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Journal articles on the topic 'Opium trade'
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1
Fathoni, Ahmad, and Sarkawi B. Husain. "Pelaksanaan Opiumpacht: Monopoli Perdagangan Opium Melalui Perantara Bandar di Keresidenan Kediri, 1833-1900." Lembaran Sejarah 16, no. 1 (2020): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.59912.
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The opium trade in Kediri Residency was monopolized by Dutch East Indies government. The problem discussed in this study regarding opium trade monopoly at Kediri Residency through bookie intermediary (opiumpachter) in 1833-1900. The methods used in this research is historical methods which includes heuristics, criticism, interpretation and historiography. The result showed that the opium trade monopoly through bookie intermediary (opiumpachter) in Kediri Residency included auction and distribution processions also the sale of raw opium to opium dealers. Generally, the opium trade in Kediri Residency was controlled by Chinese. They become intermediary traders who sell government opium to people in Kediri Residency. The high tax offer at opium auction in Kediri Residency gave high profits to the country. On the contrary, that puts a great deal of pressure on the opium port. The crisis which occurred at the end of the 19th century, caused a setback in the opium trade monopoly through bookie intermediary (opiumpachter) in Kediri Residency.
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Pelechaty, Evan. "A Close Examination of Edward Fry and His Report on British Parliamentary Proceedings Pertaining to the Opium Wars and Subsequent Government Policies." General: Brock University Undergraduate Journal of History 7 (April 11, 2022): 112–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/tg.v7i1.3694.
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This paper analyzes Edward Fry’s 1876 report on parliamentary proceedings pertaining to the opium trade. In the report, Edward Fry criticized British involvement in the Opium Wars and subsequent opium trade by arguing that Britain should not force the import of opium into China because it was destroying the health and welfare of Chinese citizens. Instead, Fry suggested that the British Empire should assume responsibility by outlawing the sale of opium and refunding the opium farmers in China and India. Edward Fry was not advocating for the end of British presence in China, but he was promoting British imperialist rhetoric and ideology with the goal of extending western influence in China especially through the reputation of missionaries. Although Fry’s report condemned British involvement in the Opium Wars and their support of the trade, he still supported British imperialism in China. This paper provides a brief biography on Edward Fry and discusses his anti-opium stance, his predominant view on the opium trade during the 1870’s, and how these events reflected deeper colonial trends.
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Siagian, Muhnizar, and Tiffany Setyo Pratiwi. "Narcoterrorism in Afghanistan." Jurnal ICMES 2, no. 2 (2018): 158–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.35748/jurnalicmes.v2i2.26.
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The existence of Afghanistan that dubbed The Golden Cresent is the birthplace of two global terrorist groups namely the Taliban and Al-Qaeda. Nearly 70% of drug activity in Afghanistan has been strongly controlled by Taliban terrorist groups since 2007. Using narcoterrorism and non-traditional security threat conceptual frameworks, this article explains the dynamics of the development of opium production and trade in Afghanistan, the Taliban track record in the opium trade in Afghanistan and the opium trade as a non-traditional security threat in Afghanistan. This article uses descriptive analysis of data obtained from books, journals, and mass media. In this study, there are two important points that obtained. First, the opium business which is a source of funding for the Taliban group is one of the main causes of the continuing acts of terrorism in Afghanistan and a source of various transnational crimes. Second, the opium trade and terrorism are non-traditional security threats that occur due to a combination of opium trade and acts of terrorism which have implications for the internal and external areas of Afghanistan.
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SOUZA, GEORGE BRYAN. "Opium and the Company: Maritime Trade and Imperial Finances on Java, 1684–1796." Modern Asian Studies 43, no. 1 (2009): 113–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x0700337x.
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AbstractWhile trade in opium was of limited financial significance in the eighteenth century to the larger accounts of the Dutch East India Company as a whole, this article shows its critical importance to the Company's comptoir accounts at Batavia. The article examines the VOC's commercial operations at Batavia in the eighteenth century and places opium trade and opium revenues within that larger context. It examines how the trade in Bengal opium through Batavia changed over time, based on a statistical analysis of the Company's accounts. These results show that opium dwarfed all other individual or groups of commodities that were available to the Company to sell profitably on Java and in the Indonesian Archipelago over the long eighteenth century.
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Canton-Alvarez, Jose A. "From Reluctance to Reliance: Opium Smuggling in 18th-Century Macao." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 67, no. 1-2 (2024): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341614.
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Abstract This paper critically appraises the role of the opium trade in the politics of 18th-century Macao. By examining previously unexplored Portuguese accounts on opium smuggling, this study contributes new insights into the shift in attitudes of the Macanese authorities towards the opium trade in this period, which subsequently aided further European opium smuggling in the Pearl River Delta. Thus, this paper fills an important gap in our understanding of the transformation that took place in the period before opium became a bone of contention between the Qing dynasty and European powers, on the eve of the Opium Wars.
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Stepanov, Igor Nikolaevich. "American opium smuggling trade and John Jacob Astor." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 10 (October 2021): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.10.36620.
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The subject of this research is the activity of John Jacob Astor and his role in the American opium smuggling trade. Description is given to the differences between the American and British opium models in China. An attempt is made to determine the peculiarities of Astor's activity in the opium business. The article employs the following sources: works of the German historian Alexander Emmerich from the University of Augsburg dedicated to the American Germans and their fate in the United States; work of the American historian John (Jake) Chen on the history of Chinese diaspora in the United States; work of Jeff Goldberg who specialized in the history of psychotropic substances; article by the member of the Massachusetts School of History  Fredrik Delano Grant, Jr. on the Roosevelt’ opium track’ text of the debate in the British Parliament of April 9, 1840. The novelty of this research lies in familiarization of the Russian-speaking audience with the problems of opium smuggling trade through the research works that have not been previously translated into the Russian language. The conducted analysis of the parliamentary debates in Great Britain determines the commonality of interests of the British and American opium traders with regards to China. The study confirmed the enormous fortune of John Jacob Astor in the American opium smuggling trade, although this type of commercial activity was not primary in his business. The article also describes his continued commercial activity (including opium) in the United States after leaving the Chinese market.
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Bailey, Warren, and Lan Truong. "Opium and Empire: Some Evidence from Colonial-Era Asian Stock and Commodity Markets." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 32, no. 2 (2001): 173–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002246340100008x.
