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Journal articles on the topic 'Offensive Realism'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 25 July 2025

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1

Stephanson, A. "Offensive Realism." boundary 2 27, no. 1 (2000): 181–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01903659-27-1-181.

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Muradov, I. "THE IMPACT OF NATO ENLARGEMENT ON UKRAINE CRISIS: NEOREALIST PERSPECTIVE." Epistemological Studies in Philosophy, Social and Political Sciences 1, no. 1-2 (2017): 107–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/341811.

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This article introduces a new perspective to address the relationship between NATO enlargement policy and Ukraine Crisis. To simplify ongoing discussion on this subject, this particular research study utilizes two stripes of neorealism: offensive and defensive realism. Proponents of enlargement policy have been put into the offensive realists’ side whereas opponents of it are placed in defensive realist camp. This article argues that each of these paradigms pose danger for Ukraine Crisis. Therefore, it adopts a middle way between offensive and defensive realism in terms of Ukraine issue.

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Johnson, Dominic D. P., and Bradley A. Thayer. "The evolution of offensive realism." Politics and the Life Sciences 35, no. 1 (2016): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pls.2016.6.

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Offensive realism, a theory of international relations, holds that states are disposed to competition and conflict because they are self-interested, power maximizing, and fearful of other states. Moreover, it argues that states are obliged to behave this way because doing so favors survival in the international system. Debate continues as to whether modern states actually do, or should, behave in this way, but we are struck by a different question. In this article, we ask whether the three core assumptions about behavior in offensive realism—self-help, power maximization, and outgroup fear—hav

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Hwang, Jihwan. "The United States and China Falling into the Thucydides’s Trap?: Learning from Defensive Realism." East and West Studies 35, no. 2 (2023): 33–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.29274/ews.2023.35.2.33.

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This article evaluates the possibility of ‘Thucydides’s Trap’ between the U.S. and China through defensive realism. The possibility of U.S.-China conflict has been mainly discussed in the frame of offensive realism. It argues that if China’s rise continues, it will cause serious military conflict between the two. However, it is unclear whether the crisis will turn into an actual conflict. Defensive realism provides an alternative perspective. However, the interpretation by defensive realism in contrast to offensive realism has not been highlighted. Considering the importance of defensive reali

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Grafov, Dmitry. "Offensive versus Defensive Realism." Contemporary Arab Affairs 12, no. 3 (2019): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2019.123002.

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This article approaches Russia’s strategy of countering the United States indirectly by way of intermediate states. It is concerned with the reasons why Russia decided to engage in the Syrian conflict in 2015 and, from this perspective, the real goals of Russia’s policy in the region. These questions cannot be considered without taking account of how they are linked with the all-out confrontation between Russia and the West in Ukraine. The Syrian conflict merely represents an external platform for Russia in countering the United States. Russia is testing her own power to force the United State

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Jyalita, Vincentia Vahistha Hirrya. "Defensive Realism’s Perspective on Rising China’s Behavior as A Status Quo State." Jurnal Sentris 2, no. 1 (2021): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/sentris.v2i1.4621.73-86.

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China’s rise through rapid development especially in the economic sector have prompted debates on whether it seeks to overtake the United States (U.S.) and strive for domination. However, China insists that it has no such intentions since it benefits from the current system and wishes to pursue peaceful development. This paper will analyze why China is not seeking to displace the U.S. and alter the international order despite claims from offensive realism that states are revisionist as they pursue domination to guarantee its survival under anarchy. This paper argues that defensive realism can

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7

Schmidt, Brian C. "Realism as tragedy." Review of International Studies 30, no. 3 (2004): 427–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210504006151.

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In 1948, Hans J. Morgenthau wrote his classic text, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace, that was largely responsible for establishing realism as the prevailing theory in the field of International Relations (IR). In 1979, Kenneth N. Waltz wrote an immensely influential book, Theory of International Politics, that resulted in a new structural version of realism – neorealism – becoming the dominant theory in IR. John J. Mearsheimer, who is the R. Wendell Harrison Distinguished Service Professor of Political Science at the University of Chicago, has written a profoundly impo

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RENDALL, MATTHEW. "Defensive realism and the Concert of Europe." Review of International Studies 32, no. 3 (2006): 523–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210506007145.

