Academic literature on the topic 'Offensive Realism'
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Journal articles on the topic "Offensive Realism"
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Stephanson, A. "Offensive Realism." boundary 2 27, no. 1 (March 1, 2000): 181–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01903659-27-1-181.
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Muradov, I. "THE IMPACT OF NATO ENLARGEMENT ON UKRAINE CRISIS: NEOREALIST PERSPECTIVE." Epistemological Studies in Philosophy, Social and Political Sciences 1, no. 1-2 (August 11, 2017): 107–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/341811.
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This article introduces a new perspective to address the relationship between NATO enlargement policy and Ukraine Crisis. To simplify ongoing discussion on this subject, this particular research study utilizes two stripes of neorealism: offensive and defensive realism. Proponents of enlargement policy have been put into the offensive realists’ side whereas opponents of it are placed in defensive realist camp. This article argues that each of these paradigms pose danger for Ukraine Crisis. Therefore, it adopts a middle way between offensive and defensive realism in terms of Ukraine issue.
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Johnson, Dominic D. P., and Bradley A. Thayer. "The evolution of offensive realism." Politics and the Life Sciences 35, no. 1 (2016): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pls.2016.6.
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Offensive realism, a theory of international relations, holds that states are disposed to competition and conflict because they are self-interested, power maximizing, and fearful of other states. Moreover, it argues that states are obliged to behave this way because doing so favors survival in the international system. Debate continues as to whether modern states actually do, or should, behave in this way, but we are struck by a different question. In this article, we ask whether the three core assumptions about behavior in offensive realism—self-help, power maximization, and outgroup fear—have any basis in scientific knowledge about human behavioral evolution. We find that these precise traits are not only evolutionarily adaptive but also empirically common across the animal kingdom, especially in primate and human societies. Based on these findings, we hypothesize that states behave as offensive realists predict not just because of anarchy in the modern international system but also because of the legacy of our evolution. In short, offensive realism may really be describing the nature of the human species more than the nature of the international system. If our hypothesis is correct, then evolutionary theory offers the following: (1) a novel ultimate cause of offensive realist behavior; (2) an extension of offensive realism to any domain in which humans compete for power; and (3) an explanation for why individual leaders themselves, and not just states, seek power. However, a key insight from evolution is that the primacy of self-help, power maximization, and outgroup fear does not necessarily condemn individuals or groups to competition and conflict; rather, these traits can in themselves give rise to cooperation and alliances.
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Grafov, Dmitry. "Offensive versus Defensive Realism." Contemporary Arab Affairs 12, no. 3 (September 2019): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2019.123002.
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This article approaches Russia’s strategy of countering the United States indirectly by way of intermediate states. It is concerned with the reasons why Russia decided to engage in the Syrian conflict in 2015 and, from this perspective, the real goals of Russia’s policy in the region. These questions cannot be considered without taking account of how they are linked with the all-out confrontation between Russia and the West in Ukraine. The Syrian conflict merely represents an external platform for Russia in countering the United States. Russia is testing her own power to force the United States out of Syria and seeks any opportunity to demonstrate American vulnerability. There is a triangle of interests for the key regional actors—Turkey, Iran, and Russia—that oppose US interests. The rising confrontation with Washington in Syria triggered Moscow to seek ways of using other potential rivals of the United States, given that there are numerous areas of tension and conflict with Washington beyond the Middle East. The author’s analysis of the actors’ behavior is based on the “security dilemma” and the “balance of power” approaches. There are well-known disputes between “defensive” and “offensive” realism in the theory of international politics concerning which of these approaches is more reliable and reasonable when considering costs and results, as well as the risk of tensions spiraling out of control (“security spiral”). The aim of this research is to make a comparison between America’s offensive strategy with Russia’s defensive approach and evaluate the efficiency of both policies. Following a particular scholarly approach, this article presumes that Moscow acquires power via the indirect, “low-cost strategies,” using any opportunity available to counterbalance US power via other countries. It is concluded that offensive or defensive behavior depends on the situation and available resources. The United States has sufficient resources to implement an offensive strategy, and Washington may raise the stakes in confrontation. Russia’s defense approach of a “buck-passing” strategy is more efficient, but Moscow suffers from a lack of resources and chooses indirect countering, using any means necessary to counterbalance US power in Syria and beyond.
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Schmidt, Brian C. "Realism as tragedy." Review of International Studies 30, no. 3 (July 2004): 427–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210504006151.
