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Journal articles on the topic 'Nicaragua – History'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 3 March 2023

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1

Gismondi, Michael, and Jeremy Mouat. "“La Enojosa Cuestión de Emery”: The Emery Claim in Nicaragua and American Foreign Policy, C. 1880-1910." Americas 65, no. 3 (January 2009): 375–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.0.0075.

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This article will argue that a seemingly trivial dispute between the Nicaraguan government and an American lumber company operating on Nicaragua's Mosquito Coast escalated to become a major source of tension between the U.S. State Department and Nicaragua, as well as a catalyst that drew U.S. banks into Nicaragua. Despite its significance, the convoluted story of this dispute has attracted little scholarly attention. The importance of the Emery claim was widely acknowledged at the time, however. Stories about it appeared in contemporary newspapers and magazines, and it became a topic worthy of discussion by a U.S. Senate hearing. The claim was also connected to José Santos Zelaya's resignation as president of Nicaragua in the autumn of 1909, a gesture that came shortly after he had agreed to settle the Emery claim.

2

Snyder, Emily. "“Cuba, Nicaragua, Unidas Vencerán”: Official Collaborations between the Sandinista and Cuban Revolutions." Americas 78, no. 4 (October 2021): 609–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2021.5.

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AbstractThe Cuban and Sandinista Revolutions stand together as Latin America's two socialist revolutions achieved through guerrilla insurgency in the latter half of the twentieth century. But beyond studies that demonstrate that Cuba militarily trained and supported the Sandinistas before, during, and after their guerrilla phase, and observations that the two countries were connected by the bonds of socialist revolution, the nature of Cuba and Nicaragua's revolutionary relationship remains little explored. This article traces exchanges of people and expertise between each revolutionary state's Ministry of Foreign Relations and Ministry of Culture. It employs diplomatic and institutional archives, personal collections, and oral interviews to demonstrate the deep involvement of Cuban experts in building the Sandinista state. Yet, Cuban advice may have exacerbated tensions within Nicaragua. This article also shows that tensions marked the day-to-day realities of Cubans and Nicaraguans tasked with carrying out collaborations, revealing their layered and often contradictory nature. Illuminating high-level policy in terms of Cuban-Nicaraguan exchanges and how they unfolded on the ground contributes to new international histories of the Sandinista and Cuban revolutions by shifting away from North-South perspectives to focus instead on how the Sandinistas navigated collaboration with their most important regional ally.

3

Baker, Suzanne M., and Ruth Ann Armitage. "Cueva La Conga: First Karst Cave Archaeology in Nicaragua." Latin American Antiquity 24, no. 3 (September 2013): 309–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/1045-6635.24.3.309.

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Cueva la Conga, recorded in June 2006, is the first limestone cave in Nicaragua reported to contain prehistoric rock paintings, culturally modified natural formations called speleothems, and artifacts. Located in northcentral Nicaragua in the Department of Jinotega, Cueva la Conga is the farthest south on the Mesoamerican periphery that a cave of this type has been reported, and it extends our knowledge of ritual cave use, including cave painting and speleothem modification, to include Nicaragua. Radiocarbon analysis of charcoal in five samples of the paint, the first such dating of Nicaraguan rock art, yielded calibrated dates from cal A.D. 680—905 to cal A.D. 1403—1640. The baseline data provided by Cueva la Conga are of great importance for regional rock art analysis and for our growing understanding of regional and Nicaraguan prehistory. More archaeological survey and excavations in the area will be key in establishing a firm cultural context for the rock art and ritual cave use found at Cueva la Conga.

4

Millett, Richard L. "Nicaragua." Current History 89, no. 543 (January 1, 1990): 21–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1990.89.543.21.

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5

Gould, Jeffrey L. "The Enchanted Burro, Bayonets and the Business of Making Sugar: State, Capital, and Labor Relations in the Ingenio San Antonio, 1912-1926." Americas 46, no. 2 (October 1989): 159–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007081.