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On the basis of a new database of stock and commodity prices, along with measures of government revenues, commodity exports and immigration, the article assesses the impact of the opium trade on the economies of colonial Malaya, the Netherlands Indies and China from 1873 to 1911. Stock returns for a few Malayan industries related to international trade are significantly correlated with opium price changes, as are prices for labour-intensive, Chinese-dominated export commodities such as tin and gambier. However, opium price changes explain, at most, only a small fraction of the behaviour of stock and commodity prices. On balance, stock and commodity markets ascribed only secondary importance to ups and downs in the opium trade as measured by the price of the drug.
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Nitesh, Sharma. "Pragmatics of Opium Trade: Tracing the Trajectory from Sea of Poppies till Contemporary Time in the Light of New Historicism." Criterion: An International Journal in English 15, no. 6 (2024): 249–65. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.14605901.
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The inception of the British rule in the form of colonialism is chiefly traced from the late sixteenth century, gradually developed across the seventeenth and eighteenth century, and catapulted to heights in the nineteenth and early twentieth century with overseas possessions and maritime expansion for overseas trade to vie with France and other European powers. The empire’s expansion can be understood from the technologically-advanced trading posts like the East India Company to establish the trading monopoly of the goods that brought out lucrative consequences of the British endeavours in India. With the establishment of the British East India Company in 1600 in India, the country’s prominence as a significant textile-producing region gradually reduced to a major supplier of raw cotton, opium, indigo and tea. In the second half of the eighteenth century, the British Empire utilized opium to correct the trade imbalance with China since it was high in demand over there, a demand that was created by the British themselves. The importance of opium, which carried traditional medicinal value was transferred to becoming a commodity of widespread addiction and social upheaval, especially for China. It became a commodity of profitable trade for the British coupled with the rise of colonial injustice, imperialism, slave trade and indentured labour. This paper traces the pragmatics of the opium trade till the contemporary period, with a special focus on Amitav Ghosh’s <em>Sea of Poppies </em>(2008),<em> </em>highlighting the origin, development, and colonial history of opium in British India, and all by adopting a New Historicist framework. The article also takes into account the symbolic presence of opium in the novel, to explore the historical, cultural, and socio-political dimensions of the opium trade within the British Empire and the colonial legacy that still haunts the contemporary world. In addition to discussing subaltern voices, imperial power dynamics, and global capitalism, this analysis will demonstrate how <em>Sea of Poppies</em> functions as a literary re-creation of colonial history, offering valuable insights into the long-term consequences of the opium trade.
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Hodes, Cyrus, and Mark Sedra. "Chapter Three: The Opium Trade." Adelphi Papers 47, no. 391 (2007): 35–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/05679320701737505.
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Rozaini Ahmad and Mohd Annas Shafiq Ayob. "Penglibatan Orang Cina dalam Perniagaan Candu di Kedah (1907–1934): Satu Analisis Interim." KEMANUSIAAN The Asian Journal of Humanities 32, no. 1 (2025): 147–65. https://doi.org/10.21315/kajh2025.32.1.8.
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Opium became a commodity brought into Malaya on a large scale by the Chinese beginning in the early 18th century. The high demand for opium, especially in Kedah, allowed the opium market to be dominated by the Chinese. However, the arrival of the British broke the Chinese monopoly on the opium trade. This article discusses the role of the Chinese community in the opium trade in Kedah from 1907 to 1934. This research highlights the content analysis method as the main method of collecting data on the history of the Chinese in Kedah through the National Archives of Malaysia for the analysis of data on the role and contribution of the Chinese in the opium trade sector. The results of the study found that based on the Kedah government report records, the Chinese were actively involved in the opium trade starting at the end of the 19th century. Before the arrival of the British, the Chinese had to get permission from the Kedah government to run an opium business with a leasing system. Next, they invested capital to develop the opium business sector, resulting in the existence of opium farms and opium shops and became entrepreneurs and owners of opium shops. Most opium leases were monopolised by the Chinese, but the opium business was tightly controlled by the government after the arrival of the British with the establishment of the Monopoly and Customs Department. As a result, several policies involving the opium business were introduced by the government, causing a decline in Chinese involvement in the opium business. Candu menjadi satu komoditi yang dibawa masuk ke Tanah Melayu secara besar-besaran oleh orang Cina bermula pada awal kurun ke-18. Permintaan terhadap candu yang tinggi khususnya di Kedah membolehkan pasaran candu dikuasai oleh orang Cina. Namun begitu, kedatangan British telah memecahkan monopoli perniagaan candu oleh orang Cina. Artikel ini membincangkan peranan masyarakat Cina dalam perniagaan candu di Kedah dari tahun 1907 sehingga 1934. Penelitian ini mengetengahkan metode analisis kandungan sebagai metode utama pengumpulan data berkenaan sejarah orang Cina di Kedah melalui Arkib Negara Malaysia bagi penganalisisan data berkenaan peranan dan sumbangan orang Cina dalam sektor perniagaan candu. Hasil kajian mendapati bahawa berdasarkan rekod laporan kerajaan Kedah, orang Cina terlibat secara aktif dalam perdagangan candu bermula pada penghujung abad ke-19. Sebelum kedatangan British, orang Cina perlu mendapat kebenaran dari pemerintah Kedah bagi menjalankan perniagaan candu dengan sistem pajakan. Seterusnya, orang Cina menanamkan modal untuk membangunkan sektor perniagaan candu menyebabkan wujudnya ladang candu dan kedai candu, dan seterusnya menjadi pengusaha dan pemilik kedai-kedai candu. Kebanyakan pajakan candu dimonopoli oleh orang Cina, namun perniagaan candu dikawal ketat oleh kerajaan setelah kedatangan British dengan tertubuhnya Jabatan Monopoli dan Kastam. Kesannya, beberapa polisi membabitkan perniagaan candu diperkenalkan oleh kerajaan menyebabkan kemerosotan penglibatan orang Cina dalam perniagaan candu.
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Zheng, Yangwen. "The Social Life of Opium in China, 1483–1999." Modern Asian Studies 37, no. 1 (2003): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x0300101x.