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In 1948, Hans J. Morgenthau wrote his classic text, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace, that was largely responsible for establishing realism as the prevailing theory in the field of International Relations (IR). In 1979, Kenneth N. Waltz wrote an immensely influential book, Theory of International Politics, that resulted in a new structural version of realism – neorealism – becoming the dominant theory in IR. John J. Mearsheimer, who is the R. Wendell Harrison Distinguished Service Professor of Political Science at the University of Chicago, has written a profoundly important book that rightfully deserves a prominent place along with Morgenthau and Waltz in the canon of realist thought about international politics. Mearsheimer's clearly written book puts forth a new structural theory of realism that he terms offensive realism. This version of realism argues that the observable patterns of behaviour among all of the great powers throughout history, most notably their ubiquitous power-seeking, can be explained by the fact that they exist in a condition of anarchy in which there is no higher source of authority above them. While sharing many of the same basic assumptions with neorealism, offensive realism, as elucidated by Mearsheimer, provides a fundamentally different account of the essential dynamics of international politics than that which Waltz and his students have been offering for the last twenty years or so.
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Jyalita, Vincentia Vahistha Hirrya. "Defensive Realism’s Perspective on Rising China’s Behavior as A Status Quo State." Jurnal Sentris 2, no. 1 (May 7, 2021): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/sentris.v2i1.4621.73-86.
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China’s rise through rapid development especially in the economic sector have prompted debates on whether it seeks to overtake the United States (U.S.) and strive for domination. However, China insists that it has no such intentions since it benefits from the current system and wishes to pursue peaceful development. This paper will analyze why China is not seeking to displace the U.S. and alter the international order despite claims from offensive realism that states are revisionist as they pursue domination to guarantee its survival under anarchy. This paper argues that defensive realism can better explain the case and that China is a status quo state unlike claims from offensive realism. The writer conducted the study with defensive realism’s perspective and utilized indicators from Steve Chan, Weixing Hu, and Kai He to determine whether China is a status quo state. The results show that defensive realism can fill the gap left by offensive realism and that China is indeed a status quo state. Kebangkitan China yang ditandai dengan perkembangan pesat, terutama dalam bidang ekonomi, telah memicu perdebatan tentang apakah China berusaha untuk mengambil alih kekuasaan Amerika Serikat (A.S.) dan mendominasi tatanan global. Namun, China bersikeras dalam mengklaim bahwa tidak ada niat seperti itu karena mendapatkan keuntungan dari sistem saat ini dan lebih ingin mengejar pembangunan secara damai. Artikel ini akan menganalisis mengapa China tidak berusaha untuk menggantikan A.S. maupun mengubah tatanan global, meskipun ada klaim dari offensive realism bahwa setiap negara adalah revisionist karena mereka memperluas kekuasaannya untuk menjamin kelangsungan hidupnya di bawah sistem dunia yang anarki. Dalam artikel ini, penulis berpendapat bahwa defensive realism dapat menjelaskan kasus ini dengan lebih baik dan China adalah negara status quo tidak seperti klaim dari offensive realism. Penulis melakukan studi dengan perspektif defensive realism dan menggunakan indikator dari Steve Chan, Weixing Hu, dan Kai He untuk menentukan apakah China merupakan negara status quo. Hasilnya menunjukkan bahwa defensive realism dapat mengisi kekosongan yang ditinggalkan oleh offensive realism dan bahwa China memang negara status quo.
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Ghazala Yasmin Jalil. "China’s Rise: Offensive or Defensive Realism." Strategic Studies 39, no. 1 (April 24, 2019): 41–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.039.01.00118.
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China’s rise has been the greatest development of the 21st century. It has emerged as the second largest economy in the world, a country with a modern army and nuclear weapons. China’s rise has come to be seen as a major threat by the West and especially the US. Most scholarly debates predict that it will lead to a conflict between China and the US. Set in this context, this paper takes John Mearsheimer’s theory of offensive realism, which predicts intense competition and conflict between China and the US and examines China’s behaviour as a rising power against it. The paper finds that far from being an aggressive, hegemonic and a revisionist state, China is a status quo power that aims to preserve its position in the international system rather than upset it. The paper argues that China’s behaviour displays elements of defensive rather than offensive realism.
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RENDALL, MATTHEW. "Defensive realism and the Concert of Europe." Review of International Studies 32, no. 3 (July 2006): 523–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210506007145.