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Since the 1920s, the San Antonio sugar mill in Chichigalpa, Nicaragua has been that country's largest manufacturing establishment. The ingenio (the sugar mill along with the plantation) employed close to 2,000 workers in 1920, and has since consistently employed far more workers than any other single enterprise. The owners of San Antonio were—and continue to be—the most economically powerful group within the Nicaraguan elite, In contemporary Nicaragua, the above affirmations remain valid: San Antonio is still the largest employer and economically most powerful financial group in the country.Any consideration of the development of Nicaraguan capitalism must take into account the history of the Ingenio San Antonio (ISA). In this article, I will examine the development of relations among labor, management, and the state in San Antonio from the 1890s until 1930 using archival and oral sources. Throughout this period, politics and economics were inseparable for the workers. Particularly after the U.S. Marines occupied Nicaragua in 1912 and bolstered the Conservative regime, the political Liberalism of the San Antonio workers was something of a popular revolutionary

6

Snyder, Emily. "Internationalizing the Revolutionary Family." Radical History Review 2020, no. 136 (January 1, 2020): 50–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-7857259.

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Abstract This article argues that Cuban ideas about gender, sexuality, and the family shaped Cuban internationalist collaboration with Nicaragua in the 1970s and 1980s. It demonstrates that collaboration sprang from a gendered political discourse, and in turn the dynamics of gendered relationships between Cubans and Nicaraguans affected the internationalist campaigns. First, the essay argues that state discourse expanded the idea of the New Man to include volunteering abroad, and cast female participants as moral agents of internationalism. Second, it analyzes the idea of revolutionary love and how it related to internationalism. Then, the article demonstrates how internationalism created transnational relationships. Finally, it examines the experiences of Nicaraguan students who went to boarding schools on the Isla de la Juventud. Throughout, the article centers the notion of family and shows how internationalist mobility created space for personal experiences, love within revolution, and new family dynamics.

7

Colburn, Forrest D. "Embattled Nicaragua." Current History 86, no. 524 (December 1, 1987): 405–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1987.86.524.405.

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8

Moro, Diana. "Rubén Darío en el debate sobre la literatura nacional nicaragüense." (an)ecdótica 5, no. 1 (January 29, 2021): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.anec.2021.5.1.19784.

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The debate on literature in Nicaragua, at various moments in the country’s history, is elaborated on the figure, aesthetics, and work of Rubén Darío. Not only the birth and death of the poet on vernacular soil are central aspects in the appropriation made, but above all, the international cultural capital built through his wandering life and cosmopolitanism in his work. The appropriation of his aesthetics, as well as the distancing and debates about his contribution, persist in various moments of Nicaraguan literary history. We will explore some interventions by Nicaraguan intellectuals who are members of the Avant-garde Group, above all, their subsequent critical review and the contribution that Ventana magazine made in the 1960s. Finally, it will be observed that during the revolutionary decade, 1979-1989, the figure of Darío concentrates, at least, two simultaneous appropriations, the “anti-imperialist” and the “half-blood”. Both perspectives coincide in the conviction that, in Nicaragua, there would be no literature without the magisterium of Darío.

9

Huete-Pérez, Jorge A., Eduardo Mendoza-Ramírez, and Lucía Páiz-Medina. "Genomic Biorepository of Coastal Marine Species in Estero Padre Ramos and Estero Real, Nicaragua." Encuentro, no. 93 (December 10, 2012): 6–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/encuentro.v0i93.908.

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Nicaragua, located in southern Mesoamerica between the Caribbean Sea and the Pacific Ocean, has acted as a land bridge for flora and fauna migrating between North and South America during the last 3 million years. Because of Nicaragua’s location and history, it is rich in terrestrial and aquatic biodiversity. To study this biodiversity and preserve it for the future, Nicaragua’s Molecular Biology Center at the University of Central America (CBM-UCA) created the Genomic Biorepository Project. The Project collects and catalogs coastal marine biodiversity in the Estero Real and Padre Ramos estuaries, located in Nicaragua’s northern Pacific region.The biorepository holds more than three thousand tissue and genomic specimens, comprising 1,049 samples (714 specimens from Estero Padre Ramos and 335 from Estero Real) belonging to 100 species and 54 families, genomic extracts in triplicates for every sample collected and environmental sandy sediments representing 60 different sites. Changes in the biological composition of the region were documentedas compared to previous sampling. Of the 1,049 samples obtained from the two estuaries, 30 new residents were recorded in Estero Real, and 19 in Estero Padre Ramos. The Cytochrome Oxidase I (COI) gene was sequenced for a number of species, including 19 fish species, and published to public databases (BOLD SYSTEMS). The records contained in the genomic biorepository here described lay the foundation for the most complete marine biodiversity database in Nicaragua and is made available to national and international specialists, facilitating knowledge of Nicaraguan biodiversity.

