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Journal articles on the topic 'Islamist organization'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 30 May 2022

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

MURTAZIN, M. F. "Islam and Islamism: a Case Study of the Religion Transforming into the Politics." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 4 (2018): 190–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-4-190-205.

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The article deals with the principal peculiar differences between Islam as a religious system versus Islamism as a political ideology. Despite of some religious roots connecting Islamism with the theological system of Islam at the early stage each subsequent step of Islamist progress was in its way to the political transformation as an ideology but not a religious phenomenon. So it means the differentiation of Islam as a religious idea and Islamism as a political concept. This work analyses the origins and transformations of Islamism in its different types including the Sunni and Shi’i branche

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2

Bakour, Bachar. "The Debate on Islamist Party Formation: A Comparative Analysis of al-Būtī and al-Qaradāwī (Perdebatan tentang pembentukan parti islam: analisa per-bandingan antara albuti dan alqardhawi)." Journal of Islam in Asia (E-ISSN: 2289-8077) 15, no. 1 (2018): 228–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/jia.v15i1.666.

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Abstract The paper examines the debate over the legal position of Islamist party formation through comparing views of two preeminent Muslim thinkers: M.S.R al-Būtī (antagonist) and Yūsuf al-Qaradāwī (protagonist). Using a text-by-text scheme, the paper tests the validity of the cited textual evidences on the basis of the primary sources of Sharī‘a and the experience of today’s Islamists: the Muslim Brotherhood (parent organization), Hizb al-Tahrīr, and the Justice and Development Party (AKP). Finally, the paper contends that Islamist parties are a system, accredited by Islamic principles

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3

Basya, Muhammad Hilali. "Cultural Capital, Islamism, and Political Distrust in Pemilu 2019: An Ethnicity-based Community Engaged in Islamic Defenders Front (FPI)." Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies 13, no. 2 (2023): 253–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v13i2.253-278.

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Although there have been many studies investigating Islamist movements and their views concerning the relationship between Islam and politics, very rare studies examining the ways particular ethnicity-based Islamist group invent and revitalize their cultural capital in dealing with Islamism. Based on the case of the role of FPI (the Islamic Defenders Front) group in Jakarta rejecting the result of Pemilu 2019 (Indonesian General Election), this study aims to investigate the way a young Batavian community that is engaged in the FPI (a semi radical Islamist organization) interpret their Batavian

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Kuznetsov, V. "“Islamic Jihad” in Palestine: close reading a policy document." Pathways to Peace and Security, no. 1 (2024): 11–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2024-1-11-27.

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The article analyzes the modern ideological positions of the organization “Islamic Jihad in Palestine”, focusing on the relationship between nationalist and Islamist elements. The relevance of the topic is underscored by the major escalation of the situation in Palestine in 2023–2024, the increased role of radical Islamist movements in the Palestinian political field, and the peculiarities of the transformation of modern Islamism, in which the global religious and political project is intricately intertwined with nationalist ideas. Methodologically, the study is based on the method of close re

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5

Lutful, Rifat Binte. "The Dynamics of Islamic Radicalization in Bangladesh: Confronting the Crisis." Religions 14, no. 10 (2023): 1244. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14101244.

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This article examines the implications of banning Bangladesh’s largest Islamist party, Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, from running in elections and the effect of the Bangladesh government’s co-optation of the radical Islamic group Hefazat-e-Islam. The article contends that more Islamic radicalization occurs as the opportunity for moderate Islamist parties decreases. Using a variety of qualitative methods, the article finds that banning Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami led to a rise in perceptions of the Bangladesh government as anti-Islamic. To counter that sentiment, the Awami League (AL) government c

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Gombár, Eduard. "Islamist Organizations in Syria, Jordan, and Lebanon." Czech Journal of International Relations 37, no. 3 (2002): 84–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/cjir.1116.

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In Syria, the beginnings of political Islamism were connected with the Muslim Brotherhood, which resisted the Baath government and initiated armed revolt in Hama in April 1964. After Hafiz al-Asad seized power, the Muslim Brotherhood split into three factions (ultra-radicals from Hama, a radical faction in Aleppo, and an exiled Damascus moderate faction). In the years 1979-1982, the Muslim Brotherhood war radicalized and oriented towards jihad, which culminated in the Hama uprising in April 1982. However, the Syrian Islamist movement was supported not even by the Islamic revolutionary regime i

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7

Suleimenov, Andrey. "Symbolic field of modern Islamism." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 2 (February 2020): 57–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2020.2.33155.

