American Mice Grow Big!"| The Syracuse Audiovisual Mission in Iran and the Rise of Documentary Diplomacy." Thesis, New York University, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10682611.

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This dissertation investigates the coterminous emergence of imperial documentary operations and modernization programs in the United States during the 1940s and 1950s. It argues that the period saw a governing investment in documentary format and documentary "value," and that this was a response to the containment strategy of cultural diplomacy at the onset of the Cold War. It's focus is a mixed group of governmental and non-governmental entities. The project makes evident how a group of events and practices involved in foreign diplomacy campaigns of knowledge/intelligence and large scale overseas modernization programs give rise to a discourse of documentary diplomacy. The output of these projects was varied: locally-made rural training films; newsmagazine newsreel; travelogues, and the exported nontheatrical American documentaries. As the dissertation demonstrates, they were influenced by a weaponized ethnographic documentary experience, first formulated in Asia by Margaret Mead and Gregory Bateson in the late 1930s. The subsequent rise of governing investment in culture for imperial planning during the 1940s, large scale government experiment with training films during World War II, and governing investment in grassroots audiovisual movement of educational film in the United States all bear the marks of these knowledge/intelligence campaigns. The path to freedom, accordingly, became a bifurcating atomized process that ultimately reconceptualized geopolitically sensitive nation-states as people, as audiences, and eventually as individuals available to be freed from their own "hostile" and "uncooperative" governments on their way toward building bottom-up democratic movements.

Containment campaigns of defending American capitalism against Soviet communism in postcolonial nation-states led to a proliferation of instructional films throughout the world. These missions invested in local filmmaking and established pockets of documentary infrastructure that inevitably played some roles in the making and transformation of national cinemas. As a case study of the emerging discourse of documentary diplomacy, this dissertation also investigates American documentary operations in Iran during the 1940s and 1950s and demonstrates how US-Iranian media projects institutionalized documentary, audiovisual modernization, and media governance in Iran. The Syracuse documentary mission to Iran emerged as among the most important sites of such campaigns. For instance, the first generation of localizing newsmagazine series were made in Iran for Iranians by Iranian crew, using American planning, infrastructure and capital. With this convenient "usage," however, also came subscribing to an ideological package. Media producers and advisors from thirty-five American universities, under Syracuse University's binational contract with American and Iranian governments, participated in this work by 1959.

As this research project demonstrates, documentary diplomacy in this era brings into contact and coherence film and legal discourse, diplomatic policymaking, film practice, and applied social scientific research and intelligence production. In this respect, documentary diplomacy encompasses a set of events that include making documentary, mobile screening, expert viewing, national character research, applied anthropology intelligence work, survey trips, public opinion projects, courses of audiovisual and documentary training, and nation-building projects of central documentary infrastructure and media governance.

This dissertation argues that localized missions of overseas audiovisual training and documentary filmmaking and infrastructure during the 1950s operate through a propaganda facade of apolitical modernization by building on the governing strategy of welfare imperialism via invitation. In some cases, this went to extent of sponsoring anti-leftist localized newsreel campaigns of crushing local journalism and a wide range of objectifying practices. The village how-to films enforced a rapid modernization campaign while audiovisual training facilitated central education and governing. The dissertation also argues that the apolitical facade of the imperial documentary campaign in Iran is an expression of claiming fakery and manipulation in the name of the real.

The project draws from a wealth of declassified archival sources in the United States National Archives at College Park, the Library of Congress, the Archives of Rockefeller and Ford Foundations and other sources including individual memoirs and interviews. The archival sources include memoranda of film scripts, film receipts, correspondence, embassy notes, university and government contract, cultural manuals, immigrant interviews and a documentary bible of administrative film theory and production.

Following the case study of Iran, the dissertation extrapolates that researching the genealogical course of postwar imperial campaigns of documentary diplomacy in the Middle East and Asia can contribute to understanding of the transformation of modernization programs of central education, media cultures and media governance.