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The history of opium is a major theme in modern Chinese history. Books and academic careers have been devoted to its study. Yet the question that scholars of the opium wars and of modern China have failed to ask is how the demand for opium was generated. My puzzle, during the initial stage of research, was who smoked opium and why. Neither Chinese nor non-Chinese scholars have written much about this, with the exception of Jonathan Spence. Although opium consumption is a well-acknowledged fact, the reasons for its prevalence have never been fully factored into the historiography of the opium wars and of modern China. Michael Greenberg has dwelt on the opium trade, Chang Hsin-pao and Peter Fay on the people and events that made armed conflicts between China and the West unavoidable. John Wong has continued to focus on imperialism, James Polachek on Chinese internal politics while Opium regimes: China, Britain, and Japan, 1839–1952, the latest work, has studied the political systems that controlled opium. But the political history of opium, like the opium trade and the theatre of war, is only part of the story. We need to distinguish them from the wider social and cultural life of opium in China. The vital questions are first, the point at which opium was transformed from a medicine to a luxury item and, secondly, why it became so popular and widespread after people discovered its recreational value. It is these questions that I address. We cannot fully understand the root problem of the opium wars and their role in the emergence of modern China until we can explain who was smoking opium and why they smoked it.
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Wu, Ya-feng. "‘[C]allee me Oscar’: The Picture of Dorian Gray, Aestheticism, and Opium." Victoriographies 9, no. 1 (2019): 70–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/vic.2019.0327.
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Oscar Wilde's only novel, The Picture of Dorian Gray (1891), one of the flagship novels of Aestheticism, contains an intricate opium narrative that has yet to receive adequate critical attention. The novel consists of two nested units: the House Beautiful that subsumes a Gothic nursery where Dorian's portrait is placed, and London the Metropolis that harbours Blue Gate Fields in the East End. The former might be read as a miniature of the latter. This double mechanism hinges on a Chinese box in which opium is stored. The structure, which evolves from the classic opium narrative established by Thomas De Quincey's Confessions of an English Opium Eater (1821), enables Wilde to stage a critique on the connection between Aestheticism and the imperial trade of opium. Besides, Wilde's aesthete trio in the novel, Lord Henry Wotton, Dorian Gray, and Adrian Singleton, are cast as opium smokers in order to disrupt the imperialist mindset showcased in the cartoons appearing on trade cards and in magazines that satirise Wilde's promotion of Aestheticism. This essay contends that Wilde's opium narrative exposes the hypocrisy of Empire by demonstrating that the coloniser and the colonised are anamorphic reflections of each other.
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Salsabila, Rifda, Aditya Nugroho Widiadi, and Grace T. Leksana. "Dari Impor Hingga Ke Tangan Konsumen: Perdagangan Opium di Karesidenan Surabaya, 1870-1898." Fajar Historia: Jurnal Ilmu Sejarah dan Pendidikan 6, no. 1 (2022): 111–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.29408/fhs.v6i1.5349.
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Opium is a narcotic that the Javanese people widely consumed in the 19th century. The high level of consumption of opium by the public raises concerns because of its detrimental effects if consumed in excess. This made the government exercise control over opium by trading it, which also provided income for the Dutch East Indies government. One of the areas in the Dutch East Indies that had a high level of consumption of opium was the Residency of Surabaya. Therefore, this article analyzes how the opium trade took place in the Surabaya Residency from 1870 to 1898. During that period, the system used in the opium trade was the rental system (opium patch). In this study, the historical method consists of the stages of topic selection, heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The results of this study indicate that the opium circulating in the Residency of Surabaya from 1870 to 1898 experienced ups and downs because it was affected by several conditions, such as the change in the distribution system to tenants and the economic crisis of the 1880s. Even so, the opium trade in the Surabaya Residency has become a lucrative business for those involved.Opium merupakan salah satu jenis narkotika yang banyak dikonsumsi masyarakat Jawa pada abad ke-19. Tingginya tingkat konsumsi opium oleh masyarakat menimbulkan kekhawatiran karena efeknya yang merugikan jika dikonsumsi secara berlebihan. Hal ini membuat pemerintah melakukan kontrol atas opium dengan memperdagangkannya, yang juga memberikan pemasukan bagi pemerintah Hindia Belanda. Salah satu daerah di Hindia Belanda yang memiliki tingkat konsumsi opium yang tinggi adalah Karesidenan Surabaya. Oleh karena itu, artikel ini menganalisis bagaimana perdagangan candu terjadi di Karesidenan Surabaya dari tahun 1870-1898. Pada masa itu, sistem yang digunakan dalam perdagangan candu adalah sistem sewa (patch candu). Dalam penelitian ini, metode sejarah terdiri dari tahapan pemilihan topik, heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa candu yang beredar di Karesidenan Surabaya dari tahun 1870 sampai 1898 mengalami pasang surut karena dipengaruhi oleh beberapa kondisi, seperti perubahan sistem distribusi ke penyewa dan krisis ekonomi tahun 1880-an. Meski begitu, perdagangan candu di Karesidenan Surabaya menjadi bisnis yang menggiurkan bagi mereka yang terlibat
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PIANCIOLA, NICCOLÒ. "Illegal Markets and the Formation of a Central Asian Borderland: The Turkestan–Xinjiang opium trade (1881–1917)." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 6 (2020): 1828–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x18000227.
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AbstractThis article utilizes material from archives in Kazakhstan, Russia, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan as well as published Chinese sources to explore the opium trade between Tsarist Turkestan and Xinjiang from the early 1880s to 1917. It focuses on two different levels: the borderlands economy and society, and state policies towards illegal (or ‘grey’) markets. The main groups active in the trade were Hui/Dungan and Taranchi migrants from China, who had fled Qing territory after the repression of the great anti-Qing Muslim revolts during the 1860s and 1870s. After settling in Tsarist territory, they grew poppies and exported opium back across the border to China. This article shows how the borderland economy was influenced by the late-Qing anti-opium campaign, and especially by the First World War. During the war, the Tsarist government tried to create a state opium monopoly over the borderland economy, but this attempt was botched first by the great Central Asian revolt of 1916, and later by the 1917 revolution. Departing from the prevailing historiography on borderlands, this article shows how the international border, far from being an obstacle to the trade, was instead the main factor that made borderland opium production and trade possible. It also shows how the borderland population made a strategic use of the border-as-institution, and how local imperial administrators—in different periods and for different reasons—adapted to, fostered, or repressed this most profitable borderland economic activity.
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Zhou, Xun. "The Troublesome Legacy of Commissioner Lin: The Opium Trade and Opium Suppression in Fujian Province, 1820s to 1920s. By Joyce A. Madancy. [Harvard and London: Harvard East Asia Monograph, 2003. 430 pp. $50.00; £32.95. ISBN 0-674-01215-1.]." China Quarterly 182 (June 2005): 449–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741005320261.
