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Books on the topic 'National Revolution Party (Afghanistan)'

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1

Slovo, Joe. The South African working class and the national democratic revolution. South African Communist Party, 1989.

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2

Alahmar, Abdullah. The Baath and the regenerating revolution: A search in the aspects of the Baathist Arab Socialist Party and its national guiding experience. Dar Albaath, 1991.

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3

Wheaton, Elizabeth. Codename GREENKIL: The 1979 Greensboro killings. University of Georgia Press, 1987.

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4

Vadān, Faqīr Muḥammad. Siyāsat-i muṣālaḥah-i millī va jabhahʹgīrīʹhā dar Ḥizb-i Vaṭan (sābiq Ḥizb-i Dimukrātīk-i Khalq-i Afghānistān): Ḥaqāyiq, pandārʹhā va kirdārʹhā = Policy of national reconciliations in the "Watanʹparty" (the former Peoples Democratic Party of Afghanistan) : realities, thoughts and deeds. Ittiḥādīyah-i Kumakʹhā, Tafāhum va Hambastagī-i Afghānhā, 2002.

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5

King, Richard. Cultural Revolution. Edited by Stephen A. Smith. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199602056.013.031.

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Culture served communist-ruled states by presenting a vision of nations and peoples in transition from a dark and oppressive past into the projected bright future of communism. National and party leaders followed Lenin in ascribing great importance to the persuasive powers of the arts and insisting on their incorporation into the machinery of government. Artists creating works of literature, film, and the performing and visual arts according to the official doctrine of socialist realism presented images of new socialist persons overcoming difficulties and accomplishing tasks to instruct and en
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6

Langston, Joy. Democratization and Authoritarian Party Survival. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190628512.001.0001.

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Mexico’s Party of the Institutional Revolution (PRI) held executive power continuously from 1929 to 2000, when its candidate suffered a shocking defeat in the presidential elections. This study, which covers the years 1980–2012, uses an institutional focus to understand why the PRI survived its defeat and loss of the resources of the executive bureaucracy to return victoriously after two six-year terms out of office. The book offers a model of the difficulties authoritarian parties must face after they are ousted from the executive through fair and free elections: the danger of dramatic fractu
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7

Wagner, Wolfgang. The Democratic Politics of Military Interventions. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198846796.001.0001.

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According to a widely shared notion, foreign affairs are exempted from democratic politics, i.e., party-political divisions are overcome—and should be overcome—for the sake of a common national interest. This book shows that this is not the case. Examining votes in the US Congress and several European parliaments, the book demonstrates that contestation over foreign affairs is barely different from contestation over domestic politics. Analyses of a new collection of deployment votes, of party manifestos, and of expert survey data show that political parties differ systematically over foreign p
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8

Mayer, Nonna. The Radical Right in France. Edited by Jens Rydgren. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190274559.013.22.

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After providing a quick summary of the long history of the French radical right, from the reaction to the revolution of 1789 to the creation of the Front National in 1972, this chapter focuses on the changes brought about by Marine Le Pen since she took over her father’s party in 2011. Her “de-demonization” strategy has indeed improved the image of the movement and attracted new voters. But the nativist anti-immigrant message is the same as Jean-Marie Le Pen’s. And the Front National still suffers from political isolation; while it has sometimes won the first round of elections, it has yet to
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9

Gillingham, Paul. Unrevolutionary Mexico. Yale University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300253122.001.0001.

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Unrevolutionary Mexico addresses how the Mexican Revolution (1910-1940) turned into a capitalist dictatorship of exceptional resilience. While soldiers seized power across the rest of Latin America, in modern Mexico the civilians of a single party moved punctiliously in and out of office for seventy-one years. The book uses the histories of the states of Guerrero and Veracruz as entry points to explore the origins and consolidation of this unique authoritarian state on both provincial and national levels. An empirically rich reconstruction of over sixty years of modernization and revolution (1
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10

Geismer, Lily. Don't Blame Us. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691157238.001.0001.

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This book traces the reorientation of modern liberalism and the Democratic Party away from their roots in labor union halls of northern cities to white-collar professionals in postindustrial high-tech suburbs, and casts new light on the importance of suburban liberalism in modern American political culture. Focusing on the suburbs along the high-tech corridor of Route 128 around Boston, the book challenges conventional scholarly assessments of Massachusetts exceptionalism, the decline of liberalism, and suburban politics in the wake of the rise of the New Right and the Reagan Revolution in the
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11

García-Bryce, Iñigo. Haya de la Torre and the Pursuit of Power in Twentieth-Century Peru and Latin America. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469636573.001.0001.