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Homayun, Sepehr Mohamad. "Les gardiennes des nappes d'offrande en Iran, de la préhistoire à nos jours." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209724.

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Les gardiennes des nappes d'offrande en Iran (de la préhistoire à nos jours) :

Cette recherche a été intitulée "les femmes iraniennes héritières des nappes d'offrande". L'objectif de cette recherche est la mise en évidence des bases des nappes d'offrande votive féminines de la préhistoire à nos jours en tant qu‘explication, analyse et interprétation des nappes ;pour cette recherche, nous avons choisi la société actuelle de Téhéran constituée d'ethnies iraniennes variées, notamment les Zoroastriennes et les Shi‘ites. Le fil conducteur de cette recherche est le cadre théorique combiné basé sur la transmission culturelle, l'interprétation religieuse symbolique de Geertz, la réaction symbolique de Parsons et la théorie d'échange de Peter Blau, interprétant les différents aspects des signes et des symboles des nappes avec la présence, la participation des femmes, la réalisation de leurs désirs et la mise en place des nappes. Les théories d'Henri Corbin ont permis de répondre à certaines questions sur la transmission culturelle religieuse et les changements et transformations du monde symbolique iranien, mazdéen zoroastrien aux nouveaux symboles de l'Iran musulman shi‘ite ;nous avons également fait appel aux rapports de Sadegh Hedayat, Henri Massé, Shakouri, Faghiri ,K. et F. Mazdapour. Le commentaire et l'interprétation d'autres sujets des nappes tels que les récits, la lamentation et l'allégresse, les Adjil-é Moshkel Gosha étaient des mystères non élucidés jusqu'alors par les chercheurs ;ils l'ont été dans cette thèse. Il a été essayé de répondre aux questions posées par des réponses basées sur l'anthropologie religieuse symbolique. L'enquête statistique de la recherche porte sur des étudiantes, mariées ou non, de l'Université Azad, Unité Centre de Téhéran. Les questions principales intéressent la féminité des nappes d'offrande et le recours aux saints religieux iraniens shi‘ites. Les souhaits sont relatifs à la vie quotidienne, comme l'obtention d'un travail, la guérison d'un malade, l'achat d'un appartement, la résolution de problèmes financiers, le mariage, l'accouchement, etc. les résultats ont été rassemblés dans les tableaux de l'enquête statistique. Cependant, certaines questions sont restées sans réponses ;elles seront élucidées par de futurs chercheurs.

Mots-clés :nappes d'offrande votive, les femmes gardiennes, la transmission culturelle, Adjil, Moshkel Gosha
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Jahanbakhsh, Forough. "Islam, democracy and religious modernism in Iran (1953-1997) : from Bāzargān to Soroush." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=34741.

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This dissertation aims to study the attempts made by contemporary Iranian religious modernists at reconciling Islam and democracy on the theoretical level. The prevailing theme in earlier studies on contemporary Iran has been that of Islamic resurgence or the socio-political outcome of the 1979 Revolution to the neglect of other significant issues or intellectual challenges faced by religious modernists in both the pre- and post-revolutionary eras, such as that of the problematic of Islam and democracy. The present work therefore, considers the views of certain Iranian religious modernists of the last fifty years on the question of whether Islam is theoretically compatible or incompatible with democracy. To this end, we examine the main principles of democracy and critically evaluate their parallels among Islamic norms. Then, the democratic notions of seven major Iranian religio-political thinkers are analyzed and evaluated in depth. We also try to show the perception that these men had of democracy and of Islam, how they sought to bring the two into conformity, on what basis they structured their arguments, and how their attempt in this respect differed from that of their predecessors at the turn of the century.
Among the contributions of the present work to the field is its attempt to present, for the first time, the post-revolutionary religious intellectual trend in Iran with particular reference to the problematic of Islam and democracy. This is largely accomplished through an analytical study of its leading figure, Abdulkarim Soroush. The result suggests that his attempt is an unprecedented one in terms of content, method and consequences. Indeed it is a watershed in Shi'ite religious modernism in general and in the debate over the compatibility of Islam with democracy, in particular.
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Christensen, Peter Sampson Steven. "The decline of Iranshahr : irrigation and environments in the history of the Middle East, 500 B.C. to A.D. 1500 /." Copenhagen : Museum Tusculanum press, University of Copenhagen, 1993. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb376666790.