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The subject of this research is the key topoi of the discourse of Islamist propaganda and the mechanism of their representation by a number of unaccredited sources of the Russian-language extremist propaganda. The object of this research is the Islamist discourse covered by the &ldquo;official&rdquo; sources of the prohibited in the Russian Federation international terrorist organizations &ndash; &ldquo;Islamic State&rdquo;, &ldquo;Dabiq&rdquo; and &ldquo;Rumiyah&rdquo;, as well as a number of Russian-language sources of Islamist propaganda. The author exami

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8

Malysheva, D. "“Hard Power” of Afghan Radical Islamists in Asia." World Economy and International Relations 67, no. 6 (2023): 106–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-6-106-115.

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The capture of power by the Taliban in Afghanistan has changed the regional landscape and created new concerns. Some of them are related to a possibility of strengthening of transnational terrorist organizations in the country. Others are generated by the fear of radical Islamism spreading in the guise of the Taliban or others of its ilk. Meanwhile, various radical Islamist organizations in Afghanistan that resort to “hard power” (armed violence, terrorist methods, etc.) in their practices are destabilizing the situation both in the country and in Asia in general. The conflict potential in Afg

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9

Arifianto, Alexander. "NAHDLATUL ULAMA AND ITS COMMITMENT TOWARDS MODERATE POLITICAL NORMS: A COMPARISON BETWEEN THE ABDURRAHMAN WAHID AND JOKOWI ERA." Journal Of Global Strategic Studies 1, no. 1 (2021): 77–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jgss.v1i1.573.

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This article addresses recent development related to Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) � Indonesia�s largest Islamic organization - and its recent actions as it faces ideological and political challenges from other conservative Islamist organizations. In the process, NU seems to have engaged in backtracking its commitment to consistently promote moderate norms like democracy and tolerance toward different religious and political viewpoints. It examines the factors which explains this reversal and answers the following research puzzle: Under which socio-political conditions do a religious organization that

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10

Ahmed, Zahid Shahab, and Shahram Akbarzadeh. "Pakistan, Pan-Islamism, and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation." Religions 14, no. 3 (2023): 289. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14030289.

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Pan-Islamism had resonated strongly with Muslim political leaders of the Indian sub-continent, including those inspired by Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī, credited with coining the term. These political leaders included prominent members of the All-India Muslim League, who were at the forefront of the Indian Muslims’ struggle for a separate homeland that led to the creation of Pakistan in 1947. It is therefore no surprise that Islam and pan-Islamism became key features of the new state of Pakistan; however, domestic and geopolitical realities demanded a different approach to addressing the country’s

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11

Basya, Muhammad Hilali, and Hamka Hamka. "Cultural capital, Islamism, and political distrust in Indonesia General Election: an ethnicity-based community engaged in Islamic Defenders Front (FPI)." Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies 13, no. 2 (2023): 253–77. https://doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v13i2.253-277.

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Abstract:

Although there have been many studies investigating Islamist movements andtheir views concerning the relationship between Islam and politics, very rarestudies examining the ways particular ethnicity-based Islamist group invent andrevitalize their cultural capital in dealing with Islamism. Based on the case of therole of FPI (the Islamic Defenders Front) group in Jakarta rejecting the resultof Pemilu 2019 (Indonesian General Election), this study aims to investigatethe way a young Batavian community that is engaged in the FPI (a semi radicalIslamist organization) interpret their Batavian values

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12

Ostovar, Afshon. "Iran's Basij: Membership in a Militant Islamist Organization." Middle East Journal 67, no. 3 (2013): 345–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/67.3.11.

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13

Tho Seeth, Amanda. "Islamist-Secular Cleavages at Tunisia ́s Universities." International Higher Education, no. 85 (March 14, 2016): 21–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/ihe.2016.85.9243.