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Visiting New York's Chinatown, it is surprising to find there a memorial statue of the legendary anti-opium hero, Lin Zexu, instead of the more usual statue of the father of modern China, Sun Yat-sen. Perhaps Lin deserves his place in New York's Chinatown: it is generally believed the history of Chinese migration into the New World was a chapter of humiliation, resulting from the evil opium and the opium trade. Until very recently, the conventional wisdom has been that it was the opium trade that ended the house of Qing, and that opium had turned China into a nation of hopeless addicts, smoking themselves to death while their civilization descended into chaos (a view challenged by Dikötter, Laaman and Zhou in Narcotic Culture: A History of Drugs in China).In her book The Troublesome Legacy of Commissoner Lin, Joyce Madancy argues that, like opium, Lin Zexu was turned into a potent symbol of nascent Chinese nationalism (p. 5). Like opium, the legacy of Lin continued well into the 20th century. In his native Fujian, for instance, Lin “came to represent the vitality of elite activism and the complex links between provincial, national, and international interests. Lin Zexu's character and mission embodied the themes and motivations of Fujian's late Qing opium reformers – the righteousness of opium reform, pride in country and province, and a none-too-subtle slap at foreign imperialist greed.” Accordingly, during the late Qing/early Republican anti-opium campaign in Fujian, “reformist elites, and officials presided over the apotheosis of Lin Zexu, whose image loomed, literally and figuratively, over their efforts and shaped the rhetoric and tone of suppression” (p. 5).
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Jennings, John M. "The Forgotten Plague: Opium and Narcotics in Korea under Japanese Rule, 1910–1945." Modern Asian Studies 29, no. 4 (1995): 795–815. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00016188.
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One of the most neglected aspects of the history of Korea under Japanese colonial rule is the significant role of the drug trade during the colonial period. Korea emerged as a major producer of opium and narcotics in the 1920s, and in the 1930s became an important supplier to the opium monopoly created by the Japanese-sponsored Manchukuo regime. The latter development sparked an international controversy due to Manchukuo's unsavory reputation in connection with the illicit drug trade, and would later lead the International Military Tribunal for the Far East to identify Korea as the ‘principal source of opium and narcotics at the time of the Mukden Incident and for some time thereafter.’
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Pypeć, Magdalena. "London and Cloisterham as an Imperial ‘Heart of Darkness’ in Dickens’s The Mystery of Edwin Drood." Zeitschrift für Anglistik und Amerikanistik 69, no. 4 (2021): 349–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaa-2021-2029.
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Abstract The article examines Dickens’s last novel in the context of British imperialism, contraband opium trade in nineteenth-century China under the armed protection of the British government, and the Opium Wars (1839–1842 and 1856–1860). Although Dickens has often been discussed as one of the authors who approved of his country’s imperial domination, his last novel foregrounds a critique of colonial practices. The atavistic character of imperialism takes its moral and psychological toll not merely somewhere in the dominions, colonies, protectorates, and other territories but also ‘at home’ on the domestic ground. In The Mystery of Edwin Drood London has the face of a dingy and dark opium den or the ominous headquarters of the Heaven of Philanthropy with the professing philanthropists in suits of black. Moreover, the article seeks to discuss deep-rooted evil and darkness associated in the novel with an ecclesiastical town in connection with Protestant missionaries’ close collaboration with opium traders in the Celestial Empire. Portraying John Jasper’s moral degradation enhanced by the drug and the corruption of the ecclesiastical town, Dickens gothicises opium, and by implication, opium trade pointing to its double-edged sword effect: sullying and debasing both the addict and the trafficker. The symbolic darkness of the opium den and the churchly Cloisterham reflects the inherent evil latent in any unbridled colonial expansion and Dickens’s anti-colonial purpose.
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Maule, Robert B. "The Opium Question in the Federated Shan States, 1931–36: British Policy Discussions and Scandal." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 23, no. 1 (1992): 14–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400011279.
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The earliest known evidence for the existence of the opium poppy has been traced to the Neolithic and Early Bronze Ages in west central Europe. Arab traders introduced opium into Asia, and in the eighth century A.D., it had been used in China. By the nineteenth century, China provided the most lucrative market for traders, primarily British and American, who brought opium to China from India and the Ottoman Empire. Opium use also proved to be popular among the overseas Chinese communities in Siam, Malaya, and the Dutch East Indies. The Chinese demand for opium, the lucrative profits to be gained from the manufacture, transfer, and sale of opium, and official connivance at edicts to prohibit its import into China, served to create a flourishing trade.
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Guotu, Zhuang. "Tea, Silver, Opium and War: From Commercial Expansion to Military Invasion." Itinerario 17, no. 2 (1993): 10–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300024384.
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Sino-Western relations in the eighteenth century mainly found their expression in a particular mode of commercial transactions in Canton. The structure of the Western trade with China was based on silver and colonial products from India and the Malay archipelago, like silver, cotton, pepper, lead. These commodities were exchanged for Chinese tea, silk and porcelain by the mediation of the so-called Hong trades. As long as the trade structure was kept in balance the Westerners were able to make large profits and commercial relations remained the same. When the trade structure fell out balance through, for instance, a shortage of silver or the prohibition of opium smuggling, the Western powers resorted to force. The discontinuation of the traditional Sino-Western trade because of an imbalance in the trade structure eventually did not lead to the decline of trade, but to military conquest: the Opium War in 1840. This War enabled the Westerners, headed by the English, to revamp the structure of their trade with China on their own terms and forced the Chinese government into acceptance. Since then the process of the Western expansion into China was characterised by commercial expansion, military show of force and political control. In this essay I would like to analyze how the traditional structure of Sino-Western trade lost its equilibrium and to study the changing character of European expansion into China as a result of this imbalance during the period of 1740-1840.
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Scott, David W. "Alcohol, Opium, and the Methodists in Singapore: The Inculturation of a Moral Crusade." Mission Studies 29, no. 2 (2012): 147–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341234.
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Abstract The Methodist Episcopal Church was strongly committed to the temperance movement in nineteenth-century America. This commitment rested on assumptions about the negative impacts of alcohol and was expressed through campaigns for personal moral reform and political prohibition. When Methodist missionaries arrived in Singapore in the late nineteenth century, they encountered a society in which opium was the most commonly abused drug. In this new context, Methodist missionaries adapted their concerns about alcohol and their methods of opposing the liquor trade and applied these concerns and methods to opium and the opium trade instead. This case study raises important questions about the inculturation of morality as an aspect of the missionary enterprise, a topic which is insufficiently addressed in literature on theological inculturation.
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Wright, Ashley. "Opium in British Burma, 1826–1881." Contemporary Drug Problems 35, no. 4 (2008): 611–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009145090803500407.