10

Colburn, Forrest D. "Nicaragua under Siege." Current History 84, no. 500 (March 1, 1985): 105–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1985.84.500.105.

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11

McCoy, Jennifer L. "Nicaragua in Transition." Current History 90, no. 554 (March 1, 1991): 117–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1991.90.554.117.

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12

RocaMartinez, Silvia. "“¿Qué sos, Nicaragua, para dolerme tanto?” Gioconda Belli and the Nicaraguan Cause”." International Journal of Language and Literary Studies 2, no. 3 (September 30, 2021): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.36892/ijlls.v2i3.703.

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This article traces Gioconda Belli’s trajectory as a writer, feminist, and political activist. Belli, who is known as one of the organic intellectuals of the Nicaraguan Sandinista Revolution, has consistently used her platform as one of the most renowned contemporary Latin American writers to provide a voice that transcends national borders to the Nicaraguan cause since the early 1970s. Through the analysis of some of her most notable works, some of her contributions in the national and international press, as well as social media publications, we examine the way her many roles have informed each other over the years and accomplished a two-fold goal: on the one hand, she has documented and theorized on the recent history of Nicaragua, in addition to keeping those in power in check; on the other hand, she has become one of the foremothers of Nicaraguan feminism. As this article shows, not only has she crafted—both in writing and action— a roadmap for younger generations of women, but she has also documented and influenced the evolution of feminism in Nicaragua.

13

Ebel, Roland. "Nicaragua: The Land of SandinoRevolution and Counterrevolution in Nicaragua." Hispanic American Historical Review 73, no. 1 (February 1, 1993): 185–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-73.1.185.

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14

Sheets, Payson, Kenneth Hirth, Fred Lange, Fred Stross, Frank Asaro, and Helen Michel. "Obsidian Sources and Elemental Analyses of Artifacts in Southern Mesoamerica and the Northern Intermediate Area." American Antiquity 55, no. 1 (January 1990): 144–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/281500.

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Obsidian sources, and the proportions of those sources represented in site collections, are known poorly in the southeast mesoamerican periphery. The Honduran sources of La Esperanza and Güinope are described and “fingerprinted” chemically, and their utilization is explored in selected sites in Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica. Although prehistoric Nicaraguans and Costa Ricans used obsidian from sources as far away as Honduras and Guatemala, most of their cutting tools were made from local materials, using informal manufacturing techniques. The analytical results indicate two sources of new types of obsidian have yet to be found; they may lie in western Nicaragua.

15

Bataillon, Gilles. "Enfants guérilleros du Nicaragua." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire 89, no. 1 (2006): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ving.089.0077.

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16

De La Cruz, Rachael. "Revolutionary Refugee Policy: Salvadorans and Statecraft in Sandinista Nicaragua (1979–1990)." Americas 80, no. 1 (January 2023): 101–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2022.92.

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AbstractDuring the 1980s, more than 20,000 Salvadorans fleeing the violence of the Salvadoran Civil War entered the neighboring country of Nicaragua. Their flight was part of a larger multidirectional migration out of El Salvador in which Salvadorans sought refuge across Central and North America. In response to this unprecedented influx of Salvadoran refugee men, women, and children, the Nicaraguan government—newly under the control of the revolutionary Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN)—declared that all refugees would be permitted “the opportunity to survive and produce.” This article argues that the timing of the refugees’ arrival proved mutually beneficial for both the Salvadorans and the FSLN by illustrating how Sandinista officials sought to further agrarian reform projects via refugee integration into agricultural cooperatives. As such, Nicaraguan refugee policy functioned as an integral part of Sandinista statecraft. Through an analysis of refugee-produced sources, government and UNHCR documents, and news reports, this article sheds new light on the entwined histories of Salvadoran refugees and the Sandinista state in the transnational context of the late Cold War period in Central America.