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This article shows how the struggle between secularist and Islamist forces has entered Tunisia´s universities since the introduction of democracy in 2011. In the new political freedom, Islamist voices have become more powerful at the campuses. The Islamist student organization UGTE for the first time ever won the elections over the student councils in November 2015. A future constant rise and stabilization of Islamist power over academia could be backed up by the current weakness of the secular parties in parliament. Furthermore, since democratization, universities have become targets of Salaf

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14

Raudvere, Catharina. "GÜNTER SEUFERT, Politischer Islam in der Türkei. Islamismus als symbolische Repräsentation einer sich modernisierenden muslimischen Gesellschaft, Beiruter Texte und Studien 67, Türkische Welten 3 (Istanbul: Deutschen Morgenländischen Institut, 1997). Pp. 598." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 1 (2000): 188–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002269.

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The national elections in Turkey this April were not the expected success for the Islamist Fazilet Partisi (Virtue Party). Under its former name, Refah Partisi (Welfare Party), the party was the actual winner of the elections in late 1995, and many supporters were deeply disappointed at the result this spring. Why was the party weakened? Commentators inside and outside Turkey speculated from different points of view. Many of them portrayed issues in Turkish Islamism as questions relating to the party as an organization and with an apparent disinclination to regard the party as an umbrella for

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15

Mohamad Antang, Suzalie. "ISLAMIST MOVEMENT IN THE FIELD OF POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN MALAYSIA." TAFHIM : IKIM Journal of Islam and the Contemporary World 2, no. 2 (2015): 57–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.56389/tafhim.vol2no2.3.

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This research is intended to explain the nature of political participation of two major Islamist movements namely the United Malays National Organization (UMNO) and Parti Angkatan Islam (PAS). In essence, the finding of this research defends the idea that UMNO and PAS struggle for power fosters the maturity of Malaysian political discourse as it integrates dynamic Islamic political discourses within the ambit of heterogeneous nature of Malaysian society. The first part of this article explains the theoretical perspective of the nature of Islamist political movement in Malaysia. The second part

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16

Wagemakers, Joas. "Between Exclusivism and Inclusivism: The Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood’s Divided Reponses to the “Arab Spring”." Middle East Law and Governance 12, no. 1 (2020): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01201003.

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This article focuses on how and why some Jordanian Muslim Brothers have engaged in relatively exclusive, Islamist ways of confronting the regime during the “Arab Spring,” while others adopted a more inclusive, national strategy in the same period. As such, this article not only contributes to our knowledge of divisions within the Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood, but also shows how this can impact Islamist-regime relations in the Arab world. It argues that the organization as a whole initially wanted to exploit the uprisings in the region through a relatively exclusive, Islamist approach to the re

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17

Roald, Anne Sofie. "Islamists in Jordan: Promoters of or Obstacles to Female Empowerment and Gender Equality?" Religion & Human Rights 4, no. 1 (2009): 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187103209x440209.

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AbstractThis study deals with the Muslim Brotherhood's reception of CEDAW (Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discriminations against Women) in Jordan. In view of the Arab Human Development Report (AHDR) and interviews with several political actors in Jordanian society it is possible to evaluate Islamist ideas on women's rights. The main aim is to investigate whether Jordanian Islamists are promoters of or obstacles to female empowerment and gender equality. By analyzing various political stands it became apparent that Islamists, on the one hand, reject CEDAW, gender empowerment, an

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18

Villalón, Leonardo A. "Senegal." African Studies Review 47, no. 2 (2004): 61–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002020600030869.

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Abstract:Within Muslim Africa, Senegal has long been characterized by the striking dominance of Sufi forms of Islamic practice and social organization, with important consequences for Senegalese politics and society. While the Sufi model remains centrally important, it has been increasingly rivaled since the 1980s by reformist, or “Islamist,” groups and ideologies. In the wake of the historic Senegalese democratic alternation in power in 2000, and in an international context of apparent conflict between the West and the Muslim world, the growing public discourse about religion in Senegal is re

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19

Zuhri, Syaifudin. "ISLAM, (UN)CIVIL SOCIETY AND CHALLENGES FOR DEMOCRATISATION IN INDONESIA." Al-A'raf : Jurnal Pemikiran Islam dan Filsafat 19, no. 2 (2022): 286–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.22515/ajpif.v19i2.6488.