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This article examines in detail the British opium industry in colonial Burma from the time of the annexation of Arakan and Tenasserim in 1826 to the publication of Chief Commissioner Charles Aitchison's 1881 memorandum on opium in Burma. It argues that while the profitability of the opium trade in Burma was an important factor in the decisions the colonial administration made regarding opium, it was not the only factor. From the earliest days of British administration in Tenasserim, different ethnic groups within Burma were treated differently with regards to opium use. There is evidence that the colonial administration's view of opium use among a particular group was influenced by the degree to which use of the drug was perceived to facilitate social stability and productivity, or unemployment and social breakdown.
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Haikal, Aditya Ikyan. "Lasem : Napak Tilas Perdagangan Opium Nusantara." Historia 6, no. 2 (2023): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/jh.v6i2.37392.
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Opium is a plant that is included in class 1 narcotics, this plant is a type of annual plant and cannot be cultivated in other areas except in the mountains of the subtropics. During the colonial era, the opium plants in the Dutch East Indies came from several regions, including India, Persia, Turkey and Singapore. In fact, during the Dutch
 colonial era, opium was not the only imported commodity. Judging from the previous records it is stated that imported goods were transported during the Dutch East Indies colonial administration by using ships with the final route to ports in various regions, including cloth, oil, iron or other goods made from iron. , weapons, candles, liquor and various other items including opium. The opium trade in the Java region began to
 spread since a binding agreement was obtained between King Amangkurat II and the Dutch, who at tha
 t time was led by the VOC, to monopolize the opium trade to the Mataram territory which covered almost the entire island of Java at that time. From what was originally only the aristocratic class, over time it has turned into people of all groups becoming consumers of these goods. The Lasem people were no exception, they
 were famous for distributing opium, even at that time in the black market trading model. They even earned the nickname as the "dark funnel" of Java as a form of their expertise in distributing these goods.
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Maule, Robert. "British Policy Discussions on the Opium Question in the Federated Shan States, 1937-1948." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 33, no. 2 (2002): 203–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463402000103.
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When Burma was separated from India in 1937, the production and distribution of opium in the trans-Salween area became an important issue for the British since the Government of Burma would be expected to adhere to the various international agreements to control the opium trade. Initiatives by British officials in London to tighten restrictions were necessary since this region produced over and above the licit requirements of opium for the Shan States, but they were never fully implemented owing to resistance from local authorities and traders and the lack of any alternative cash crop to substitute for opium.
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Palsetia, Jesse S. "The Parsis of India and the opium trade in China." Contemporary Drug Problems 35, no. 4 (2008): 647–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009145090803500408.
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The article examines the role of the Parsis of India in the opium trade between China and India during the 18th and 19th centuries. It examines the significant role of a non-European group in the history of drugs. The Parsi involvement in the opium trade constituted an important component in the rise of Western capital in Asia, the development of the Indian and imperial economies, and the growth of Bombay and other colonial centers. Furthermore, the article examines the ability of drugs to serve the interests of non-Europeans under imperialism, as opium provided for the economic, social, and political development of the Parsi community. The article notes an episode in the history of both a community and a drug. The Parsis constitute one of the first and arguably most significant examples of the ability of drugs to positively transform the state of one of the world's smallest communities.
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Majeed, Javed. "Gandhi, De Quincey and Hali: The pleasures and pains of opium." Literature & History 29, no. 1 (2020): 97–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306197320907460.
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This essay explores Gandhi’s representations of opium as indicative of the addictive nature of the colonial relationship in India. It also shows how the opium trade had an impact on Gandhi’s redefinition of food. Some submissions to the 1893–94 Royal Commission on Opium in India refer to De Quincey and reading De Quincey’s Confessions alongside Gandhi’s Hind Swaraj and Guide to Health reveals how both authors grappled with questions of dependency and selfhood in relation to modernity. I also discuss Gandhi’s representations of pleasure and opium alongside Altaf Hussain Hali’s (1837–1914), whom Gandhi admired as a reformist Urdu poet. Opium and intoxicants were a site on which colonial and postcolonial agency were both imagined and compromised in Gandhi, De Quincey and Hali.
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CEDERLÖF, GUNNEL. "Poor Man's Crop: Evading opium monopoly." Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 2 (2018): 633–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17001093.
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AbstractResearch on opium in colonial India has so far mainly focused on the competing Malwa and Bengal opium currents under the control of the Sindia and Holkar families and of the British East India Company, respectively. The historical trajectory has tended to emphasize the implementation of a draconian and all-encompassing British monopoly. This study joins the emerging efforts to search the regional histories on the margins of the strongest players’ actions on the global scene. It aims at nuancing the narratives by focusing on a region away from such centres. The study investigates the local cultivation and usage of opium in Rangpore district—a region in north Bengal that had recently been badly affected by a severe flood. Here, the drug was extensively used and the lucrative trade with neighbouring states gave small-scale cultivators an income also under hard environmental conditions. The fact that production and trade were small-scale, fragmented, and made use of markets in Cooch Bihar, Assam, and Bhutan impeded British attempts at getting in control of production and trade.
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KLIMBURG, ALEXANDER. "Some research notes on Carl A. Trocki's publication Opium, empire and the global political economy." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 64, no. 2 (2001): 260–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x01000155.
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Carl A. Trocki's 1999 publication Opium, empire and the global political economy (London: Routledge) is in many ways an important work. His thesis that ‘Without opium there would have been no empire’ is controversial. However, the purpose of this research note is not to refute Trocki's thesis, or indeed to present a new one, but rather to examine Trocki's use of primary documentation, where some difficulties emerge. Not only are some of his East India Company (EIC) documents quoted incorrectly or used out of context, but a limited further study of the same documents sheds some doubt on Trocki's interpretation of the opium trade. Some of the papers quoted even offer intriguing insights into the nature of the EIC's opium monopoly. The issue of opium smuggling (and illicit opium production) within India was ignored by Trocki, although one of his main documents discusses the issue at length. Concern over opium smuggling within India (and by Indians) and its inevitability constituted the main moral basis of the EIC opium monopoly.
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Bruner, Jason. "Inquiring into Empire: Princeton Seminary’s Society of Inquiry on Missions, the British Empire, and the Opium Trade, Ca. 1830‐1850." Mission Studies 27, no. 2 (2010): 194–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338310x536438.