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Why do great powers expand? Offensive realist John Mearsheimer claims that states wage an eternal struggle for power, and that those strong enough to seek regional hegemony nearly always do. Mearsheimer’s evidence, however, displays a selection bias. Examining four crises between 1814 and 1840, I show that the balance of power restrained Russia, Prussia and France. Yet all three also exercised self-restraint; Russia, in particular, passed up chances to bid for hegemony in 1815 and to topple Ottoman Turkey in 1829. Defensive realism gives a better account of the Concert of Europe, because it combines structural realism with non-realist theories of state preferences.
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설인효 and 이택선. "Mearsheimer’s Offensive Realism and North East Asian Regional Order in the 21st Century: The Debates Between Defensive and Offensive realism and the Reexamination of Mearsheimer’s Offensive Realism." Dispute Resolution Studies Review 10, no. 2 (August 2012): 123–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.16958/drsr.2012.10.2.123.
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Ahn, Byung-Joon. "South Korea: ‘Offensive Realism’ vs. ‘Wounded Nationalism’." Contemporary Security Policy 26, no. 3 (December 1, 2005): 686–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523260500501037.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Offensive Realism"
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Irfan, Orhan. "Offensive or Neoclassical Realism? How a Great Power Shapes Its Environment." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för informatik och media, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-446418.
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This thesis aims to shed light on the differences between offensive and a specific version of neoclassical realism on their expectations regarding how a great power shapes its environment. The neoclassical framework proposed in this work constitutes an independent variable captured by the polarity in the system, an intervening variable of state capacity, and a dependent variable of revisionist foreign policy. It is argued that along with multipolarity and bipolarity, there is a need to incorporate unipolarity in structural realist accounts. Analysed from this perspective, great powers feel high external pressure due to the nature of unipolarity, which diminishes the value of pure structural frameworks. In this respect, the incorporation of state-level factors provides more reliable analyses for explaining anxious great powers` strive for regional hegemony. As a result, neoclassical realism is better equipped to explain Russia`s revisionist foreign policy.
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Johansson, Felicia. "September 11, 2001 - Why? : A qualitative case study with the purpose to study U.S. dominance and its enemy." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-107313.
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On September 11, 2001 United States faced the most massive terrorist attack in the history, one that killed nearly 3000 people. A tragedy followed by enormous consequences considering the collapse of the World Trade Center, as two hijacked planes crashed into the twin towers in New York City, one plane crashed into Pentagon and another domestic scheduled passenger flight, that crashed into a field in Somerset County, Pennsylvania. This qualitative case study will examine whether the attacks on 9/11 was a backlash to U.S. political dominance globally. This study will also examine to what extent the policy making executed by the Bush administration post 9/11, was a demonstration of hegemony and political dominance based on offensive realism. The conclusion of this study was that to a large extent, the attacks on 9/11 was a backlash to U.S. political dominance and to a large extent the Bush administration's response to 9/11 can be defined as hegemony based on offensive realism.
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Henningsson, Ida. "EU och Ryssland : En fallstudie över hur The Eastern Partnership har påverkat relationen mellan de två parterna." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-79942.
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In recent decades, the EU has significantly expanded its presence and influence in many of the former Soviet states. This essay have examined how the relationship between the EU and Russia has change since The Eastern Partnership was introduced 2009 and the extent to which it can be seen as a contributing factor. The Eastern Partnership is a joint initiative involving the EU, its Member States and six Eastern European Partners. Among this six this essay has focued on Ukraine and its part in the relationship between EU and Russia. This essay have been a theory-consuming case study that analyzes and explains the EU and Russia`s actions concerning the EaP, with the help of Mearsheimer`s theory of offensive realism. The analysis showed that the relations between EU and Russia had changed and deteriorated. The Eastern Partnership has provoked Russia and has made them feel restricted in their sphere of power. There has been a conflict over the six countries, including Ukraine, between the EU and Russia.
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Prifti, Bledar. "The Security and Foreign Policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran: An Offensive Realism Perspective." Scholar Commons, 2009. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/1743.