17

Leiken, Robert S. "The Soviet Union and Nicaragua." Current History 88, no. 534 (January 1, 1989): 39–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1989.88.534.39.

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18

González Arana, Roberto. "Nicaragua. Dictadura y revolución." Memorias 10 (April 27, 2022): 231–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.14482/memor.10.620.3.

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Este trabajo describe la historia reciente de Nicaragua y analiza los factores políticos, económicos y sociales que hicieron posible la finalización de cuatro décadas de dictadura en este país centroamericano.

19

Salisbury, Richard V., Manzar Foroohar, Benjamin T. Harrison, Denis Lynn Daly Heyck, Patricia Taylor Edmisten, Alan Benjamin, Michael Dodson, Laura Nuzzi O'Shaughnessy, and Carlos M. Vilas. "Recent Writing on Nicaragua." Hispanic American Historical Review 71, no. 3 (August 1991): 609. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2515884.

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20

Salisbury, Richard V. "Recent Writing on Nicaragua." Hispanic American Historical Review 71, no. 3 (August 1, 1991): 609–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-71.3.609.

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21

Márquez Domínguez, Juan Antonio, and Jose Díaz-Diego. "The Nicaragua Interoceanic Grand Canal in the Central American Regional Development Context: Considerations for the Debate." Investigaciones Geográficas, no. 66 (December 16, 2016): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/ingeo2016.66.02.

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In the regional context of Central America, the Nicaragua Interoceanic Grand Canal presupposes a great economic, technological and geopolitical challenge. However, beyond the economic expansion that the project, the merchant traffic, the new docks and surroundings imply, the Nicaraguan ruling class has not tackled the restructuring of the economic policy that will allow better use of the hypothetical GDP increase, especially for the affected communities and the most vulnerable groups of the country. To demonstrate the need for such changes, the article analyses the Nicaraguan Grand Canal Project in the context of the tumultuous political history of Central America and the current geopolitical unrest linked to global merchant traffic, identifying the main regional weaknesses of the Nicaraguan proposal, as well as the fundamental tasks that the country should address to transform the Canal into a regional development focus.

22

Lovell, W. George, and Linda A. Newson. "Indian Survival in Colonial Nicaragua." Ethnohistory 37, no. 1 (1990): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/481950.

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23

Whisnant, David E. "Ruben Dario as a Focal Cultural Figure in Nicaragua: The Ideological Uses of Cultural Capital." Latin American Research Review 27, no. 3 (1992): 7–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100037213.

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Most of the critical commentary on Nicaraguan poet Rubén Dario has been called forth and shaped by his being a seminal pan-Latin American and an international literary figure. Less known is the fact that for more than a century, Darío has been the focus of a much contested discourse concerning national cultural identity within Nicaragua itself. Comprehending this more limited and focused discourse requires carefully analyzing the changing cultural-political constructions that Darío's fellow Nicaraguans have placed upon his life and work, and especially the role of ideology in those constructs. Such analysis can also offer insight into the role of focal Latin American cultural figures in the negotiation of national cultural identity, especially during periods of dramatic political transformation, crisis, and reconstruction like the Somoza era (1936–1979) and the Sandinista Revolution (1961–1989).

24

Bartlett, Merrill L., and George B. Clark. "With the Old Corps in Nicaragua." Journal of Military History 66, no. 1 (January 2002): 223. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2677376.

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25

Schroeder, Michael J. "Horse Thieves to Rebels to Dogs: Political Gang Violence and the State in the Western Segovias, Nicaragua, in the Time of Sandino, 1926–1934." Journal of Latin American Studies 28, no. 2 (May 1996): 383–434. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00013055.