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AbstractPrinceton Seminary was intimately involved in the North American foreign missions movement in the nineteenth century. One remarkable dimension of this involvement came through the student-led Society of Inquiry on Missions, which sought to gather information about the global state of the Christian mission enterprise. This paper examines the Society’s correspondence with Protestant missionaries in China regarding their attitudes to the British Empire in the years 1830‐1850. It argues that the theological notion of providence informed Princetonians’ perceptions of the world, which consequently dissociated the Christian missionary task with any particular nation or empire. An examination of the Society of Inquiry’s correspondence during the mid-nineteenth century reveals much about Protestant missionaries and their interactions with the opium trade and the results of the First Opium War (1839‐1842). Princetonians’ responses to the opium trade and the First Opium War led ultimately to a significant critique of western commercial influence in East Asia. In conclusion, this paper questions the extent to which commerce, empire, and Christian missions were inherently associated in nineteenth century American Protestant missionary activity.
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Sinn, Elizabeth. "Preparing Opium for America: Hong Kong and Cultural Consumption in the Chinese Diaspora." Journal of Chinese Overseas 1, no. 1 (2005): 16–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/179325405788639355.
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AbstractThis article studies how emigrants' consumption, conditioned by social values and taste transplanted from the home country, affected long distance trade. As tens of thousands of Chinese went to North America, Australia and New Zealand from the time of the Gold Rush, a market for Chinese consumption goods arose, with prepared opium being a leading commodity. Chinese, both at home and abroad, consumed opium by smoking and demanded opium to be boiled in a particular way. As brands prepared in Hong Kong were widely acknowledged as the best, the export trade in Hong Kong's opium to these high-end markets became extremely lucrative. Producers elsewhere resorted to different ploys to get a Hong Kong stamp on their products. The Hong Kong government manipulated different groups of Chinese merchants inside and outside Hong Kong to maximize its revenue from the opium farm, while rival merchant groups sometimes combined to trump the government. The situation not only offers a lesson for the study of state-business relations but also undermines the popular claim that the Hong Kong government practiced laissez-fairism. On another level, the study, by highlighting the consumption of one particular commodity, draws attention to the Chinese diaspora as transnational cultural space.
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Newman, R. K. "India and the Anglo-Chinese Opium Agreements, 1907–14." Modern Asian Studies 23, no. 3 (1989): 525–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00009537.
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The rise and significance of the opium trade from India to China are well understood by historians, but the trade's decline and disappearance have received very little attention. This article explores the motives which led Britain to agree to phase out its opium exports to China and the part which the government of India played in determining this policy.
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Stepanov, I. N. "THE OPIUM TRADE IN SAMUEL WARREN'S PERCEPTIONS." Bulletin of the Buryat Scientific Center of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, no. 1 (2022): 78–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.31554/2222-9175-2022-45-78-82.
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Friedman, Jonathan. "Generalized Exchange, Theocracy and the Opium Trade." Critique of Anthropology 7, no. 1 (1987): 15–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x8700700103.
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Bello, David. "The Venomous Course of Southwestern Opium: Qing Prohibition in Yunnan, Sichuan, and Guizhou in the Early Nineteenth Century." Journal of Asian Studies 62, no. 4 (2003): 1109–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3591761.
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The opium-smuggling trade that britain pursued on the eastern seacoast of China has become the symbol of China's century-long descent into political and social chaos. In the standard historical narratives of both China and Euro-America, opium is the primary medium through which the Qing dynasty (1644–1911) encountered the modern economic, social, and political institutions of the West. Consequently, opium and the Western powers' advent on the Chinese coast have become almost inextricably linked. Opium, however, was not simply a Sino-British problem geographically confined to southeastern China. It was, rather, a transimperial crisis that spread among an ethnically diverse populace and created regionally distinct problems of control for the Qing state.
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Hu-DeHart, Evelyn. "Opium and Social Control: Coolies on the Plantations of Peru and Cuba." Journal of Chinese Overseas 1, no. 2 (2005): 169–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/179325405788639210.
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AbstractThe place of opium in the history of the Chinese diaspora in Latin America and the Caribbean has received scant attention. This article is a preliminary attempt to look into this history, based on fragmentary evidence available. From 1847 to l874, as many as 225,000 Chinese indentured or contract laborers (coolies), almost all men, were sent to Cuba, still a Spanish colony, and newly independent Peru. Both the human trade itself, as well as work and life on the plantations, closely resembled slavery; indeed, the coolies in Cuba worked alongside African slaves. Opium was part of the coolie trade from its inception, distributed in the holding pens in South China ports, on the long, arduous voyages across the Pacific or Atlantic, as well as on the plantations. Cuban and Peruvian planters permitted, even encouraged, the sale, barter and consumption of opium by their coolies, in effect creating a mechanism of social control by alternately distributing and withholding this very addictive substance to desperate men. But this cynical use of opium might also have backfired on them, as sustained and massive ingestion lowered productivity, caused premature death (often by suicide), and resulted in high absenteeism.
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Gupta, Devyani. "‘Black Mail’: Networks of opium and postal exchange in nineteenth-century India." Literature & History 29, no. 1 (2020): 78–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306197320907446.
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This article discusses the overlap between British Indian networks of postal communication and trade, and smuggling of opium within a nineteenth-century inter-Asian context. These circulatory networks received support from the expansion of global shipping lines. The colonial state subsidised opium steamers of private shipping companies and converted them into mail packets, using them to transport illicit opium to parts of Southeast and East Asia. Domestically, inland postal routes came to be appropriated by local traders, cultivators and itinerants to smuggle excess opium, growing outside the purview of the colonial state, to various ports in western India, thereby cutting into the profits and prestige of the colonial state. Simultaneously, official complicity in opium smuggling also came to the fore, evident in the case of post offices situated in the eastern parts of the subcontinent, highlighting the inherent weaknesses within the colonial system of administration.
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Trocki, Carl. "A Drug on the Market: Opium and the Chinese in Southeast Asia, 1750–1880." Journal of Chinese Overseas 1, no. 2 (2005): 147–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/179325405788639238.
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AbstractThis article traces the early stages of Chinese migration to Southeast Asia and examines the relationship between the Chinese pioneers in the region and the opium trade of the British. The article stresses the importance of the “Water Frontier” settlements in the Gulf of Siam and the Malay Peninsula. It suggests that opium changed the relationship between Chinese merchant-capitalists and Chinese laborers in the region and acted as the basis for a longterm partnership between the merchants and the colonial powers with wealthy Chinese merchants acting as opium revenue farmers. In particular, it argues that the peranakan Chinese or locally-born Chinese, particularly those in Singapore and the other Straits Settlements, emerged as the key figures in the opium farming syndicates that grew up in Southeast Asia during the nineteenth century.