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Why do great powers expand? Offensive realist John Mearsheimer claims that states wage an eternal struggle for power, and that those strong enough to seek regional hegemony nearly always do. Mearsheimer’s evidence, however, displays a selection bias. Examining four crises between 1814 and 1840, I show that the balance of power restrained Russia, Prussia and France. Yet all three also exercised self-restraint; Russia, in particular, passed up chances to bid for hegemony in 1815 and to topple Ottoman Turkey in 1829. Defensive realism gives a better account of the Concert of Europe, because it co

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Ghazala Yasmin Jalil. "China’s Rise: Offensive or Defensive Realism." Strategic Studies 39, no. 1 (2019): 41–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.039.01.00118.

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China’s rise has been the greatest development of the 21st century. It has emerged as the second largest economy in the world, a country with a modern army and nuclear weapons. China’s rise has come to be seen as a major threat by the West and especially the US. Most scholarly debates predict that it will lead to a conflict between China and the US. Set in this context, this paper takes John Mearsheimer’s theory of offensive realism, which predicts intense competition and conflict between China and the US and examines China’s behaviour as a rising power against it. The paper finds that far fro

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설인효 and 이택선. "Mearsheimer’s Offensive Realism and North East Asian Regional Order in the 21st Century: The Debates Between Defensive and Offensive realism and the Reexamination of Mearsheimer’s Offensive Realism." Dispute Resolution Studies Review 10, no. 2 (2012): 123–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.16958/drsr.2012.10.2.123.

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11

Ahn, Byung-Joon. "South Korea: ‘Offensive Realism’ vs. ‘Wounded Nationalism’." Contemporary Security Policy 26, no. 3 (2005): 686–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523260500501037.

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12

Shah, Dr Syed Fakharuddin, and Niaz Muhammad. "The post-9/11 United States’ shift strategy in Afghanistan: An explanation in the perspective of offensive - defensive realism and offshore strategy." Social Sciences Spectrum 4, no. 1 (2025): 447–55. https://doi.org/10.71085/sss.04.01.230.

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After the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, President George W. Bush attacked Afghanistan in the name of War on Terror. He intended not only to topple the Taliban government but also to extend diplomatic, economic and military support to anti-Taliban forces in Afghanistan. Offensive realism was the driving force behind the US strategy to achieve its objectives in its war against terror in Afghanistan. But strategic guerilla war by the Taliban fighters and rise of China especially after 2008 have made it very difficult for the US defense policymakers to continue the offensive approach in

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13

Montgomery, Evan Braden. "Breaking Out of the Security Dilemma: Realism, Reassurance, and the Problem of Uncertainty." International Security 31, no. 2 (2006): 151–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2006.31.2.151.

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In the debate between offensive and defensive realism, a central issue is whether major powers can overcome the uncertainty that drives the security dilemma. Whereas offensive realists maintain that states cannot know others' motives and intentions, defensive realists argue that states can reveal their preferences by altering their military posture. Defensive realists have, how- ever, presented an incomplete account of the constraints and opportunities associated with military reassurance. To demonstrate its motives, a security- seeking state must take actions that will often increase its vuln

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Kirshner, Jonathan. "The tragedy of offensive realism: Classical realism and the rise of China." European Journal of International Relations 18, no. 1 (2010): 53–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066110373949.

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Myšička, Stanislav. "Offensive Realism and the Future of China's Rise*." Pacific Focus 36, no. 1 (2021): 63–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/pafo.12179.

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Munawar Hussain Panhwar and Ronaque Ali Behan. "Offensive Realism: The US Strategies to Contain Iran." Progressive Research Journal of Arts & Humanities (PRJAH) 3, no. 1 (2021): 92–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.51872/prjah.vol3.iss1.85.

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The Islamic Revolution, as one of the greatest political developments in thetwentieth century - caused a radical change in the Iranian political system.Consequently, it has posed a tough challenge for the American politics inprotecting its significant interests in the region. Since then, the US hasemployed multiple methods to contain the growing influence of Iran which hasleft the tremendous impact on its interests in the region. Similar, approacheshave been used against many other countries of the world where the Americaninterests have been affected. Thus, understanding the US tools and strat

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Jin-Ha, Kim. "North Korea’s Offensive Realism and the Strategy of Nationalism." Journal of Strategic Studies 27, no. 1 (2020): 41–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.46226/jss.2020.03.27.1.41.