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Like Fidel Castro and Che Guevara, Peruvian Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre (1895–1979) was one of Latin America’s key revolutionary leaders, well known across national boundaries. This political biography of Haya chronicles his dramatic odyssey as founder of the highly influential anti-imperialist American Popular Revolutionary Alliance (APRA), as a political theorist whose philosophy shifted gradually from Marxism to democracy, and as a seasoned opposition figure repeatedly jailed and exiled by his own government. A genius of political propaganda, he created a transnational party. Haya rejected
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12

Balkelis, Tomas. Breaking from Isolation. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199668021.003.0003.

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This chapter focuses on the transformation of the relationship between the Lithuanian national intelligentsia and population as a result of the Great War and the Russian February revolution. For the elite the war became a mobilizing moment that shattered their narrowly based party politics and unleashed a wave of mass activism. The war and revolution created a space for the emergence of new political visions and identities. The chapter discusses population mobilization as a result of two major developments brought about by war: civilians’ experience of occupation in the Ober Ost and population
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13

Horvath, Robert. Ideologue of neo-Nazi terror: Aleksandr Sevastianov and Russia’s ‘partisan’ insurgency. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474433853.003.0008.

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The career of Aleksandr Sevast’ianov, a nationalist intellectual who became a leading apologist of far-right violence, is in focus here. In the first phase (1992–1997) of his revolutionary project, Sevast’ianov avoided overt statements on violence while he led the campaign against the repatriation of WWII ‘trophy art’. During the second phase (1998–2003), as leader of a radical nationalist party, he repeatedly affirmed his commitment to legality but hinted that violent militants also had a role to play. During the third phase (2004–2012), which coincided with a wave of racist killings committe
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14

Paracha, Nadeem F. Prohibition and ‘Sharab’ as Political Protest in Karachi. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190656546.003.0008.

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This chapter by Nadeem Farooq Paracha brings oral history and memoir to the fore. Paracha interweaves national, social and personal histories in an extraordinary analysis of how alcohol, its sale and consumption, became intrinsic to Karachi’s leftist political culture in the euphoria of the post-Zia years; how political rebellion involving alcohol fueled violence on Karachi’s student campuses; and shaped Paracha’s personal nemesis and life trajectory into journalism rather than militancy. The adage that the ‘personal is political’ acquires enriched meaning in these unfoldings of a simultaneous
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15

Paxman, Andrew. Introduction: The Black Legend of William O. Jenkins. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190455743.003.0001.

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By 1960, William O. Jenkins was an octogenarian of thrifty habits, still pursuing his love of farming, but leftist leaders and journalists made him a political football, their critiques of his business practices designed to whip up sentiment against the dominant conservative wing of the ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). The context was the Cold War, made tenser by the Cuban Revolution, with ideological battles between left and right using increasingly strident rhetoric; thus the name of the infamous gringo became a key rhetorical tool. This episode is a point of departure for lay
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16

Fischer, Nick. Here Come the Bolsheviks! University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040023.003.0003.

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This chapter examines how the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia contributed to the rise of the Red Scare. On November 7, 1917, revolutionaries from the Bolshevik faction of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party seized power in Petrograd and proclaimed the world's first socialist government. The Bolsheviks endorsed violent, class-based insurrection and policies of land and resource nationalization. News of the Bolshevik uprising intensified the wartime atmosphere in the United States, in which fear of treachery was rampant. This chapter first considers American intervention in Russia during th
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17

Fiedler, Lutz. Matzpen. Translated by Jake Schneider. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474451161.001.0001.

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This book explores the history of the Israeli Socialist Organization – Matzpen (compass) – that splintered off from the Communist Party of Israel in 1962. After the Six Day War of June 1967, Matzpen shook Israeli society, calling for a withdrawal from the recently occupied territories, and placing itself outside the national consensus. Even before the war, the group emphasised the colonial dimension of the conflict between Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs, which was irresolvable within the paradigm of the nation-state. Matzpen instead advocated for Israel’s de-Zionisation and a socialist rev
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