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Francis-Dehqani, Gulnar Eleanor. "Religious feminism in an age of empire : CMS women missionaries in Iran, 1869-1934." Thesis, University of Bristol, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/5d1e6911-e7e7-4393-bb43-f287f2f61ac9.

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36

Shahriari, Khosrow School of Media Film &amp Theatre UNSW. "Breaking down borders and bridging barriers: Iranian Taziyeh Theatre." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Media, Film & Theatre, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/26310.

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In the twentieth century, Western theatre practitioners, aware of the gap between actor and spectator and the barrier between the stage and the auditorium, experimented with ways to bridge this gap and cross barriers, which in the western theatrical tradition have been ignored over the centuries. Stanislavski, Meyerhold, Piscator, Brecht, Grotowski, and more recently Peter Brook are only a few of the figures who tried to engage spectators and enable them to participate more fully in the play. Yet in Iran there has existed for over three centuries a form of theatre which, thanks to its unique method of approaching reality, creates precise moments in which the worlds of the actor and the spectator come together in perfect unity. It is called ???taziyeh???, and the aim of this thesis is to offer a comprehensive account of this complex and sophisticated theatre. The thesis examines taziyeh through the accounts of eyewitnesses, and explores taziyeh???s method of acting, its form, concepts, the aims of each performance, its sources and origins, and the evolution of this Iranian phenomenon from its emergence in the tenth century. Developed from the philosophical point of view of Iranian mysticism on the one hand, and annual mourning ceremonies with ancient roots on the other, taziyeh has been performed by hundreds of different professional groups for more than three hundred years. Each performance is a significant event in the experience of actors and spectators. The thesis argues that through a careful and comprehensive exploration of taziyeh from its emergence to our time, we can ultimately experience a new horizon in theatre in which we may discover theatrical potentiality and dynamism in a way that has not yet been achieved in conventional Western theatre.
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Vollgraaff, Carel Stephanus. "Sassanian succession struggles : an analysis of the legitimisation practices of early seventh eentury Sassanian rulers in comparison with their predecessors." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96669.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: From 628 CE to 632 CE, in the late Sassanian period, there were possibly eleven royal successors to the Sassanian throne. This indicates instability and that the Sassanian dynasty was politically weakened. A succession crisis had developed. This study presents an attempt to understand one aspect of the political milieu of the succession crisis period, namely the legitimisation practices of the late Sassanian rulers. Therefore, the tools that were used for legitimisation by the Sassanian monarchs from the succession crisis period, and how they were used, are investigated. To better understand how the legitimisation tools available to Sassanian monarchs developed the political techniques used by the succession crisis monarchs will be compared with the early Sassanian monarchs of 224 CE to 302 CE (Ardashir 1, Shapur I, Hormizd I, Wahram I, Wahram II, Wahram III and Narseh). The comparison contributes to an improved understanding of the 7th century Sassanian succession struggles by tracking the changes in the techniques and practices Sassanian rulers utilised in the Empire to legitimise their rule. Such changes are rooted in the wider politico-historical contexts within which the Sassanian monarchs excercised their authority. The study will open with an investigation of the major political events of the 7th century CE that had an effect on the succession struggles and political events in the