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18

Ajay Kumar. "An analytical study of Russia-Ukraine war in reference to the offensive realist approach in international relations." World Journal of Advanced Research and Reviews 18, no. 3 (2023): 926–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.30574/wjarr.2023.18.3.0906.

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During the cold war, there had been deepened geopolitical tensions between Russia and the West—tension between the Soviet Union and the United States and their respective allies, which resulted in the decline of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and in creating a unipolar world. The decline of the USSR was believed to be the disintegration of Russia. Since then, Russia had come in a defensive mode but since the 2000s it was looking for an opportunity in a diplomatic way and it got that opportunity when the West proposed to integrate Russia's border country—Ukraine with it. So, the

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19

Araszkiewicz, Adam. "The Concept of China’s Peaceful Rise and Offensive Realism." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 14 (December 29, 2021): 297–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2021.1.17.

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This article aims at adressing several research issues. Firstly, to present offensive realism as a proper research tool to analyse US-China rivalry. Secondly, the author discusses the theory of “China’s peaceful rise” and I argues that it smoothly overlapped with the US strategy of liberal hegemony. Thirdly, He presents and defends the argument that China does not rise peacefully. Fourthly, the author claims that China wants to became a regional hegemon in South-East Asia and the USA according to offensive realism cannot let it happen. Last but not least the author considers the arguments that

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Dolatabadi, Ali Bagheri, and Reza Rezaei. "ERDOĞAN'S ENDLESS DREAMS." World Affairs 185, no. 1 (2022): 114–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00438200211066134.

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After the Justice and Development Party (AKP) rose to power in 2002, Turkey's Middle East policy underwent a radical change. Erdoğan's readings of the Arab Spring events are a vivid example of Turkey's new foreign policy. In the last months of 2019 and 2020, Turkey took two other important steps that have attracted the attention of the international community: engagement in Operation Peace Spring in northern Syria without UN Security Council authorization, and steps to reach an agreement with the Libyan government on oil and gas exploration in the Mediterranean in tandem with sending troops to

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21

Kleinschmidt, Jochen. "Offensive realism, differentiation theory, and the war in Ukraine." International Politics 56, no. 4 (2018): 427–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41311-018-0150-4.

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22

Popescu, Ionut. "American Grand Strategy and the Rise of Offensive Realism." Political Science Quarterly 134, no. 3 (2019): 375–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/polq.12960.

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23

Hanif, Saba. "India’s Quest for a Limited War-fighting Doctrine; Analyzing the Sundarji, Cold Start, Joint Doctrine Indian Armed Force and Land Warfare Doctrine." BTTN Journal 1, no. 2 (2022): 20–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.61732/bj.v1i2.7.

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The strategic stability of South Asia predominantly depends on India and Pakistan. However, the Indian quest to indulge Pakistan in a limited war remains a constant threat to the strategic stability of South Asia. The dynamics of strategic stability have remained complex due to the hostile relations between India and Pakistan. India has remained in the process of doctrinal transformation since the 1980s. The Sundarji doctrine, Cold Start, Joint Doctrine (Indian Armed Forces), and Land Warfare doctrine all aim at launching an offensive against Pakistan. To supplement India’s ambitious aims in t

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24

Ajay, Kumar. "An analytical study of Russia-Ukraine war in reference to the offensive realist approach in international relations." World Journal of Advanced Research and Reviews 18, no. 3 (2023): 926–33. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.8434766.

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During the cold war, there had been deepened geopolitical tensions between Russia and the West—tension between the Soviet Union and the United States and their respective allies, which resulted in the decline of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and in creating a unipolar world. The decline of the USSR was believed to be the disintegration of Russia. Since then, Russia had come in a defensive mode but since the 2000s it was looking for an opportunity in a diplomatic way and it got that opportunity when the West proposed to integrate Russia's border country&mdas

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25

Naila Putri Azzahra and Tania Ananda Simanungkalit. "Strategi Keamanan Rusia dalam Menghadapi Tantangan dari NATO dan Ukraina : Pendekatan Realisme Ofensif." Harmoni: Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi dan Sosial 2, no. 4 (2024): 195–205. https://doi.org/10.59581/harmoni-widyakarya.v2i4.4289.