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AbstractThis study of organised political violence in north-central Nicaragua from 1926 to 1934 focuses on the infamous Conservative gang leader Anastacio Hernández and on Sandino's rebels. The contexts of a weak central state and local-regional caudillismo are outlined. It is shown that after the 1926–27 civil war. Hernández and others produced ritualised spectacular violence in the service of their Chamorrista caudillo patrons. The language, practices, and characteristics of organised violence are examined. It is argued that Sandino's rebels appropriated these tools of political struggle, and that changes and continuities in the organisation of violence in Nicaraguan history merit greater attention.

26

Borah, Woodrow, and Linda A. Newson. "Indian Survival in Colonial Nicaragua." American Historical Review 95, no. 1 (February 1990): 303. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2163199.

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27

Newton, Ronald C., and Pierre Vayssiere. "Nicaragua: Les contradictions du sandinisme." Hispanic American Historical Review 67, no. 2 (May 1987): 347. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2515042.

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28

Newton, Ronald C. "Nicaragua: Les contradictions du sandinisme." Hispanic American Historical Review 67, no. 2 (May 1, 1987): 347–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-67.2.347.

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29

Dobyns, Henry F. "Indian Survival in Colonial Nicaragua." Hispanic American Historical Review 68, no. 1 (February 1, 1988): 121–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-68.1.121.

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30

Dobyns, Henry F., and Linda A. Newson. "Indian Survival in Colonial Nicaragua." Hispanic American Historical Review 68, no. 1 (February 1988): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2516237.

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31

Stansifer, Charles L., and Robert F. Arnove. "Education and Revolution in Nicaragua." Hispanic American Historical Review 68, no. 1 (February 1988): 154. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2516262.

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32

Charlip, Julie A., and Hazel Smith. "Nicaragua: Self-Determinism and Survival." Hispanic American Historical Review 74, no. 2 (May 1994): 357. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2517602.

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33

Ebel, Roland, and Thomas W. Walker. "Nicaragua: The Land of Sandino." Hispanic American Historical Review 73, no. 1 (February 1993): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2517682.

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34

Stansifer, Charles L. "Education and Revolution in Nicaragua." Hispanic American Historical Review 68, no. 1 (February 1, 1988): 154–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-68.1.154.

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35

Charlip, Julie A. "Nicaragua: Self-Determinism and Survival." Hispanic American Historical Review 74, no. 2 (May 1, 1994): 357–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-74.2.357.

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36

Steele, Nicaragua Jonathan. "Nicaragua Jonathan Steele." Index on Censorship 14, no. 3 (June 1985): 2–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228508533882.

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37

Jarquín, Mateo. "The Nicaraguan Question: Contadora and the Latin American Response to US Intervention Against the Sandinistas, 1982–86." Americas 78, no. 4 (October 2021): 581–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2021.6.

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AbstractWhile much has been written about the United States’ efforts to undermine Nicaragua's Sandinista government (1979–90), historians have paid little attention to Latin American state perspectives on the only successful armed revolution in the region since Cuba. In fact, the war that subsequently emerged between Sandinista armed forces and US-backed contras was a thoroughly regionalized affair: at least 12 Latin American countries—including the five largest—became directly involved in efforts to broker peace by the mid 1980s. How and why did they become involved? What can Latin American diplomacy vis-à-vis the Sandinista Revolution tell us about the shape of inter-American relations in the twilight years of the Cold War?To answer these questions, this article uses diplomatic archival sources and oral history interviews from Nicaragua, the United States, Mexico, Cuba, Costa Rica, and Panama to trace Latin American state responses to US intervention against the Sandinista government between 1982 and 1986. While the Reagan administration viewed Nicaragua as the place where it would begin to roll back Soviet-sponsored communism in the Third World, a bloc of Latin American governments—especially those associated with the Contadora peace process—saw Central America as the site where they would push back against US unilateralism and the threat it posed to their real interests and shared hopes for regional sovereignty. In stark contrast with the earlier reaction to the Cuban Revolution, most Latin American states rejected US intervention and sought to legitimize Managua's left-wing government. The regional dimensions of Nicaragua's civil war therefore show how the political fault lines of Latin America's Cold War shifted over time.