Sassanian Empire. One of the primary sources that are used is The History of Prophets and Kings by the 10th century CE Arabic historian Jarir al-Tabari. Physical evidence of the Sassanian monarchs like coinage, rock reliefs and silver bowls will also be used as primary sources and analysed to better understand the propaganda used by the Sassanian monarchs. The material propaganda techniques used by Sassanian monarchs from the early period and late period changed. The reasons behind the changes are highlighted and these reasons are furthermore explained. The study concludes that the Sassanian monarchs from the succession crisis period had a shrinking pool of legitimisation resources and that they had to legitimise their rule in a short period of time in view of internal opposition. As a result, the Sassanian monarchs from the period focused on legitimisation techniques that were not a drain on resources and could quickly influence the perception of people. The political legitimisation of the last Sassanian monarchs ultimately failed though as the Sassanian dynasty only continued to reign for another 23 years after 628 CE. The failure of the legitimisation of the Sassanian dynasty could be largely attributed to the internal opposition and the damaging war against the Byzantine Empire.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die tydperk tussen 628 tot 632 n.C was daar na bewering elf troonopvolgers in die Sassaniede Ryk. Dit illustreer die politieke onstabiliteit in die Sassaniede Ryk op daardie tydstip, n troonopvolgingskrisis het ontwikkel. In die studie word n poging van stapel gestuur om een aspek van die politieke milieu van die tydperk te verstaan, die legitimasiepraktyke van die laat Sassaniede heersers. Die hulpbronne tot die beskikking van die Sassaniede konings wat ingespan is om hulle regerings populariteit te gee word daarom ondersoek. Om die ontwikkeling van die legitimeringspraktyke beter te verstaan word die praktyke van die troonopvolgingskrisis konings vergelyk met die tegnieke van die vroeë Sassaniede konings van die tydperk 224 n.C. tot 302 n.C. (Ardashir I, Shapur I, Hormizd I, Wahram I, Wahram II, Wahram III and Narseh). Die vergelyking dien as n beginpunt om die Sassanied troonopvolgingskrisis beter te verstaan en om die veranderings van die legitimeringspraktyke te identifiseer. Sulke veranderings is gegrond in die wyer politieshistoriese konteks waarin die Sassanied konings hul mag uitgeoefen het. Die studie ondersoek eerstens die belangrike politieke gebeure van die 7de eeu n.C. wat n effek op die troonopvolgingskrisis en politieke aspekte van die Sassaniede Ryk gehad het. Een van die primêre bronne waarvan die studie gebruik maak, is The History of Prophets and Kings van die 10de eeuse n.C. Arabiese geskiedkundige Jarir al-Tabari. Ander primêre bronne wat gebruik word, sluit in muntstukke, rotsreliëfs en silwer bakke wat analiseer word om beter te verstaan hoe die produkte gebruik is as propaganda. Die legitimeringspraktyke en propaganda het n verandering ondergaan van die vroeë typerk tot die laat tydperk. Die redes vir die verandering word identifiseer en ‘n verduideliking vir die redes word aangebied. Die studie maak die gevolgtrekking dat die Sassaniede konings van die troonopvolgingskrisis tydperk minder hulpbronne tot hul beskikking gehad het en dat hulle hul blitsig moes regverdig vanweë interne teenkanting. As gevolg van hierdie faktore het die Sassaniede konings propaganda verkies wat nie te veel van hul hulpbronne gebruik het nie en ook mense baie vininig beïnvloed het. Die politieke programme van die laat Sassaniede het uiteindelik misluk. Die Sassanidiese dinastie het net vir nog 23 jaar na 628 n.C. geheers. Die uiteindelike mislukking van die politieke regverdigings programme van die laat Sassaniede kan grootliks verbind word aan die sterk interne teenstand en die effek wat die oorlog teen die Bisantynse Ryk gehad het.
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Mahdavi, Shireen. "Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin Al-Zarb and his world : a case study of social mobility in Qajar Iran." Thesis, University of London, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.286112.