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This journal analyzes Russia's security strategy in facing the challenges posed by NATO and Ukraine through the perspective of offensive realism. The main focus of the study is Russia's latest military modernization program in response to the perceived threat of NATO expansion and the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. One of Russia's main concerns is NATO's eastward expansion, which has sparked fears even though Ukraine has not yet joined NATO. Using the theoretical framework of offensive realism, the journal explores how Russia seeks to maximize its relative power in the region and maintain its in

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Grafov, Dmitry. "THE OUTLOOK ON THE TURKEY’S FOREIGN POLICY FROM DIFFERENT PARADIGMS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS." Eastern Analytics, no. 2 (2021): 64–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2021-02-064-089.

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The article is attempt to evaluate the foreign policy of Turkey from the key paradigms of international relations: liberalism, constructivism, realism, neorealism and neoclassical realism. Turkish military power actively involved in Syria, Iraq, Libya, the Eastern Mediterranean, the South Caucasus with the intention to alter the existing power distribution. This may be considered as signs of the offensive realism strategy. Offensive realism asserts that states willing to use force to advance their own interests, and the survival in the international system requires to maximize power. Defensive

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Lilly, Carol S. "Amoral Realism or Immoral Obfuscation?" Slavic Review 55, no. 4 (1996): 749–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501234.

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In his article, "Schindler's Fate: Genocide, Ethnic Cleansing, and Population Transfers," Robert Hayden combines comparative history, political commentary, and amoral realism. In the process, he presents a number of arguments with which it is difficult to disagree, but also many that are provocative and, indeed, offensive. Because Hayden makes so many arguments in this piece (both primary, secondary, and parenthetical; explicit and implicit; open and disguised) my critique will not follow the organization of his paper. Rather, it will challenge Hayden's article on three counts: 1) its factual

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Abdullah, Waqas, Mohammad Khatim, and Muhammad Irfan Ali. "Saudi Arabia's Foreign Policy Under MBS: Transition from Defensive Realism to Offensive Realism (2016-2023)." Global International Relations Review VII, no. III (2024): 44–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/girr.2024(vii-iii).05.

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This study seeks to elucidate the underlying factors driving Saudi Arabia’s shift from defense realism to offensive realism, focusing on MBS’s authoritarian rule and structural reforms aimed at minimizing bureaucratic hurdles in security and defense decision-making. The research examines the kingdom’s transition from conservative foreign policies to a more activist stance, illustrated by its support for Palestine and its adoption of non-conventional approaches to address emerging challenges. Adopting the John Scott document analysis model and utilizing secondary data, this study delves into th

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Ahmed, Zubir Rasool. "بنەمای پەیوەندییەکانی هەرێمی کوردستان و وڵاتە یەکگرتووەکانی ئەمریکا". Twejer 3, № 3 (2020): 337–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31918/twejer.2033.9.

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The relation between the U.S and Kurds has always been problematic. The main question of this study is to address what type of relations are between KRG and U.S? Is there a specific U.S policy towards KRG? To answer these questions, we have depended on the theory of Structural Realism, especially the concept of Offensive Realism which has been developed by John Mearsheimer on the one hand, and the English school on the other hand. Offensive realism can be helpful to understand the behaviour of great powers, such as the U.S., and English school to understand international community and internat

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LOBELL, STEVEN. "WAR IS POLITICS: OFFENSIVE REALISM, DOMESTIC POLITICS, AND SECURITY STRATEGIES." Security Studies 12, no. 2 (2002): 165–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0963-640291906825.

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31

Pashakhanlou, Arash Heydarian. "Back to the Drawing Board: A Critique of Offensive Realism." International Relations 27, no. 2 (2013): 202–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117812455353.

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Valeriano, Brandon. "The Tragedy of Offensive Realism: Testing Aggressive Power Politics Models." International Interactions 35, no. 2 (2009): 179–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050620902864493.

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33

Labs, Eric J. "Beyond victory: Offensive realism and the expansion of war aims." Security Studies 6, no. 4 (1997): 1–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09636419708429321.

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34

Hu, Zhenshuo. "The Indo-Pacific Strategy from the Perspective of Offensive Realism." Journal of Research in Social Science and Humanities 1, no. 1 (2022): 36–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.56397/jrssh.2022.11.05.