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This article tries to critically examine the idea of civil society in light of Indonesia's Islamist politics. This raises the question of how far the idea of a civil society in a democratic country leads to public civility. This is an important question that must be addressed. The Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia (MMI) is the main focus of this article. MMI, one of the most active Islamist organizations founded after the fall of the authoritarian regime of the New Order, develops political frameworks that endanger democracy and public civility. MMI became an organization that advocates for uncivil

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20

Yashlavskii, A. "Extremist Groups in the Syrian Civil War: New Actors & New Threats." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2014): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-10-93-104.

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Since 2012 one can speak about a real civil war in Syria with participation of different political forces. Extremist Islamist jihadist groups like “Front al-Nusra” and “Islamic State of Iraq and Levant” (ISIL) play very active role among them. Relations between ruling elites and Islamists have been very complex in Syria during the past decades. On the one hand, Syrian Alawite regime is secular and nationalist. On the other hand, official Damascus used to be one of the sponsors of the militant Islamist anti-Israeli and anti-Western groups in the Middle East. Besides, Syria is a close ally of Is

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21

Özdamar, Özgür, and Sercan Canbolat. "Understanding New Middle Eastern Leadership: An Operational Code Approach." Political Research Quarterly 71, no. 1 (2017): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912917721744.

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Political Islam and Islamist organizations have broadly gained strength across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) in the post-Cold War era. Following the Arab uprisings, the Muslim Brotherhood (MB), generally viewed as the world’s largest and most influential Islamist organization, has shaped the wider landscape of MENA politics. This study examines MB leadership by comparing M. Morsi of Egypt, R. Ghannouchi of Tunisia, and K. Meshaal of Gaza as examples of Islamist leaders to explain their political belief systems and predict their foreign-policy behavior. We use the operational code app

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22

Shukri, Syaza. "Islamist Civilizationism in Malaysia." Religions 14, no. 2 (2023): 209. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14020209.

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Malaysia is known to have a diverse population across the racial and religious spectrums. However, a majority of the population identifies as Malays, and, thus, legally, as Muslims too. Although the development of the Malay identity had begun immediately after World War II, the stark division between Muslims and non-Muslims came out of the 1971 New Economic Policy that prioritized the Malay population in the name of reducing poverty and stabilizing the country. With the Malay-nationalist party United Malay National Organization (UMNO) being in power for six decades, the position of the Malays

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23

Skare, Erik. "Controlling the State in the Political Theory of Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad." Religions 12, no. 11 (2021): 1010. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12111010.

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Existing scholarship has largely focused on the violence of Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) when analyzing their response to the Oslo Agreement and the establishment of the Palestinian National Authority (PA) in the 1990s. The Islamist opposition’s contribution to Palestinian political thought has largely been ignored, however, although the prospects of Palestinian self-rule confronted the two movements with fundamental questions about social organization, governance, and the permissibility of democracy. I offer an analysis of key Hamas and PIJ texts from this period to demonstrate t

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Herdiansah, Ari Ganjar, Danis Wahidin, and Anugrah Saputra. "BEYOND DISBANDMENT OF ISLAMIST ORGANIZATION: EXAMINING THE ADAPTIVE RESISTANCE OF HIZBUT TAHRIR INDONESIA (HTI)." JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) 8, no. 2 (2023): 235. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/jwp.v8i2.49870.

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The disbandment of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) in 2017 marked a significant shift in the dynamics of Islamist movements within Indonesia’s political landscape. Although officially banned, the HTI continued to operate in the shadows, employing various camouflage methods. This article analyzes how political dynamics led HTI to its outlawed status and how it adapted in pursuit of its goals amidst the challenges faced. By adopting a political opportunity structure and Islamist ideology as the theoretical framework with the case study as the method, this study scrutinizes HTI’s post-disbandment e

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25

AYDOĞDU, Yunus. "Sivil İtaatsizlik Perspektifinden Mısır’da Müslüman Kardeşler Pratiği." International Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 36 (2024): 700–722. https://doi.org/10.52096/usbd.8.36.35.