38

Keremitsis, Dawn, and Margaret Randall. "Sandino's Daughters Revisited: Feminism in Nicaragua." Hispanic American Historical Review 76, no. 4 (November 1996): 803. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2517993.

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39

Matthews, Robert P., Jiri Valenta, and Esperanza Duran. "Conflict in Nicaragua: A Multidimensional Perspective." Hispanic American Historical Review 69, no. 4 (November 1989): 800. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2516153.

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40

McCreery, David, Harry E. Vanden, and Gary Prevost. "Democracy and Socialism in Sandinista Nicaragua." Hispanic American Historical Review 76, no. 2 (May 1996): 370. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2517185.

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41

Matthews, Robert P. "Conflict in Nicaragua: A Multidimensional Perspective." Hispanic American Historical Review 69, no. 4 (November 1, 1989): 800–801. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-69.4.800.

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42

McCreery, David. "Democracy and Socialism in Sandinista Nicaragua." Hispanic American Historical Review 76, no. 2 (May 1, 1996): 370–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-76.2.370.

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43

Keremitsis, Dawn. "Sandino’s Daughters Revisited: Feminism in Nicaragua." Hispanic American Historical Review 76, no. 4 (November 1, 1996): 803–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-76.4.803.

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44

Prevost, Gary, and Robert F. Arnove. "Education as Contested Terrain: Nicaragua, 1979-1993." History of Education Quarterly 36, no. 2 (1996): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/369511.

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45

Storkmann, Klaus. "East German Military Aid to the Sandinista Government of Nicaragua, 1979–1990." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 2 (April 2014): 56–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00451.

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The East German regime provided extensive military assistance to developing countries and armed guerrilla movements in Africa, the Middle East, Southeast Asia, and Latin America. In the 1980s, the pro-Soviet Marxist government in Nicaragua was one of the major recipients of East German military assistance. This article focuses on contacts at the level of the ministries of defense, on Nicaraguan requests to the East German military command, and on political and military decision-making processes in East Germany. The article examines the provision of weaponry and training as well as other forms of cooperation and support. Research for the article was conducted in the formerly closed archives of the East German Ministry for National Defense regarding military supplies to the Third World as well as the voluminous declassified files of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (the ruling Communist party).

46

Offen, Karl H. "Narrating Place and Identity, or Mapping Miskitu Land Claims in Northeastern Nicaragua." Human Organization 62, no. 4 (December 1, 2003): 382–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/humo.62.4.f9xgq4cu3ff88he0.

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This paper draws from my participation in mapping miskitu community land claims in the spring of 1997 to discuss the relationship between the mapping process and an identity politics of place in northeastern Nicaragua (the moskitia). in community fora that formed the critical element of the mapping process, miskitu community intellectuals passionately narrated miskitu history with recourse to moskitia geography and the places to be mapped. these public narratives resonated with and mobilized community audiences because they combined authoritative Miskitu identity signifiers, such as the Miskitu flag and biblical lessons, with commonplace toponyms and cultural landscapes. in narrating the relationship of miskitu identity to moskitia places, community intellectuals simultaneously critiqued the conventional wisdom of Nicaraguan historiography and transformed the initial aim of the mapping project by shaping the meaning of “community lands” for community members. in this way, the mapping project merged a cultural politics of place with those of identity.

47

Gillespie, Thomas W. "Latitudinal extent and natural history characteristics of birds in Nicaragua." Global Ecology and Biogeography 11, no. 5 (September 2002): 411–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.1466-822x.2002.00295.x.

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48

Maldonado Martinez, Ignacio. "Mental health: The history of an internationalist cooperation with Nicaragua." Family Systems Medicine 8, no. 4 (1990): 327–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/h0089082.

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49

Spalding, Rose J., and Michael E. Conroy. "Nicaragua: Profiles of the Revolutionary Public Sector." Hispanic American Historical Review 68, no. 4 (November 1988): 856. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2515729.

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Russell-Wood, A. J. R., and Wolfgang Gabbert. "Creoles-Afroamerikaner im karibischen Tiefland von Nicaragua." Hispanic American Historical Review 75, no. 1 (February 1995): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2516816.

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