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The Indo-Pacific strategy marks a shift in U.S. policy toward China from engagement to containment. The new goal of above policy is to comprehensively use various means to prevent China’s further rise and continue to maintain U.S. comparative advantage. However, the U.S. has been in trouble in recent years in Eastern Europe and the Middle East, unable to focus on China’s rise. Therefore, uniting Japan, India, and Australia to share the responsibility and obligation to balance China among the so-called G4 will not only meet the strategic needs of dealing with China’s threat, but also reduce the

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35

Lee, Geunwook. "Mearsheimer vs. Mearsheimer: Russia’s War in Ukraine and Offensive Realism." Korean Journal of International Relations 64, no. 1 (2024): 43–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.14731/kjir.2024.03.64.1.43.

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Blazevic, Jason J. "The Taiwan Dilemma: China, Japan, and the Strait Dynamic." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 39, no. 4 (2010): 143–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261003900406.

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Many Chinese and Japanese authorities believe Taiwan is essential to their respective states' national security due to the island's geographic centrality and beneficial proximity to nearby and distant sea lanes. Of further importance is Taiwan's immediacy to territorial and resource disputes between China and Japan. This article focuses on the security concerns and strategies of both states and applies realism, its tenets of defensive and offensive realism, and neoliberalism in order to better comprehend those concerns and strategies and also provide probable solutions.

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Kirshner, Jonathan. "Offensive realism, thucydides traps, and the tragedy of unforced errors: classical realism and US–China relations." China International Strategy Review 1, no. 1 (2019): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s42533-019-00013-y.

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38

Bhattarai, Gaurav, and Dron Lamichhane. "Twigging the US-China Competition from the Lens of Offensive Realism: Implications for Nepal." Journal of APF Command and Staff College 7, no. 1 (2024): 219–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/japfcsc.v7i1.67005.

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What are the implications of ongoing US-China competition on the entire global system and particularly to strategically-placed countries like Nepal? The United States has been voicing its growing displeasure against China’s rise. The United States regards China's military modernization and economic growth as evidence that it will not be a status quo power. In this scenario, there is a widespread belief that great power is inherently offensive, that the quest for power never ends, and that China will maintain the status quo posture until it achieves power parity with the United States. As a res

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Zhang, Qixin. "China-US 5G Competition: Narrow Economic Competition and Broad Security Competition." Advances in Economics, Management and Political Sciences 162, no. 1 (2025): 15–22. https://doi.org/10.54254/2754-1169/2025.20063.

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Currently, China and the United States are competing in various fields. Among them, science and technology, especially the field of 5G, is the primary area of competition between the two countries. It not only involves science and technology but also plays a decisive role in national security in the economic, political, military, and other fields. This paper explores whether the China-US 5G competition is economic or security competition from offensive realism. Besides, this paper also examines the role of economic ties and the international community in providing flexibility in the formulatio

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LAYNE, CHRISTOPHER. "THE “POSTER CHILD FOR OFFENSIVE REALISM”: AMERICA AS A GLOBAL HEGEMON." Security Studies 12, no. 2 (2002): 120–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0963-640291906816.

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Karagiannis, Emmanuel. "The 2008 Russian–Georgian war via the lens of Offensive Realism." European Security 22, no. 1 (2012): 74–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09662839.2012.698265.

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Hayat, Muhammad Umer, Asefa Khilji, and Farrukh Shehzad. "American Conduct towards North Korea: Realist Analysis of Clinton and Bush Administration." Global Political Review V, no. III (2020): 68–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(v-iii).07.

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North Korea tends to be a state of the 21st century that redefines realism in the contemporary era while concentrating on protecting its sovereignty by making self-help the primary concern. US-North Korea bilateral relations face fluctuations. North Korean intentions have progressed from the Realism thought, now willing to attain security maximization along with maximizing its power based on the notions of defensive and offensive realism. The supremacy of North Korea does not quench as the Nuclear might in Northeast Asia; it aims to attack mainland USA with its developed technology. The study

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ELMAN, COLIN. "Extending Offensive Realism: The Louisiana Purchase and America's Rise to Regional Hegemony." American Political Science Review 98, no. 4 (2004): 563–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055404041358.