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This study examines the actions, ideological framework, and alignment of the Muslim Brotherhood within the theoretical context of civil disobedience. Founded in Egypt in 1928, the Muslim Brotherhood is recognized as one of the earliest and most influential Islamist organizations, significantly shaped by the ideas of Hasan al-Banna and Sayyid Qutb. The concept of civil disobedience is discussed through a theoretical lens, followed by an evaluation of the organization’s historical activities within this framework. The analysis reveals that while the Muslim Brotherhood predominantly positions its

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26

Askerov, Mir-Ali I. "Afghani crisis and the threat of Islamist extremism in Tajikistan." Asia and Africa Today, no. 12 (2022): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750023557-4.

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This article examines terrorist organizations that pose a threat to Tajikistan and analyzes their activities, media products and recruitment campaigns within the context of the Afghan crisis. Particular attention is paid to the rise to power of the Taliban in Afghanistan and the transformations that occurred during their year in power. It considers not only transformations in Afghanistan itself, but in the global jihadist movement as a whole. Expert interviews gathered during field research are also analyzed. The data collected during the field study are analyzed in addition to databases and a

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27

Gul, Imtiaz. "Women’s Role in Recruitment for ISIS/Islamist Networks in Pakistan." International Annals of Criminology 56, no. 1-2 (2018): 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cri.2018.15.

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AbstractHistorically, women in Pakistan’s northwestern territories bordering Afghanistan have played a critical role in providing money and men to jihadist organizations such as the Taliban, Al-Qaeda, and “Islamic State in Iraq and Syria” (ISIS). Lack of education, too little exposure and a male-dominated conservative milieu constitute some of the ingredients of support for these outfits. This was true for over three decades and the phenomenon remained restricted to the rural, backward northwestern regions. But since the early 1990s, outfits such as the Al-Hudda Foundation – an exclusively wom

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28

Nadein-Raevskiy, V. A. "R.T. Erdogan as an Example of a Charismatic Politician." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 6 (2018): 138–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-6-138-154.

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The article examines the process of formation of identity of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan – a charismatic leader, an adept of “moderate Islamism” one of the founders of the Justice and Development Party. Historically strong centralized authority was always normal for Turkey and the need for Turks in the charismatic leaders is evident even at the present time. Erdogan is stubborn and consistent, thanking to religious education in his family and in religious Lyceum Imam Hatib. He was always religious and since his student years, joined Islamic politicians. In his student years he becam

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Mohiuddin, Asif. "Islamism and Globalisation: Unpacking the Dialectics of Ideology and Socio-economic Change in the Middle East." Journal of Globalization Studies 15, no. 1 (2024): 180–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.30884/jogs/2024.01.10.

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The ascension of Islamism in the Middle East is an articulation of the profound and far-reaching transformations transpiring within the political and cultural spheres. As a construct, Islamism is at the center of the public discourse regarding the interplay between Islam, Muslims and power. Despite disparities among Islamists in their perceptions of extremism, political participation and societal engagement, they hold in common several fundamental ideological tenets. Notwithstanding the enigmatic nature of these tenets, the diversity among Islamists in the extent to which they materialize thes

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30

Khan, Shahnaz. "The Idea of Woman in Fundamentalist Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 1 (2005): 109–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i1.1735.

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Lamia Rustum Shehadeh’s timely book, The Idea of Woman inFundamentalist Islam, begins with a brief biography of influential “fundamentalists.” She examines the context in which they formulated their theoriesand the extent to which they influenced each other, a process thatallows us to see their ideas as a response to the historical, political, andsocial environments in which they lived. For example, the MuslimBrotherhood, founded by Hasan al-Banna in 1928, not only helped formulateand consolidate Islamic revivalism in Egypt, but also helped provide ablueprint for a sociopolitical organization

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Wagemakers, Joas. "A Terrorist Organization that Never Was: The Jordanian “Bay'at al-Imam” Group." Middle East Journal 68, no. 1 (2014): 59–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/68.1.13.