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This study argues that security and foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran is mainly driven by the main principles of the Offensive Realism theory of international relations. While the Iranian political system is considered a theocratic system, based on the Islamic Shi'a ideology, its survival is defined as the ultimate ideology-an ideology that is paramount to any other ideology. Iran's security and foreign policy is determined and shaped by its need to survive in an anarchic international system. Iran's cooperation with "two Satans", Israel and the United States, during the Iran-Iraq war demonstrates that the ultimate ideology of survival dominates over any other ideological predisposition. In addition, the lack of a supranational government and the fear about the intentions of other states make Iran aware of the need to rely on self-help. Iran has also realized that the best way to limit threats to its survival would be maximizing its relative military power and becoming a regional hegemony. Furthermore, a formidable military power would provide Iran with a new status in regional and global politics, deterrence power over any possible attack from other great powers, and bargaining power over regional and global matters. In order to enhance its military (conventional and nuclear) arsenal, Iran has established "strategic relations" with its historic enemy, Russia. In its quest to advance its military capabilities and avoid threats to its sovereignty, Iran sided with Christian states, against its Muslim brothers, during the Russia-Chechnya and Armenia-Azerbaijan conflicts. Moreover, the Islamic state is aware of the fact that its paramount goals can be achieved by relying on precise rational strategies. In order to validate these claims, this study analyzes Iran's policy during the Iran-Iraq war and Iran's policy toward Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict, the Russian-Chechen conflict, and the U.S. invasion of Iraq.
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Hammarström, Richard. "Balans eller obalans? : Mearsheimers offensiva realism i samtidens multipolära maktordning." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Akademin för lärande, humaniora och samhälle, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-44912.
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The thesis has focused on John J. Mearsheimers theory of offensive realism and applied it onto the contemporary relations between People´s Republic of China, Russian Federation, and the presence of United States in Europe and the Asian-Pacific region. The thesis concludes that the probability of war is moderate, due to the current balance of military power in each respective region. China is actively challenging the United States both militarily and politically in the international community, albeit without successful results. Russian hegemony in Europe is balanced and kept in check by the NATO alliance, which the United States is an integral part of. The Sino-Russian relations are marked by an overall respective tone between the two powerful Asian states. The thesis concludes through a mixed-method-design that the balance is currently maintained between the three states, but any deviation one way or another risk overthrow the world into an unbalanced state which is by far the deadliest, according to Mearsheimer's offensive realism.
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Bjällstrand, Thomas. "China: Friend or Foe? : Understanding the U.S Pacific Pivot to China's Confusing Confucianism." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Ekonomisk-historiska institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-100928.
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The great strategic distrust between the two world largest economic and military powers is one of the most debated topics in contemporary international relations. This thesis question if the current hegemon view its new competitor as an offensive or defensive realist state and which policies should consequently be taken. China’s policy of peaceful coexistence and the U.S attempt of global integration may not be fully compatible and the thesis illuminates the contradicting notions of China Confucius values and how they are visible in its foreign policy rhetoric. The thesis conclude by stating that the China’s ambitions in not seen as following the guidelines of a defensive realist state in the eye of the United States and that China’s so called unique characteristics and values are mere rhetoric that does not seem to shape its current foreign policy. The U.S response is so far a passive containment by increasing cooperation with other actors in the region as a balancing act while simultaneously cautiously engage and try to influence China to adopt policies fitting a global player and work for peaceful solutions to international problems. Thus China is not seen as either a friend or a foe but is currently viewed as being in a grey area of competitor and cooperator.
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Tawaifi, Simon. "The Perfect Storm : How Offensive Opportunity and Ideational Distance led to third-party interventions in Syria, Yemen and Bahrain." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-138880.
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Mendes, Flávio Pedroso. "Lakatos, o Realismo Ofensivo e o Programa de Pesquisa Científico do Realismo Estrutural." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/101/101131/tde-17072013-152543/.