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Gurjazkaite, Karolina. "Vegetation history and human-environment interactions through the late Holocene in Konar Sandal, Kerman, SE Iran." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för tema, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-140094.

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The Jiroft valley, in southeastern Iran, was an important agricultural centre since the Early Bronze Age (3rd millennium BCE). The valley is characterized by harsh environmental settings: hot climate with poor rainfall. However, more optimal conditions may have prevailed earlier that supported ancient settlements. A 250-cm sediment core was retrieved from a peat-land at Konar Sandal, a major archaeological find attributed to Jiroft culture. The palynological data from this core was combined with geochemical and sedimentological proxies aimed at establishing the human-environment interactions in the area. The study focus was directed at vegetation history and landscape evolution, hydroclimatic changes and past human activities, that started just after the projected collapse of the Jiroft (4 ka) and extended all the way from the late Bronze Age to the Mongol invasion (0.6 ka). The results indicate that the valley was dominated by Saharo-Sindian open pseudo-savannah vegetation for the last 4000 years. However, due to anthropogenic clearance and intensified agro-pastoral activities, and also climatic factors, the land cover shifted from open xeric scrubland forests to more open, degraded landscapes. The principal human practice in these early settlements was cereal cultivation. But it is likely that during the more arid periods, communities retreated and abandoned agriculture, facilitating successional processes. Such droughts occurred in 4-3.8 ka and 3.4-2.8 ka and were supported by palynological data, C/N and Fe2O3 content. Peat formation was characteristic to the wetland during these arid periods. These droughts corresponded to drought phases detected in other studies, and were attributed to changes in Siberian Anticyclones. Dynamics of Artemisia and desert shrubs indicate milder climate around 3.8-3.4 ka and 2.8-0.6 ka. In the latter episode, during the rule of Persian Empire (ca. 550 BCE-650 CE) and Islamic epoch, the highest vegetation degradation state and most intensive human activities were observed. Some inconspicuous human practices, such as date cultivation, may have occurred on site as an adaptation to extreme environmental conditions.
High-resolution paleolimnological records from Lake Jazmurian: Climate-culture evolution at Jiroft in southeast Iran during the Holocene
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Wierzbicki, Andre John. "The Crown Jewel: History, Memory And The 1941 Invasion Of Persia." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/14200.

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In August 1941, the territory of Persia was jointly invaded by Britain and the Soviet Union, a event now largely forgotten. The invasion took place less than two months after the launch of Operation Barbarossa by Hitler, and at the time there was a widely held view that the Wehrmacht’s successes in the West would be replicated in the East. Historical accounts generally identify three reasons behind the British decision to invade. Those reasons are: (1) the (vague) “German threat” comprising sabotage, insurgency and damage to British interests in the country; (2) the strategic British-controlled oil assets and the refinery at Abadan; and (3) the ability to supply materiel to the Soviet Union via the so-called “Persian Corridor”. What most accounts of the invasion do not refer to is the defence of India as a component in the British decision to invade. I review a number of primary and secondary materials – the history of British Imperial interests in Persia, British archives, Indian military history and mass media accounts – which all clearly show the defence of India as a key factor in the decision to invade. I then consider the reasons why the defence of India has slipped from the historical narrative. My analysis draws on a number of the ideas and concepts from the field of memory studies, including thinking about the function of collective memory. I propose that the rapid and dramatic act of Indian independence in 1947, combined with the change in normative attitudes towards Imperialism and the British Empire postwar, resulted in the narrative of the Second World War being the preferred basis for subsequent and contemporary accounts of the invasion, to the exclusion of Imperial factors.
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41

Hazir, Agah. "The Reform Movement In Iran: Discourse And Deeds." Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12607158/index.pdf.