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This article deals with a radical Jordanian Islamist group wrongly called “Bay'at al-Imam,” which existed from 1992–99 and included later al-Qa'ida fighter Abu Mus'ab al-Zarqawi. It attempts to shed light on this group, which has received little Western scholarly or media attention, by correcting earlier notions about its supposedly terrorist character and goals. Moreover, this article seeks to increase our understanding of ongoing debates between Jordanian radicals by focusing on their origins in this period in the 1990s.

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HUQ, MAIMUNA. "Reading the Qur'an in Bangladesh: The Politics of ‘Belief’ Among Islamist Women." Modern Asian Studies 42, no. 2-3 (2008): 457–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x07003149.

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AbstractWhile much has been written about resurgent Islamic movements in recent decades, the proliferation of religious reading circles has received little attention. Few studies delineate the specifics of audience engagement with authoritative Islamic texts on the ground. This paper is a small attempt at such an inquiry in the context of Bangladesh. It investigates a particular Islamist Qur'anic study session conducted in Dhaka in 2003. Such reading sessions are routinely conducted within Bangladesh Islamic Chatri Sangstha (BICSa), the leading Islamic organization of women students in Banglad

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Matesan, Ioana Emy. "Grievances and Fears in Islamist Movements: Revisiting the Link between Exclusion, Insecurity, and Political Violence." Journal of Global Security Studies 5, no. 1 (2019): 44–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jogss/ogz042.

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Abstract This article examines how exclusionary policies and repressive measures affect the propensity of Islamist groups in nondemocratic settings to engage in violence. The central argument is that exclusion from electoral politics, from civil society, and from public discourse can increase political grievances, whereas symbolic threats to religious values spark sociocultural grievances; state violence and repression foster a sense of insecurity. The article proposes that Islamist groups are both principled and strategic actors, who may adopt violent rhetoric in response to political or soci

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Orlov, Vladimir Viktorovich. "Traditions of maghrebi-saheli statehood and islamic radicalism in Early XXI Century." RUDN Journal of World History 16, no. 1 (2024): 7–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2024-16-1-7-17.

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The significance of this research topic is due to the relevance of the problems of modern state-building in the public and political life of North and West Africa. The purpose of the research project is to analyze the causes and consequences of the emergence of radical movements of political Islam in the Maghreb and Sahel at the junction of the XX and XXI centuries and their connection with the shortcomings of national statehood inherent in both African regions. At the same time, the author focuses on the incompleteness of the state-building process, the weakness of institutions and the low le

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35

Suleimenov, Andrey Ruslanovich, and Igor' Valer'evich Ryzhov. "The political language of modern Islamism: practices of legitimation of the International Terrorist Organization “Islamic State” (terrorist organization banned in Russia)." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 3 (March 2021): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2021.3.36729.

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This article analyzes the ways of legitimation that are characteristic to the Russian-language propaganda of the terrorist group &ldquo;Islamic State&rdquo; that is banned in Russia. The arguments the extremist propaganda resorts to are revealed on the example of the online magazine &ldquo;Istok&rdquo;: founded on Muslim law, legitimation on the basis of Quranic texts, appeal to moral justice of the establishment of &ldquo;Caliphate&rdquo;, and positioning of &ldquo;Caliphate&rdquo; as the traditional sovereign state with its attributes. Description is given to

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Moghadam, Valentine M. "On Samir Amin’s Call for a Fifth International." Journal of World-Systems Research 25, no. 2 (2019): 270–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2019.953.

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In his prodigious output, from works on capitalist development to analyses of Islamist movements to involvement in the World Social Forum, Samir Amin’s was a consistent voice for struggle against capitalism’s domination of the world and its peoples. In this brief essay I address his call for a shift from movement to organization, indeed, toward a kind of Fifth International (Amin 2018a) and explain why I endorse it.

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Askerov, Mir-Ali. "Jihadi Counter-Terrorism: Local Radical Islamists Governance vs. Global Jihadism." Journal of Globalization Studies 15, no. 2 (2024): 99–108. https://doi.org/10.30884/jogs/2024.02.06.