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Qualquer disciplina científica que se entenda como tal deve, constantemente, avaliar criticamente o mérito interno de suas abordagens, em termos de sua progressividade e da geração de conhecimento relevante. É exatamente a este tipo de reflexão que o presente trabalho doutoral se propõe, tendo como objeto a teoria das relações internacionais. Trata-se, efetivamente, de um exercício situado na fronteira entre a epistemologia, ou teoria do conhecimento, e a apreciação teórica das dinâmicas da política internacional. Precisamente, propõe-se uma análise do fôlego teórico-científico da vertente estrutural do realismo político, da forma desenvolvida seminalmente por Kenneth Waltz, diante de emendas teóricas incorporadas pelo realismo ofensivo de John Mearsheimer. Como uma tal discussão não pode prescindir de uma referência metateórica, optou-se pela aplicação da Metodologia dos Programas de Pesquisa Científicos desenvolvida por Imre Lakatos. Espera-se com esta investigação trazer três contribuições fundamentais ao estudo teórico das relações internacionais: (i) o delineamento da proposta epistemológica de Lakatos e de seus critérios de aplicação, bem como a discussão de sua adequação às ciências sociais, em geral, e à teoria das relações internacionais, em particular; (ii) sistematizar o realismo estrutural na forma de um programa de pesquisa científico, identificando seu núcleo duro, seu cinturão de proteção de hipóteses auxiliares e suas heurísticas negativa e positiva; e (iii) demonstrar que o realismo ofensivo mearsheimeriano representa uma mudança teórica intraprogramática progressiva no interior do Programa de Pesquisa Científico do Realismo Estrutural.Any scientific field of research must constantly and critically evaluate its internal developments, in terms of progressiveness and the construction of significant knowledge. That is precisely what the present dissertation is set out to do, regarding the theory of international relations. It is indeed an exercise located at the frontier between epistemology and the theoretical understanding of the international political dynamics. Specifically, the theoretical-scientific depth of structural realism, as seminally developed by Kenneth Waltz, will be analyzed in face of recent theoretical amendments proposed by John Mearsheimer\'s offensive realism. Since such an approach cannot be conducted in the absence of a metatheoretical referential, Imre Lakatos\' Methodology of Scientific Research Programs (MSRP) will be applied. Three main contributions are expected to follow from our study: (i) a clearer understanding of Lakatos\' epistemology proposal and its criteria, as well as a discussion of the adequacy of the MSRP for the social sciences, in general, and the theory of international relations, in particular; (ii) a more systematic approach to structural realism as a scientific research program, identifying its hard core, its protective belt of auxiliary hypothesis and its negative and positive heuristics; and (iii) the appreciation of offensive realism as a progressive theoryshift for the Structural Realist Research Program.
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Puric, Melisa. "Cold War Thinking Revisited : An “offensive realist” case study on the foreign policy behaviour of the U.S and Russia within the African security nexus." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Internationella relationer, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-43990.
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This paper explores theoretical propositions derived from offensive realism, applied to the instance of military export and foreign policy strategies of Russia and the U.S in the field of Africa during the post- Cold War period. The sections of this paper have disserted paradigms of this phenomena by applying the congruence method under the overarching theoretical umbrella of foreign policy analysis, to answer the question regarding does offensive realism provide relevant explanatory insight on the foreign policy of Russia and the U.S in the realm of the African security nexus? The study concludes that the degree as to which offensive realism provides relevant explanatory insight on the foreign policy strategies of the actors is strongly competitive in contrast to other explanatory theories. The study further adds to the propositions of the theoretical framework by arguing that it is conceivable that the ambition to prevent the rise of another hegemon is likely to be prioritized within foreign policy strategy to a greater extent than has been previously asserted, and has in some cases been seen as more imperative than the aspect of maximizing the domestic security, and thus survival.
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Christensson, Gustav. "“Let This Be A Warning: If You Attack Israel, We Will Defend Ourselves” : Assessing defensive and offensive realism as applied upon the Israeli conduct against Iran 2007-2020." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-99859.
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In this theory testing case study the aim is to test which of the two competing theories, defensive and offensive realism, possess the greater explanatory power in regards to the Israeli action against Iran between 2007-2020, while subsequently assessing if either theory is applicable. Two competing analytical models, based around the seminal works of Kenneth Waltz, Stephen Walt, and John J. Mearsheimer, will be applied upon the Israeli actions against the Iranian nuclear program and the Israeli actions against Iran in Syria. The essay utilizes a wide array of sources, from news articles to academic papers, in order to provide a correct description of the events of study. This aim was conceptualized by posing a research question, followed by four competing hypotheses. These will, in conjunction with the analytical models, enable a comparison of the explanatory power the theories possess when applied upon the Israeli conduct against Iran. It is concluded in this paper that defensive realism possesses greater explanatory power when applied upon the Israeli conduct against Iran, compared with offensive realism.
Books on the topic "Offensive Realism"
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Bushi zheng fu de Zhaoxian zheng ce: Jin gong xing xian shi zhu yi de shi jiao = The DPRK policy of Bush adminstration : in view of the offensive realism. Beijing Shi: She hui ke xue wen xian chu ban she, 2011.
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Buxi zheng fu dui Bei Han ji Yilang he wu wei ji zhi zheng ce cha yi fen xi: Gong shi xian shi zhu yi de jian shi = Analyzing Bush Administration's policy difference toward the nuclear crises of North Korea and Iran : an offensive realist perspective. Taibei Shi: Zhi zhi xue shu chu ban she, 2014.