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The objective of this thesis is to analyze the Khatami Period of 1997-2005 in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The Reform Movement that brought Khatami to the presidency and the grounds of the incongruity between the discourse and the outcomes of the movement is examined. The reasons of this incongruity are the focus of this study. The structure of the thesis is as follows: In the first chapter, a brief summary of the history of democracy in Iran is examined, since in Iran without a historical perspective, it is hard to understand the developments of the era. In the second chapter, the state structure and political factions in the Islamic Republic of Iran are described by emphasizing the power centers and struggle between them. The third chapter explains, the social origins and the discourse of the reform movement. Lastly, in the fourth chapter, the Khatami period of 1997-2005 is analyzed. The period is studied in terms of power conflicts among the ruling elites and its reflection on the everyday life of the layman. Economic developments and street politics of the era are also examined in this chapter. International developments of the era are also studied with respect to their impacts on domestic politics.
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42

McGlinchey, Stephen. "Arming the Shah : U.S. arms policies towards Iran, 1950-1979." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2012. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/43441/.

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This thesis reconstructs and explains the arms relationship that successive U.S. administrations developed with the Shah of Iran between 1950 and 1979. This relationship has generally been neglected in the extant literature leading to a series of omissions and distortions in the historical record. By detailing how and why Iran transitioned from a low order military aid recipient in the 1950s to America’s primary military credit customer in the late 1960s and 1970s, this thesis provides a detailed and original contribution to the understanding of a key Cold War episode. By drawing on extensive declassified archival records, the investigation demonstrates the not only the importance of the arms relationship but also how it reflected, and contributed to, the wider evolution of U.S.-­‐ Iranian relations from a position of Iranian client state dependency to a situation where the U.S. became heavily leveraged to the Shah for protection of the Gulf and beyond -­‐ until the policy met its disastrous end in 1979 as an antithetical regime took power in Iran.
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43

Meyer, Agnès. "Concurrence, coopération et collaboration en archéologie : l'exemple du Séistan, 1908-1984." Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01H121/document.

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Le Séistan est une région semi désertique située entre l’est de l’Iran et l’ouest de l’Afghanistan. Le territoire fut habité de la préhistoire jusqu’à aujourd’hui. C’est pourquoi les savants européens et américains s’y intéressèrent dès les premières années du XXe siècle, période d’intense exploration de l’Asie centrale. La Délégation archéologique française en Iran (DAIFI), créée en 1900, puis la Délégation archéologique Française en Afghanistan (DAFA) créée en 1923, exerçaient un monopole officiel qui comprenait le Séistan. Cependant des missions allemandes, britanniques, italiennes et américaines explorèrent la région avant et après la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Certains sites jugés particulièrement prometteurs furent même fouillés. En 1984 l’Iran et l’Afghanistan fermèrent leurs portes aux archéologues pour des raisons politiques, et mirent ainsi fin, pour un temps, à ces travaux. Pendant 80 ans, sur un même terrain, se succédèrent ainsi et souvent se croisèrent des individus au statut complexe. Ils représentaient un Etat et une ou plusieurs institutions. Ils apportaient avec eux des pratiques, des méthodes, et des doxas spécifiques à une communauté scientifique. Cette étude examine leurs relations en tenant compte de cette complexité. Dans quelle mesure s’influencèrent-ils ? Furent-ils en concurrence au nom d’une nation ou d’une institution? Tentèrent-ils de coopérer? Allèrent-ils jusqu’à collaborer en vue d’un intérêt commun, dit universel ? Après une présentation générale des travaux effectués au Séistan, l’étude s’attarde en particulier sur les relations franco-allemandes. Enfin elle décrit le développement d’une science dite internationale, et en souligne les limites
The Sistan is a semi-desert area located between the east of Iran and the west of Afghanistan. The territory has been continuously inhabited since prehistorical times. Therefore European and American scholars turned their attention to it from the early 20th century on a time of intense exploration of Central Asia. The French archaeological Delegation in Iran (DAFI), created in 1900, then the French archaeological Delegation in Afghanistan (DAFA), created in 1923, had an official monopoly which included the Sistan. Nevertheless German, British, Italian and American missions surveyed the area before and after the World War Two. Some sites, which seemed particularly promising, were excavated. In 1984 Iran and Afghanistan closed their doors to archaeologists for political reasons, and stopped temporarily all work. During 80 years, on a same area, individuals who had a complex status succeeded one another and often crossed each other. They all represented a state and one or many institutions. They came with practices, methods, and doxas specific to a scientific community. This study analyses their relations, to include their complexity. To what extent did they influence each other? Were they in competition in the name of a nation or an institution? Did they try to cooperate? Did they collaborate for a mutual, “universal”, purpose? After a global presentation of the works made in Sistan, the study examines more specifically the French and German relationships. Then it describes the development of a so called international science, and stresses its limits
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44