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This article deals with the confrontation between international terrorist organizations that follow the idea of global jihadism and those radical Islamist organizations that try to redirect their activities towards local state-building. In particular, it touches on the issue of counter-terrorist activities carried out by localized groups against the globally oriented Jihadists. This is an extremely relevant and yet recent issue, since these trends have recently begun to manifest themselves in a most peculiar way. This was particularly evident after the new spokesman of the Islamic State made a

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Hamdi, Ahmad Zainul. "RADICALISING THE TRADITIONALISTS." Epistemé: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman 15, no. 1 (2020): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21274/epis.2020.15.1.1-21.

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The post-New Order Indonesian politics has provided a political opportunity structure for the state towards democratization. It has a double-edged sword whatsoever: on the one hand democratization could lead to the civic engagement, but on the other hand, it provides a hot bed for the flourishing of anti-civic organization. As for the latter, following the fall of authoritarian regime of new Order in 1998, Indonesians have also witnessed the birth of transnational Islamist and radical organizations threatening the state’s integrity and peaceful coexistence of the citizens. Amid the public appe

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d’Urbano, Paolo. "Ikhwanweb: A digital archive for a post-Islamist movement?" Journal of Arab & Muslim Media Research 12, no. 2 (2019): 253–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jammr_00006_1.

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The article looks at Ikhwanweb, the English website of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (MB), from its early days and through the years before the 25th January revolution. The archive is used as a theoretical concept to capture both the symbolic and material struggles that the MB faced while trying to articulate its political vision. As a nodal point where power and knowledge intersect, the concept of the archive was first theorized by Foucault and Derrida. Ikhwanweb is examined as a digital archive, a site for both knowledge and memory production. The first section deals with the main analytic

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Koss, Maren. "The Pro-Palestinian Transnational Advocacy Network in Malaysia." Asian Survey 60, no. 4 (2020): 755–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2020.60.4.755.

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A powerful pro-Palestinian transnational advocacy network has emerged in Malaysia since the Gaza war of 2008–09. Taking the cooperation between the Palestinian Cultural Organization Malaysia, the Islamist Hamas, and the United Malays National Organisation as an example, I analyze the network and argue that the three actors are engaging there to promote the Palestinian struggle for an independent state but at the same time, each actor is using the network to pursue its own interests.

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Ahyar, Muzayyin. "Is Islam Compatible With Democracy? Islamist Movement’s Trajectory on Democratization in Indonesia." Walisongo: Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Keagamaan 25, no. 1 (2017): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/ws.25.1.1335.

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<p class="ABSTRACT"><span lang="EN">The democratization process in Indonesia is in line with the emergence several Islamic mass organizations which accept or rejected the concept of democracy. Since the pre-independence era, Indonesia has been facing some Islamist groups that opposed to state’s ideology of democracy. This article presents the discussion among scholars about the compatibility between Islamic norms and democratic values, and in what position Indonesia is. The dealing question with the discussion is; does the proliferation of radical Islamist movement signify the inco

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Denisova, T. S., and S. V. Kostelyanets. "Mozambique: Islamic Radicalization as a Factor of Political Instability." Asia and Africa today, no. 5 (December 15, 2024): 46–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750030834-9.

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The radicalization of Islam in Mozambique is rapidly changing the country’s religious landscape and contributing to the spread of religious intolerance. Before the 2000s, Mozambique had rarely encountered serious manifestations of interfaith tension, but since the mid-2000s, traditional Sufi Islam began to be supplanted by the ideology of Wahhabism amid a general destabilization of the socio-political situation in the north of the country, primarily in the province of Cabo Delgado. At the end of the 2010s, armed Islamist groups began to operate in Mozambique, coordinated by the umbrella organi

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HAFEZ, MOHAMMED M. "ANDREA NÜSSE, Muslim Palestine: The Ideology of Hamas (Amsterdam: Harwood Academic Publishers, 1998). Pp. 203. $22.00 paper." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 1 (2001): 139–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801321062.

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In a modest but original contribution to the literature on the Islamist movement in the West Bank and Gaza, Andrea Nüsse explores the ideology of the key player in this movement: Hamas. Nüsse analyzes Hamas's system of thought, particularly how it frames its struggle against Israel; the arguments it employs to oppose the peace process; and its use of Qur[ham]anic exegeses to underpin its militant, or jihadist, stance. The author avoids such issues as the structure of the organization and the social base of its constituency, which have been explored elsewhere. Instead, she relies on primary mat

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Ahmed, Sundus Serhan. "The Evolution of the Ennahda Movement: From Religious Ideology to Political Force in Tunisia's Post-Revolution Era." Jurnal Ilmiah Mizani: Wacana Hukum, Ekonomi Dan Keagamaan 12, no. 1 (2025): 150. https://doi.org/10.29300/mzn.v12i1.7138.