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WERTZ, DANIEL J. P. "Idealism, Imperialism, and Internationalism: Opium Politics in the Colonial Philippines, 1898–1925." Modern Asian Studies 47, no. 2 (2012): 467–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x12000388.
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AbstractWhile establishing a framework for colonial governance in the Philippines, American policymakers had to confront the issue of opium smoking, which was especially popular among the Philippine Chinese community. In 1903, the Philippine Commission proposed a return to the Spanish-era policy of controlling the opium trade through tax farming, igniting outrage among American Protestant missionaries in the Philippines and their supporters in the United States. Their actions revived a faltering global anti-opium movement, leading to a series of international agreements and domestic restrictions on opium and other drugs. Focusing mostly on American policy in the Philippines, this paper also examines the international ramifications of a changing drug control regime. It seeks to incorporate the debate over opium policy into broader narratives of imperial ideology, international cooperation, and local responses to colonial rule, demonstrating how a variety of actors shaped the new drug-control regimes both in the Philippines and internationally.
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Ibrahim, Julianto. "CANDU DAN MILITER KETERLIBATAN BADAN-BADAN PERJUANGAN DALAM PERDAGANGAN CANDU DI JAWA PADA MASA REVOLUSI." Jurnal Kawistara 6, no. 1 (2016): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/kawistara.15495.
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During revolution era, Indonesian government used and traded opium for struggle funds. This decisionwas based on the fact that the social, economic and financial was shattered due to Japanese occupation.Whereas the government should provide substantial funds to pay the war operations, employeesalaries and soldiers, buy weapons of war, and pay representatives abroad. This paper constitutesas the result of historical studies, that is why it uses historical method and methodologies. Historicalmethod constitutes as a historian guidelines to find historical documents. Historian is like “handyman”who collects historical sources such as archives and documents in “warehouses” archives and libraries.When written sources are considered as not enough, then those will be held interviews with historicalactors involved directly or indirectly to the problem under study. Historical method constitutes aworks of historian from processing facts, explanations to the reconstruction of the results under study.Methodology provides the framework of thinking as historian, that is why, it needs to pay attentionto the concepts and theories in preparing the events of the past. This study is based on the methodfrom Ernst Bernheim, that are heuristic, criticism, auffassung and darstellung. Indonesian governmentfully managed and controlled the opium trade and circulation in Java. The management was led bythe Vice President Office assisted by two ministries, namely the Ministry of Finance and Ministry ofDefence Quartermaster Section. Under those two ministries, there was the Mayor Administrative Officeof Opium and Salt in Surakarta which coordinated major offices in several cities, especially in Kediriand Yogyakarta. The Administrative Office of Opium and Salt in Kediri stored raw opium. Then, rawopium was sent to processing factory in Wonosari and Beji Klaten. The cooked opium was sent to TheAdministrative Office of Opium and Drug in Yogyakarta or The Mayor Administrative Office of Opiumand Salt in Surakarta. This office in Surakarta authorized to issue raw opium to the struggle agencies tobe sold to the territory of republic, occupied Netherlands area or smuggled abroad.
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ÇOLAK, Filiz. "On Opium Poppy Breeding and Trade in Anatolia." Journal of Turkish Studies Volume 7 Issue 4-I, no. 7 (2012): 1269–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.7827/turkishstudies.3938.
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ÇOLAK, Filiz. "ON OPIUM POPPY BREEDING AND TRADE IN ANATOLIA." Journal of Academic Social Science Studies Volume 6 Issue 1, no. 6 (2013): 513–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.9761/jasss_544.
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Ariastuti, Hilda. "Keterlibatan Amerika Serikat di Kawasan Golden Crescent: Analisis Geopolitik terhadap Kejahatan Transnasional." Jurnal Hubungan Internasional 13, no. 2 (2020): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v13i2.19512.
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This article analyzes the phenomenon of transnational organized crimein the Golden Crescent, one of the biggest producers of opium globally,and the United States’ involvement in the region. The author discussesthe production base for opium in the Golden Crescent by focusing onone country, namely Afghanistan. There are two main findings in thisstudy, namely the Golden Crescent region as a significant producer anddistributor of the global opium trade; and the business and politicalinterests that the United States brought in its invasion of Afghanistan. Oneof them is his interest in drug trafficking, which is considered to be highlyprofitable. This research concludes that the United States has politicaland economic advantage motives in its invasion of Afghanistan and itsinvolvement in the Golden Crescent.
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Siegel, Benjamin. "Beneficent destinations: Global pharmaceuticals and the consolidation of the modern Indian opium regime, 1907–2002." Indian Economic & Social History Review 57, no. 3 (2020): 327–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464620930886.
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This article traces the twentieth-century ‘afterlife’ of Indian opium, following the global trajectories of the commodity beyond the decades of prohibition, when its international trade was broadly viewed as being in terminal decline. The article demonstrates how opium from Malwa, Bengal and Bihar was brought into the ambit of Western pharmaceuticals during the two World Wars. In spite of the scepticism of temperance-minded nationalists, it foregrounds the crop’s regular integration into these commodity chains in the early decades of Indian independence and its ascent as the key raw material in the USA’s expanding painkiller market. Yet this putative success, this article suggests, was temporary, and Indian opium would fuel a burgeoning domestic narcotics crisis, before being felled, again, by pharmacological, botanical and geopolitical transformations at the century’s end. In offering a history of Indian opium which stretches beyond the traditional ending point offered by prohibition, this article locates opium within a broader connective history of Indian commodities, demonstrating how one particularly electric commodity was integrated within a widening purview of Western economic power, and American pharmaceutical hegemony in particular.
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MARKOVITS, CLAUDE. "The Political Economy of Opium Smuggling in Early Nineteenth Century India: Leakage or Resistance?" Modern Asian Studies 43, no. 1 (2009): 89–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x07003344.
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AbstractThis article looks at the political economy of opium smuggling in India in the first decades of the nineteenth century, in particular in relation to Sindh, one of the last independent polities in the subcontinent. After a description of the smuggling of ‘Malwa’ opium (grown in the princely states of Central India) into China—in defiance of the monopoly of the East India Company over ‘Bengal’ or ‘Patna’ opium, grown in Bihar—it considers the role of Indian merchants and capitalists in its emergence and development, and critiques the argument put forward in a recent book by Amar Farooqi that it represented both a form of ‘subversion’ and that it contributed decisively to capital accumulation in Western India. This article concludes by analysing the role of the opium trade in integrating Sindh into the British imperial trading system, arguing that it was more effective in boosting Empire than in nurturing indigenous capitalism in India.