Niknam, Esfahani Naser. "The impact of macroeconomic variables on the stock market of the oil-exporting countries| The case of Iran." Thesis, Alliant International University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10243507.

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The purpose of this study is to investigate the impact of oil income and the gold price fluctuation on the stock market of Iran, and to examine whether consideration of the oil and the gold markets followed by other investment markets, such as the real estate market and the foreign exchange market have any significant impact on the stock market behavior. This study examines the impact of the oil income and gold price fluctuation, as well as other macroeconomic indicators such as housing construction, deposit interest rate, foreign exchange rate, consumer price index, and gross domestic products on the Iranian stock market, as measured by the quarterly data from January 1990 to December 2012. First, regression analysis was applied for oil revenue, housing activities, deposit interest rate, foreign exchange rate, CPI, and GDP to examine the stock market reaction to each market activity. After this, ceteris paribus, oil revenue was replaced with gold price to examine whether the price of gold without consideration of the oil revenue had any impact on the stock market activity. Finally, the model was run to examine the impact of all variables, including oil revenue and gold price, upon stock market activity. In a separate model, this paper also examines the relationship between all of the above-mentioned variables and stock market volatility. In the next phase, the impulse response function based on the vector auto-regression model was generated to examine the behavior of the stock market followed by a shock to each independent variable. Because Iran is an oil-exporting country—not an oil-importing country—economic forces, market structure as well as the investment culture and investing policies are different in Iran than in Western nations or other oil-importing countries, it may not be wise or productive to analyze investment in the Iranian stock market from the same perspective or with the same methods used when analyzing investment in Western countries. Because gold, foreign currencies, and the real estate market are the most popular and common investment markets in Iran for domestic investors, this paper aims to determine whether there is any relationship between those markets and the stock market in general from an investment point of view.

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45

Shakibi, Zhand Paul. "The King, the Tsar, the Shah : agency and the making of revolution in Bourbon France, Romanov Russia and Pahlavi Iran." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.250158.

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46

Teimori, Azad. "The evolutionary history and taxonomy of Aphanius (Teleostei: Cyprinodontidae) species in Iran and the Persian Gulf region." Diss., Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München, 2013. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bvb:19-159071.

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47

Kassam, Shelina. "The language of Islamism : Pakistan's media response to the Iranian revolution." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=69615.

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In recent Muslim history, the Iranian Revolution of 1978/79 has been a watershed event which has had--and continues to have--a significant impact on Muslim societies. Indeed, the Revolution is often perceived as the single most important example in contemporary times of the manner in which Islamism has been utilized as a revolutionary tool. The success of the Revolution in utilizing ideological Islam has had important implications for Pakistan, given the latter's reliance upon Islamism in its public life. This thesis examines editorial response in the Pakistani press to the Iranian Revolution of 1978/79 and analyzes the factors which influenced this reaction.
Pakistan's response to the Iranian Revolution provides a glimpse into the nature of a country coming to terms with itself and its own interpretation of its dominant socio-political ideology. The Revolution highlighted already-existing tensions within the Pakistani national psyche: questions were raised with regard to the ideological direction of the country, its pragmatic concerns for security as well as the role of Islam in the formation of a public identity. The Iranian Revolution, by presenting differing perspectives on some of these issues--though all were framed within the context of the language of Islamism--served to deepen the collective Pakistani soul-searching. The nature of Pakistani response was essentially one of an intricate balancing act amongst competing loyalties, perspectives and imperatives. This response highlighted Pakistan's somewhat tense relationship with itself and its reliance upon Islam as a dominant socio-political ideology. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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48

Palmer, Maxim Geoffrey. "Neorealism and Iran's Security Environment." Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Center for Research on Europe, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/4258.