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This article examines the ideological and political transformation of Tunisia’s Ennahda Movement from a clandestine Islamist organization inspired by the Muslim Brotherhood into a central actor in Tunisia’s post-revolutionary democratic landscape. The research addresses how Ennahda redefined its political identity in response to shifting sociopolitical conditions following the 2011 revolution. Employing qualitative methods—including thematic, discourse, and comparative analysis—the study draws on primary data such as party manifestos, speeches by Rached Ghannouchi, and interviews with politica

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Nefliasheva, Naima A. "Deradicalization of Islamists: Theoretical approaches (historiographical aspect)." Asia and Africa Today, no. 12 (2022): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750022426-0.

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The article is an analysis of academic approaches to the problem of deradicalization of Islamists. Over the past 20 years, programs for the deradicalization of Islamists have been operating in many countries of the world. From the second half of the 2010s, there is an actualization of the problem of deradicalization of Islamists in Russia, where the experience of foreign countries and various strategies and practices of deradicalization began to be critically received. The author notes that all deradicalization programs are structurally similar and consist of various blocks - religious, educat

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Carapico, Sheila. "Private Voluntary Organizations in Egypt." American Journal of Islam and Society 13, no. 2 (1996): 269–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v13i2.2321.

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Over the past five years or so, the considerable western interest inthe role played by nongovernmental voluntary associations in Egypt hasbeen reflected in a growing English-language literature on the subject.Researchers tackle the question from a range of perspectives.One approach, relatively state-centered and legalistic, focuses on howCairo manages to control, co-opt, or "corporatize" autonomous organizationsincluding labor and professional syndicates, agricultural and othercooperatives, and private not-for-profit groups. The principle tool for reiningin private voluntary and community asso

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Piazza, James A. "Is Islamist Terrorism More Dangerous?: An Empirical Study of Group Ideology, Organization, and Goal Structure." Terrorism and Political Violence 21, no. 1 (2009): 62–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546550802544698.

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Klein, Menachem. "Hamas in Power." Middle East Journal 61, no. 3 (2007): 442–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/61.3.13.

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This article challenges the static approach to Hamas as a simple fundamentalist organization by analyzing its political documents. It shows that Hamas' Islamist ideology has not prevented it from moving from fundamentalism to radicalism. Hamas has innovated ways of allowing its leaders to declare or acquiesce in political positions that contradict its fundamentalist creed. Hamas accomplished this change in the course of a domestic debate. The international boycott of its government did not create the change — Hamas began to talk in two voices before winning the 2006 elections.

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Subhan, Arief. "MENCARI PERSPEKTIF TERORISME DI INDONESIA:." Dialog 35, no. 2 (2017): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.47655/dialog.v35i2.115.

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There is a strong perception among observers that Southeast Asia is a “second front” in the “global war on terrorism” —after Middle Eastern countries as the “first front”. Others have even suggested that this region is a “haven” for terrorism. Among the countries in the Southeast Asia —Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, and the Philippines— Indonesia has special attention. Not only because Indonesia is a country with the largest Muslim population in the world —according to 2005 statistics, the country is inhabited not less than 208.819.86 soul with the percentage of more than 90 percent Muslim. Mo

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Gorman, Brandon. "The myth of the secular–Islamist divide in Muslim politics: Evidence from Tunisia." Current Sociology 66, no. 1 (2017): 145–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392117697460.

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Many scholars argue that politics in majority-Muslim societies are marked by deep polarization: dominated by struggles between secularists and Islamists who hold fundamentally divergent ideological positions. Yet, this finding is likely a result of scholarly focus on Islamist organizations and political parties rather than their constituencies. Using Tunisia as a case study, this article investigates attitudinal polarization between secularists and Islamists at the individual level using a mixed-method design combining statistical analyses of survey data with content analyses of in-depth inter

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