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Sorokina, Tatyana. "Liquor and Opium." Inner Asia 16, no. 1 (2014): 139–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105018-12340007.
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This paper explores legal and illegal forms of trade along the China–Russia border in the Russian Far East in the early twentieth century as a case-study for understanding the relation between the state, regional economies and consumption desires.1 Mass consumption of illegally trafficked liquor and opium by frontier populations put China and Russia border officials into a difficult situation: Chinese authorities blamed the Russians for making opium-poppy planting possible on the Russian side; Russian officials in turn accused the Chinese authorities of provoking mass alcoholism and opium addiction among Russian settlers, which was viewed as a serious threat to Russia’s colonising project in the Far East. The article then shifts attention to the legal aspects of the ‘Liquor and Opium’ conflict resolution, not only on the local level but also involving central authorities. It also discusses the socio-economic context of such illegal forms of frontier economy and the symbiotic activity of border smugglers. Historical ethnography suggests that, despite the various prohibitions and official resolutions imposed, the authorities of both sides were aware of the fact that liquor and opium, which were objects of mass desire for Russians and Chinese respectively, had already made local border economies totally dependent on these products and interdependent on one another. Thus, paradoxically, strict adherence to the mutual official agreements would undermine local frontier economies.
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Rochmadani, Novi, and Irma Ayu Kartika Dewi. "TRADITION OF OPIUM USE IN BLORA DURING THE DUTCH INDIES GOVERNMENT." International Conference on Cultures & Languages (ICCL) 2, no. 1 (2024): 44–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.22515/iccl.v2i1.9581.
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Opium is a basic ingredient for making medicine from the sap of young opium fruit. In ancient times, it was widely consumed by people as a cultural mixture for drinking tea or coffee, cigarettes, and can also be used for medicinal purposes. In this research, the rearchers want to know how Opium first entered Blora, what was behind the development of Opium in Blora in 1870-1940, what was the tradition of using Opium in Blora in 1870-1940. The method used in this research is the historical research method. The methods used are heuristics, criticism, interpretation and historiography. Collecting related sources, researchers searched the Dinas Kearsipan Dan Perpustakaan Provinsi Jawa Tengah, Dinas Kearsipan Daerah Blora, and UNS Library. Verification step by comparing the contents of the sources to find the validity of the data and take a reliable source. Interpretation is the tradition of consuming Opium in the Blora community with the help of a socio-economic approach that is relevant to the research object. Historiography is writing resulting from research. The results of this research explain that since 1870, opium trading companies brought by ethnic Chinese via small fishing boats from the Jepara area have entered the Blora area via Kudus. The tradition of smoking opium was very popular among the people of Blora at the end of the 19th century because it contained an addictive substance which was able to relieve fatigue and was believed by people such as farmers, artists and labor heads to maintain their fitness. The people of Blora have a tradition of consuming low quality Opium by extracting it in the form of medicine, mixing it with kitchen spices, mixing it in cigarette tobacco, mixing it with flavorings in tea or coffee drinks. The working community believes that opium has many useful properties for reducing body aches, but in the long term it can be harmful to health. In 1930 the Dutch East Indies government strictly issued regulations ranging from trade to Opium consumption. The people of Blora often consume opium using the traditional Tike method, namely a low content of opium extract mixed with syrup and sugar solution with added Awar-Awar leaves or often brewed into coffee.
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Gao, Hao. "Understanding the Chinese: British Merchants on the China Trade in the Early 1830s." Britain and the World 12, no. 2 (2019): 151–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2019.0324.
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This article examines a significant debate on China and the Chinese market held within the British mercantile community in the early 1830s. Occurring in the years before the East India Company's monopoly over China trade was abolished in 1834, this debate has received much less attention than the Macartney embassy and the rise of the opium trade. This article shows that, in order to suit their own economic interests, supporters of the EIC and the ‘free traders’ presented rival images of China and the China trade to lead the governing authorities and the wider public to understand the country and its people in a way most favourable to themselves. Compared to the earlier European accounts of China, which examined different aspects of Chinese civilisation and were at least to some degree academic, this debate within the British mercantile community was clearly aimed at influencing the country's commercial policy in China. Although neither side was genuinely interested in discovering the ‘real’ China, this competition in image-building was crucial to Britain's relations with China in the era leading to the First Opium War.
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Goffman, Daniel. "JAN SCHMIDT, From Anatolia to Indonesia: Opium Trade and the Dutch Community of Izmir, 1820–1940 (Istanbul and Leiden: Nederlands Historisch–Archaeologisch Instituut, 1998). Pp. 222. $22.95 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 1 (2000): 172–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002191.
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Most of us associate the 19th-century commerce in opium with the Opium Wars that propelled China into humiliating economic subjugation to Western powers. Opium was probably second only to slavery as a shameful economic underpinning to European domination of much of Africa and Asia. Consequently, it is important that we understand not only where the poppy was grown, who purchased it, and where and why it was marketed, but also the values and ideologies that led to its suppression by the very polities that earlier had encouraged its cultivation and habitual use.
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Malleck, Daniel. "The India-China Opium Trade in the Nineteenth Century." History: Reviews of New Books 28, no. 2 (2000): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2000.10525427.
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MEYER, MAISIE. "Baghdadi Jewish Merchants in Shanghai and the Opium Trade." Jewish Culture and History 2, no. 1 (1999): 58–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1462169x.1999.10511922.
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Johnson, Kendall A. "Extraterritorial Publication and American Missionary Authority about the ‘Opium War’: Contesting the Eloquence and Reciprocity of John Quincy Adams’s ‘Lecture on the War with China’." Literature & History 29, no. 1 (2020): 37–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306197320907452.
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The US missionaries Elijah Bridgman and Samuel Wells Williams leveraged authority from extraterritorial printing in South China to rebut the oratorical eloquence of ex-President John Quincy Adams on the First Opium War. They did this by editing Adams’s ‘Lecture on the War with China’ (1841) for The Chinese Repository that they published monthly from Guangzhou, Macao, and Hong Kong. Adams presents the British as righteous Christians defending ‘free trade’ from pagan China. The missionaries’ editorial strategies challenged Adams on points of fact to signal disagreement with him over the moral implications of opium smuggling and China’s status under international law.