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Introduction: This paper will analyse Iran’s security situation through the theory of Neorealism as espoused by Kenneth Waltz. In the following study we will apply this theory to the modern international context of the nation state of Iran. We will see what Neorealism tells us about the case study, and what the case study tells us about Neorealism. In this study we will operate on, and further investigate/test, the following structural realist presumptions relevance to the case at hand (Iran's international politial environment): A state of anarchy in the international system. That the principle of rational action in this state system is 'self help'. That the most important way in which states must help themselves is the provision of security. Methodology: How will we apply this Theory? We will begin by attempting to explore an Iranian perspective on the international system, through the study of Iranian history in the international system. We will also explore the modern context in which Iran (presumably) implements this perspective, by breaking down Iran’s modern relations with actors of particular security significance. In doing so, we are attempting to measure the extent to which Iran's experience of the international system resembles the attributes of the system outlined in Waltzian Neorealism, and to investigate how and to what extent this generates insight into understanding the modern dimensions of the Iranian security situation in its international context.
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49

Haghani, Fakhri. "The "New Woman" on the Stage: The Making of a Gendered Public Sphere in Interwar Iran and Egypt." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2008. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_diss/19.

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During the interwar period in Iran and Egypt, local and regional manifestation of tajadod/al-jidida (modernity) as a “cultural identity crisis” created the nationalist image and practice of zan-e emrouzi-e shahri/al-mar’a al-jidida al-madani (the urban/secular “New Woman”). The dynamics of the process involved performance art, including the covert medium of journalism and the overt world of the performing arts of music, play, and cinema. The image of the “New Woman” as asl/al-asala (cultural authenticity) connected sonnat/al-sunna (tradition) with the global trends of modernism, linking pre-nineteenth century popular forms of performing arts to new genres, forms, and social experiences of the space of the performing arts. The subversive transnational character of performance art operated across borders to promote both the discourse of modern womanhood in-the-making among intellectuals, and the public practice of women’s presence among the masses. However, the trans-border effects of the medium were limited by local cultural and political ideologies of nationalism. The spectacle of women on the screen addressed national independence and the creation of a national film industry to resist the financial dominance of Europeans. In Iran, zan-e emrouzi-e shahri served the project of founding a modern nation-state, elevating of a culture of the city and urban development, and institutionalizing performing arts, mirroring the upholding of “male-guardianship.” In Egypt, in the absence of an authoritarian modern state and long-term experience of foreign occupations, al-mar’a al-jidida al-madani accompanied the traditional figure of bint al-balad (the countryside girl) to present modern advancements in film production with a traditional accent, to oppose European cultural values, to provide a tangible space for women’s multifaceted anti-colonial maneuvering, and to connect Egypt’s past history to its future. Performance art helped women to convey their cultural nationalism and a sense of imagined identity by letting them see and be seen by each other, create interactions between the artist and the audience, and emphasize music as the heart of a society’s culture and art. A culture of body performance, a female visual public sphere, and a feminine (and feminist) interpretation of cultural authenticity in performance art led women to claim the profession as a legitimate career.
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50

Niousha, Eslahchi. "BEYOND THE WATER: HOW PRONUNCIATION AFFECTS MELODY IN THE ZOROASTRIAN HYMN " THE WATER'S BIRTHDAY" IN AHMAD-ABAD, IRAN." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1595845477078896.

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