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Lobell, Steven E. Structural Realism/Offensive and Defensive Realism. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.304.
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Structural realism, or neorealism, is a theory of international relations that says power is the most important factor in international relations. First outlined by Kenneth Waltz in his 1979 book Theory of International Politics, structural realism is subdivided into two factions: offensive realism and defensive realism. Structural realism holds that the nature of the international structure is defined by its ordering principle, anarchy, and by the distribution of capabilities (measured by the number of great powers within the international system). The anarchic ordering principle of the international structure is decentralized, meaning there is no formal central authority. On the one hand, offensive realism seeks power and influence to achieve security through domination and hegemony. On the other hand, defensive realism argues that the anarchical structure of the international system encourages states to maintain moderate and reserved policies to attain security. Defensive realism asserts that aggressive expansion as promoted by offensive realists upsets the tendency of states to conform to the balance of power theory, thereby decreasing the primary objective of the state, which they argue is ensuring its security. While defensive realism does not deny the reality of interstate conflict, nor that incentives for state expansion do exist, it contends that these incentives are sporadic rather than endemic. Defensive realism points towards “structural modifiers” such as the security dilemma and geography, and elite beliefs and perceptions to explain the outbreak of conflict.
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Halaychik, Brandon. Offensive Structural Realism and Russian Expansion in the Arctic. Independently Published, 2019.
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Lim, Yves-Heng. China's Naval Power: An Offensive Realist Approach. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.
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Lim, Yves-Heng. China's Naval Power: An Offensive Realist Approach. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.
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Walt, Stephen M. Realism and Security. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.286.
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Political Realism has been described as the “oldest theory” of international politics, as well as the “dominant” one. Central to the realist tradition is the concept of “security.” Realism sees the insecurity of states as the main problem in international relations. It depicts the international system as a realm where “self-help” is the primary motivation; states must provide security for themselves because no other agency or actor can be counted on to do so. However, realists offer different explanations for why security is scarce, emphasizing a range of underlying mechanisms and causal factors such as man’s innate desire for power; conflicts of interest that arise between states possessing different resource endowments, economic systems, and political orders; and the “ordering principle” of international anarchy. They also propose numerous factors that can intensify or ameliorate the basic security problem, such as polarity, shifts in the overall balance of power, the “offense–defense balance,” and domestic politics. Several alternative approaches to international relations have challenged the basic realist account of the security problem, three of which are democratic peace theory, economic liberalism, and social constructivism. Furthermore, realism outlines various strategies that states can pursue in order to make themselves more secure, such as maximizing power, international alliances, arms racing, socialization and innovation, and institutions and diplomacy. Scholars continue to debate the historical roots, conceptual foundations, and predictive accuracy of realism. New avenues of research cover issues such as civil war, ethnic conflict, mass violence, September 11, and the Iraq War.
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Rehman, Iskander. The Subsurface Dimension of Sino-Indian Maritime Rivalry. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199479337.003.0009.
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Iskander Rehman describes the subsurface capabilities and interactions of the Indian and Chinese navies, where China enjoys a clear quantitative superiority over India in all three components of the submarine fleet—conventional, nuclear attack, and nuclear ballistic missile submarines. Whereas the PLAN has long privileged subsurface warfare as part of an offensive sea denial strategy, the Indian Navy has traditionally focused on sea control. However, this may be changing. Beijing’s growing interest in ‘open seas protection’ may divert resources away from offensively minded operations towards defensive escort missions for PLAN surface task forces. The Indian Navy’s growing interest in standoff strike is also giving new emphasis on subsurface land attack capabilities. In reality, Sino-Indian rivalry to the maritime domain is still very much in its opening phases. Sino-Indian naval rivalry is set to unfold over the course of many decades, and submarines will be at the forefront of this competition.
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Pu, Xiaoyu. Rebranding China. Stanford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9781503606838.001.0001.
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China plays a variety of status games, sometimes emphasizing its status as an emerging great power and other times highlighting its status as a fragile developing country. The reasons for this are unclear. Drawing on original Chinese sources, social psychological theories, and international relations theories, this book provides a theoretically informed analysis of China’s global rebranding and repositioning in the twenty-first century. Contrary to offensive realism and power transition theory, the book argues that China is not always a status maximizer eager to replace the United States as the new global leader. Differing from most constructivist and psychological studies that focus on the status seeking of rising powers, this study develops a theory of status signaling that combines both rationalist and constructivist insights. The book argues that Chinese leaders face competing pressure from domestic and international audiences to project different images. The book suggests that China’s continual struggle for international status is primarily driven by domestic political calculations. Meanwhile, at the international level, China is concerned about over-recognition of its status for instrumental reasons. The theoretical argument is illustrated through detailed analysis of Chinese foreign policy. Examining major cases such as China’s military transformation, China’s regional diplomacy, and China’s global diplomacy during the 1997 Asian and 2008 global financial crises, this book makes important contributions to international relations theory and Asian studies.