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John Mearsheimer suggests that, whenever possible, great powers are constrained to seek regional hegemony, the safest feasible situation for a state. This objective is hard to achieve because other great powers want to block the attempt, but it is doable because buck-passing and other hurdles make balancing inefficient. Contra Mearsheimer, I argue that it is the absence of balancers, not balancing inefficiencies, that best explains when states can hope to dominate their neighborhoods. Regional hegemony is only achievable when it is easy. I use property space techniques to develop an extended v

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Muperi, JAMES TAUYA. "Towards a Framework for Cognitive-Cultural Offensive Realism: A Psychological Contribution to Understanding the Russo-Ukrainian Conflict." Psikoislamika : Jurnal Psikologi dan Psikologi Islam 22, no. 1 (2025): 89–113. https://doi.org/10.18860/psikoislamika.v22i1.29869.

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ABSTRACTBackground and Aims: This study addresses the limitations of conventional offensive realism in analysing the Russo-Ukrainian conflict by proposing a cognitive-cultural framework that integrates psychological and cultural factors with traditional power dynamics.Design, Setting, and Cases: A mixed-methods approach was employed, combining discourse analysis, historical process tracing, and game theoretical modeling to examine Russia's historical narratives, Vladimir Putin's worldview, and structural incentives in the context of the conflict.Measurements: The research highlights how cognit

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De Souza Leao Machado, Hugo Gabriel. "The U.S. Indo-Pacific Strategy: Evolution and Future Prospects." Malaysian Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities (MJSSH) 10, no. 3 (2025): e003286. https://doi.org/10.47405/mjssh.v10i3.3286.

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In 2017, the U.S. government adopted the Indo-Pacific concept to guide its strategy toward Asia. This initiative emerged from a decade of increasing U.S. engagement with military allies and strategic partners in the Asia-Pacific and Indian Ocean regions. The primary objective of the Indo-Pacific strategy is to strengthen political and military ties between the United States and countries within this expansive area while countering China’s growing influence. This paper will examine the progress of the U.S. National Security Strategy toward Asia in the 21st century and evaluate its possibilities

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Blila, Walid. "Maghreb Power Struggle: An Offensive Realist Analysis of Moroccan-Algerian Rivalry." International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 8, no. 6 (2025): 253–70. https://doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v8i6.2793.

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This paper analyzes the long-standing conflict between Morocco and Algeria in the Maghreb region using John Mearsheimer's offensive realism theory. Through the evaluation of historical enmities, the conflict over Western Sahara, and rivaling geopolitical blocs, this study illustrates the self-help nature of the international order that rewards the adoption of aggressive policies such as militarization, hybrid conflict, and alignment with global powers. The methodology integrates discourse analysis of elite narratives and escalation pathways with comparative case studies, such as Morocco’s norm

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Ban, Kil-joo. "Offensive Maritimeism in East Asian Waters : Offensive Realism Theory and Maritime Strategies of Four Major Powers in Northeast Asia." Journal of Strategic Studies 27, no. 2 (2020): 103–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.46226/jss.2020.07.27.1.103.

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Collier, Henry. "AI in Social Engineering-the Next Generation of Offensive Cyber Operations." European Conference on Cyber Warfare and Security 24, no. 1 (2025): 80–83. https://doi.org/10.34190/eccws.24.1.3385.

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Few can argue that Social Engineering is the most effective way to gain access to a system. From an offensive cyber perspective, Social Engineering reduces the need to identify a new vulnerability within a system to gain access by praying on psychological factors like emotion and fear. Social engineering has an effective rate of ranges between 80% and 90%. When AI is added to the picture, the likelihood of a successful social engineering scheme increases because AI can add a layer of realism and personalization that gets past a person’s barriers. When AI-influenced social engineering attacks a

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Snyder, Glenn H. "Mearsheimer's World—Offensive Realism and the Struggle for Security: A Review Essay." International Security 27, no. 1 (2002): 149–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/016228802320231253.

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Yin, Oujie. "A Study of U.S. Immigration Policy Towards Latin America 2009-2022 - From the Realism Perspective." Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 16, no. 1 (2023): 278–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/16/20231173.

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The United States is the worlds largest recipient of immigrants, and due to historical and geographic reasons, the United States has a deep connection with Latin American immigrants. At the same time, the issue of immigration has become an issue of greater interest to Latino voters in U.S. elections. Since the end of World War II, the U.S. foreign policy-making process has been primarily tinged with offensive realism. Based on this, this paper will analyze the changes in the U.S. governments immigration policy toward Latin America during the Obama administration, the Trump administration, and

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