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Morgan-Owen, David G. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198805199.003.0001.
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Scholars have long been aware of the periodic ‘invasion scares’ which were a feature of life in Edwardian Britain, yet the notion that the threat of invasion exerted a meaningful influence on official policy in this period has been dismissed as ‘divorced from strategic reality’. Historians examining the roots of British strategy in the First World War have tended to look towards the various putative plans for offensive action developed after 1900—whether those for military deployment in Europe or the naval ‘blockade’. This book argues the opposite: namely, that home defence was central to discussions of strategy in Britain before 1914 and that the prospect of a hostile landing exercised a growing influence over the activities of the two services by the outbreak of the First World War.
Book chapters on the topic "Offensive Realism"
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Kostagiannis, Konstantinos. "Nationalism and the Nation-State in Structural Realism: John Mearsheimer’s Offensive Realism." In Realist Thought and the Nation-State, 139–75. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-59629-7_5.
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Tinnirello, Maurizio. "Offensive Realism and the Insecure Structure of the International System." In Artificial Intelligence Safety and Security, 339–56. First edition. | Boca Raton, FL : CRC Press/Taylor & Francis Group, 2018.: Chapman and Hall/CRC, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1201/9781351251389-23.
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Lo, Ping-cheung. "Legalism and offensive realism in the Chinese court debate on defending national security 81 BCE." In Chinese Just War Ethics, 249–80. London: Routledge, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315740706-15.
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Peou, Sorpong. "Offensive and defensive realist perspectives." In Peace and Security in Indo-Pacific Asia, 36–48. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003132646-2.
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James, Patrick. "Offensive Realism." In Realism and International Relations, 494–516. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197645024.003.0017.
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Abstract Offensive realism is the subject of Chapter 17. This theory envisions great powers as disposed toward expansion. Under conditions of anarchy, intentions do not matter because the existence of capabilities, in and of itself, creates a threatening situation between and among states. Thus a rational response for a great power to this predicament is to go on the offensive. The more power that can be accumulated, all other things being equal, the higher the level of security that results. Security, however, proves elusive because all of the great powers are thinking the same way. The result is that great power war can be expected to recur within the international system. This feature accounts for the title of the book that puts forward the theory, namely, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics.
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"Offensive structural realism." In The Realism Reader, 193–220. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315858579-12.
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Baldwin, David A. "Realism." In Power and International Relations. Princeton University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691170381.003.0005.
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Although most theories of international relations take account of “power,” none emphasizes it as much as realism. Power is often described as central to realist theories—realism's core concept. This chapter discusses realism in a generic sense and two influential recent versions commonly labeled neorealism and offensive realism. It argues that realism remains an important way of thinking about international relations. No other approach places so much emphasis on the concept of power; thus no other approach has greater need for a clear and valid concept of power. However, most realists agree that such a concept is lacking.
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Jackson, Robert, Georg Sørensen, and Jørgen Møller. "3. Realism." In Introduction to International Relations, 69–106. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198803577.003.0003.
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This chapter examines the realist tradition in international relations (IR). It highlights an important dichotomy in realist thought between classical realism and contemporary realism, including strategic and structural approaches. After describing the elements of realism, the chapter discusses the international thought of three outstanding classical realists of the past: Thucydides, Niccolò Machiavelli, and Thomas Hobbes. It then analyses the classical realist thought of Hans J. Morgenthau, along with strategic realism, neorealism, and neoclassical realism. Special attention is devoted to the defensive realism of Kenneth Waltz and the offensive realism of John Mearsheimer. Furthermore, the chapter looks at the recent theoretical debate among realist IR scholars concerning the relevance of the balance of power concept and it shows that realists often disagree among themselves. The chapter concludes with an overview of the prospects for the realist tradition as a research programme in IR.
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Glaser, Charles L. "2. Realism." In Contemporary Security Studies, 12–29. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198804109.003.0002.
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This chapter examines realism as a dominant explanation of why and how states have sought security. It first considers the basic features of realist theory, including its emphasis on the implications of international anarchy and the importance of power, before discussing major divisions within the realist family, along with their implications for states’ security policies and war. The most fundamental division is between structural realism and motivational realism. The chapter proceeds by looking at the debate between Kenneth Waltz’s structural realism, offensive realism, and defensive realism. In contrast to Waltz and offensive realism, defensive realism argues that the risks of competition can make cooperation a state’s best strategy. The chapter illustrates how these different arguments result in divergent predictions for how China’s continuing economic growth is likely to influence international security. It suggests that war is more likely when the offence-defence balance favours offence.
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Glaser, Charles L. "2. Realism." In Contemporary Security Studies. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198708315.003.0002.
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This chapter examines realism as a dominant explanation of why and how states have sought security. It first considers the basic features of realist theory, including its emphasis on the implications of international anarchy and the importance of power, before discussing major divisions within the realist family, along with their implications for states’ security policies and war. The most fundamental division is between structural realism and motivational realism. The chapter proceeds by looking at the debate between Kenneth Waltz’s structural realism, offensive realism, and defensive realism. In contrast to Waltz and offensive realism, defensive realism argues that the risks of competition can make cooperation a state’s best strategy. The chapter illustrates how these different arguments result in divergent predictions for how China’s continuing economic growth is likely to influence international security. It suggests that war is more likely when the offence–defence balance favours offence.
Conference papers on the topic "Offensive Realism"
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Milić, Ivan. "PRAVNE POSLEDICE OSUDE ZA PRIVREDNI PRESTUP." In 14 Majsko savetovanje. University of Kragujevac, Faculty of Law, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/xivmajsko.1057m.
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According to the basic law regulation on the field of economic offenses - the Law on Economic Offenses, the legal consequences of the conviction can occur under certain conditions, but only to the responsible person in the legal entity. According to the same Law, legal consequences can only be prescribed by law, and not by a lower legal act. Contrary to this Law, certain laws prescribe the legal consequences of the conviction for both the legal entity and the entrepreneur. Besides, the legal consequences of a conviction for a economic offense are also predicted by acts of lower legal force. The object of the author's attention is the legal consequences of a conviction for a commercial offense. The author points out, among other things, the contradictions of certain regulations with the current Law on Economic Offenses regarding the legal consequences of conviction. The purpose of the paper is to indicate that legal entities and entrepreneurs can not realize certain rights, and only because certain regulations foresee the legal consequences of the conviction, although they should not be prescribed. Among other things, author concludes that this way of regulating the legal consequences of conviction violates the basic principle - the principle of legal certainty.
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Marotta, Anna. "La “fortezza invisibile”: il telegrafo ottico Chappe nella Francia napoleonica." In FORTMED2020 - Defensive Architecture of the Mediterranean. Valencia: Universitat Politàcnica de València, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/fortmed2020.2020.11458.
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The “invisible fortress”: the Chappe optical telegraph in the Napoleonic FranceEven in the defensive and fortifying processes, two aspects can be found: the material component and the immaterial one. If all the constructive, material and structural procedures are the first, for example, all that concerns remote communications (maximum optics) belongs to the second, an indispensable tool to complete an optimal strategy for offensive and/or defensive operations. Remote optical transmissions are closely connected to the management of defensive systems: this is also what happens with the optical telegraph of Claude Chappe, conceived during the French Revolution and adopted by Napoleon for the potential inherent in the strategic and territorial logic, as for the organization, structuring and sending of encrypted messages (which since the sixteenth century had also seen the interest of Leon Battista Alberti. The densest part of the network spreads to France, from Paris to the borders of the nation. In Europe, you will see achievements in Spain, up to Russia. The Lyon-Paris-Venice line also led to the construction of a Lombard-Piedmontese section. The present contribution stems from a conspicuous research, founded on the twenty-year collaboration of Marotta with the FNARH (Fédération Nationale des Associations de Recherche Historique sur la Poste et les Télécommunications). The system included the installation in high positions (hills, towers or bell towers) of a mechanical device, which could be reached at a distance of kilometers. On top of a fixed pole of about 5 m, the apparatus consisted of a central axis (ordinateur) at the ends of which two mobile arms (indicateurs) were fixed which allowed (in the variation of the reciprocal positions and inclinations) to realize multiple signals, at the base of an entire encrypted visual alphabet, arrived in 1841 up to 61000 messages. Multiple types of models made. The contribution will return the chronological developments of the system, in time and space of territories involved, with the relative comparisons of types, models and languages, also through 3D modeling.